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Volumn 26, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 411-428

Intergenerational justice and curtailments on the discretionary powers of governments

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EID: 12344309524     PISSN: 01634275     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5840/enviroethics20042646     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (16)

References (58)
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    • Generally attributed to various North American indigenous oral traditions.
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    • Cambridge: Harvard University Press, in which he refers to "choice-sensitive" and "choice-insensitive" issues
    • Ronald Dworkin, A Matter of Principle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), p. 2. See aslo Dworkin's Sovereign Virtue (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 184-210, in which he refers to "choice- sensitive" and "choice-insensitive" issues.
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    • correctly points out that "Justice between generations . . . seems to be a very difficult concept for Western political thought." This much is certainly clear: governments cannot be responsible for policy effects on all possible future people.
    • It is often presumed that conservation or sustainability policies are for the benefit of future generations. Strictly speaking, however, the purpose of Western government is to promote the public's best interests, which in turn is usually interpreted as the aggregate preferences of a government's extant electorate. So on the surface it might seem that governments have the mandate to legislate policies that will benefit future generations only to the extent that such policies are part of the current public's preference profile (i.e., to the extent that the current public, in the aggregate, wants such policies). But are governments directly responsible for the potential effects of their policies on future generations? Kenneth Peter ("Jefferson and the Independence of Generations," Environmental Ethics 24 [2002]: 373) correctly points out that "Justice between generations . . . seems to be a very difficult concept for Western political thought." This much is certainly clear: governments cannot be responsible for policy effects on all possible future people. Attempts to render a determination of such effects soon encounter either (a) the "repopulation paradox" (see for example, Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984], pp. 351-417), or (b) utilitarian calculations which quickly degrade into reductio ad absurdum arguments. In the former case it has been argued that major environmental policies can affect who comes into existence in the future. Those who do come into existence as an indirect result of such policies have no basis for complaint even if the policies appear to be "bad" polices because otherwise they would not have come into existence. For a discussion of the futility of utilitarianism as a means for determining intergenerational justice, see Paul M. Wood, Biodiversity and Democracy: Rethinking Society and Nature (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000), pp. 85-106. It is also clear that we (individually, collectively, or by way of government policies) do not have any obligation to bring new people into existence (Richard Sikora, "Is it Wrong to Prevent the Existence of Future Generations?" in Richard Sikora and Brian Barry, eds., Obligations to Future Generations [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978], pp. 112-66). A major purpose of the present article is to argue that governments have obligations to those who will inevitably come into existence anyway, at least to the extent that our actions and policies will affect them.
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    • It is often presumed that conservation or sustainability policies are for the benefit of future generations. Strictly speaking, however, the purpose of Western government is to promote the public's best interests, which in turn is usually interpreted as the aggregate preferences of a government's extant electorate. So on the surface it might seem that governments have the mandate to legislate policies that will benefit future generations only to the extent that such policies are part of the current public's preference profile (i.e., to the extent that the current public, in the aggregate, wants such policies). But are governments directly responsible for the potential effects of their policies on future generations? Kenneth Peter ("Jefferson and the Independence of Generations," Environmental Ethics 24 [2002]: 373) correctly points out that "Justice between generations . . . seems to be a very difficult concept for Western political thought." This much is certainly clear: governments cannot be responsible for policy effects on all possible future people. Attempts to render a determination of such effects soon encounter either (a) the "repopulation paradox" (see for example, Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984], pp. 351-417), or (b) utilitarian calculations which quickly degrade into reductio ad absurdum arguments. In the former case it has been argued that major environmental policies can affect who comes into existence in the future. Those who do come into existence as an indirect result of such policies have no basis for complaint even if the policies appear to be "bad" polices because otherwise they would not have come into existence. For a discussion of the futility of utilitarianism as a means for determining intergenerational justice, see Paul M. Wood, Biodiversity and Democracy: Rethinking Society and Nature (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000), pp. 85-106. It is also clear that we (individually, collectively, or by way of government policies) do not have any obligation to bring new people into existence (Richard Sikora, "Is it Wrong to Prevent the Existence of Future Generations?" in Richard Sikora and Brian Barry, eds., Obligations to Future Generations [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978], pp. 112-66). A major purpose of the present article is to argue that governments have obligations to those who will inevitably come into existence anyway, at least to the extent that our actions and policies will affect them.
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    • It is often presumed that conservation or sustainability policies are for the benefit of future generations. Strictly speaking, however, the purpose of Western government is to promote the public's best interests, which in turn is usually interpreted as the aggregate preferences of a government's extant electorate. So on the surface it might seem that governments have the mandate to legislate policies that will benefit future generations only to the extent that such policies are part of the current public's preference profile (i.e., to the extent that the current public, in the aggregate, wants such policies). But are governments directly responsible for the potential effects of their policies on future generations? Kenneth Peter ("Jefferson and the Independence of Generations," Environmental Ethics 24 [2002]: 373) correctly points out that "Justice between generations . . . seems to be a very difficult concept for Western political thought." This much is certainly clear: governments cannot be responsible for policy effects on all possible future people. Attempts to render a determination of such effects soon encounter either (a) the "repopulation paradox" (see for example, Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984], pp. 351-417), or (b) utilitarian calculations which quickly degrade into reductio ad absurdum arguments. In the former case it has been argued that major environmental policies can affect who comes into existence in the future. Those who do come into existence as an indirect result of such policies have no basis for complaint even if the policies appear to be "bad" polices because otherwise they would not have come into existence. For a discussion of the futility of utilitarianism as a means for determining intergenerational justice, see Paul M. Wood, Biodiversity and Democracy: Rethinking Society and Nature (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000), pp. 85-106. It is also clear that we (individually, collectively, or by way of government policies) do not have any obligation to bring new people into existence (Richard Sikora, "Is it Wrong to Prevent the Existence of Future Generations?" in Richard Sikora and Brian Barry, eds., Obligations to Future Generations [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978], pp. 112-66). A major purpose of the present article is to argue that governments have obligations to those who will inevitably come into existence anyway, at least to the extent that our actions and policies will affect them.
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    • It could be argued, for example, that future generations would prefer those of us in the present generation to lead lives of bare subsistence precisely in order to conserve resources for those who will be born later. But of course, even more remote generations would want the same of their immediately preceding ancestors. Ultimately, utilitarianism could lead to the conclusion that any currently existing generation should lead lives of bare subsistence and should implement draconian population control policies, none of which is likely to be taken seriously by any generation.
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    • Although the term tyranny of the majority usually refers to discriminatory acts of a majority against a minority, it can also refer to a minority with power over the majority. If it has sufficient power, a minority can discriminate against a majority as in the case of South Africa's former apartheid regime. The central issue is the unjust wielding of power, not numbers of persons per se. This is relevant to the issue discussed here because future generations at any one time in the future could easily outnumber those of us in the present generation, but we hold the power to discriminate against them.
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    • Of course, the concept of ecosystem types is dependent on a means of classifying ecosystems into distinguishable types. There are many ecoclassification systems in operation globally.
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    • note
    • The complete wording of Section 35(1) of Canada's Constitution Act, 1982, is as follows: "The existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada are hereby recognized and affirmed." In a series of court cases subsequent to 1982, judges have been attempting to articulate the exact meaning of Section 35(1), especially the specific content and scope of the rights at stake. It is an ongoing process.
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