Persian nationalism and the campaign for language purification

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 9-36

  Kia, Mehrdad ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 11744336644     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263209808701220     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton University Press, 1993), p.6.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Not all modernizing intellectuals adopted the same approach. There were Iranian westernizers such as Mirza Malkam Khan and nationalist intellectuals such as Mirza Yousef Khan Mostashar od-Dowle who believed that the dominance of Shiite Islam could be undermined by presenting modern ideas under the guise of Islam and reaching a tactical alliance with the Shiite ulama. They found themselves too weak and the Shiite ulama too powerful to be challenged and replaced. It is not surprising, therefore, that they both argued expediently that modern ideas were not only compatible with Islam, but they were Islamic in origin. In other words, adopting modern ideas and institutions was simply a return to the original teachings of Islam.
6. Ibid., p.7.
7. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
8. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
9. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
10. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
11. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
12. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
13. The fifty-fifth or the fifty-eighth son of Fath Ali shah (1797-1834), the second Qajar monarch, Jalal od-Din Mirza was born in 1826-27. His mother, Homa Khanom, was the daughter of Jamshid Khan, the chief of the Kurdish Jahan Biglu tribe. Homa Khanom was unique among the many wives of Fath Ali shah for insisting on the right to wear European dress in the royal harem. His mother's fascination with European customs and ideas influenced the young prince. In 1851 he began to attend Dar ul-Funun, the modern college established by the chief minister, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (1848-51), in order to provide the sons of the Iranian ruling class with a modern European education. Jalal od-Din Mirza's first experience as a student of Dar ul-Funun was, however, short lived. A year after he started his education at the school, the fourth Qajar monarch, Naser od-Din shah (1848-96) appointed him deputy governor of Lurestan. Jalal od-din Mirza's tenure as governor of Lurestan was short, for the shah dismissed him from his post for unknown reasons shortly after he arrived in the province. Back in Tehran, Jalal od-Din Mirza returned to Dar ul-Funun where he studied French and established a close friendship with the European instructors teaching at the college. According to one of his brothers, the close friendship with the European instructors as well as contacts with the small European community in Tehran left a profound impact on Jalal od-Din Mirza, who 'abandoned Islam and refused to study the Quran and the Hadith'. It was also at the Dar ul-Funun that Jalal od-Din Mirza met the Armenian born Mirza Malkam Khan, who had returned from a ten-year stay in France where he had studied modern sciences as well as political science. Through his friendship with Malkam, Jalal od-Din Mirza became interested in freemasonry. When Malkam created a pseudo freemasonry lodge called 'Faramushkhaneh', or the 'House of Forgetfulness', in 1858, the meetings of the lodge were held at Jalal od-Din Mirza's house at the Udlajan/Masjed-e Howz quarter of Tehran. In 1860, Naser od-Din Shah, who had become alarmed by the activities of Faramushkhaneh, issued an imperial decree, closing down the lodge and banishing Malkam and his father, Mirza Yaqub, from Iran. Despite the banishment of Malkam and his father, Jalal od-din Mirza continued to organize secret meetings with the members of Faramushkhaneh. In 1864, the chief minister, Mirza Mohammad Khan Qajar, who had become once again alarmed by Jalal od-Din Mirza's activities and atheistic beliefs, tried to detain the prince. The prince, however, fled his home before the arrival of government agents and sought refuge at the shrine of Shah Abdol Azim in southern Tehran. Since he was a member of the royal family, court dignitaries interceded on his behalf and secured a pardon from the shah. For Jalal od-Din Mirza's life, see Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz (Tehran, 1951), pp.411-13 and pp.432-434. See also Azud od-Dowle Soltan Ahmad Mirza in Abdol Hossein Navai (ed.), Tarikh-e Azudi (Tehran, 1977), pp.209-11. Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Majma ul-Fusaha, Vol.1, p.35. Also see Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikh-e Rozat us-Safa-ye Naseri, Vol.10, p. 102. Sayyed Ahmad Divan Beygi Shirazi, Hadiqat ush-Shoara, Vol. 1, pp.370-2. Mirza Taher Sheari, Ganj-e Shaygan, p.74. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Rejal-e Iran (Tehran, 1979), 7 vols, Vol.1, pp.254-5, Vol.6, pp.69-71.
14. Jalal od-Din Mirza, Name-ye Khosrawan, 3 vols. (Tehran, 1871). It is important to note that Jalal od-Din Mirza was not the first nineteenth-century Iranian writer to attempt a total and complete purification of Persian from Arabic words. During the reign of Mohammad shah (1834-48), a group of Iranian poets and writers had tried to create a simplified form of Persian free from Arabic loan words. Poets such as the anti-Islamic and anti-clerical poet, Yaghma (1782-1859) tried to write in a simplified Persian free from borrowed Arabic words. Continuing this tradition and receiving advice and support from the poet Emam Qoli Khan Zand (known by his pen name, Ghayrat), Jalal od-Din Mirza began to write Name-ye Khosrawan (The Book of Kings) in pure Persian ('Farsi-ye Sare') and completed three sections of the book before his death at the age of 47 in 1871.
15. Dasatir was published for the first time in India by Molla Firuz a member of the Parsi community. For a more extensive discussion of Dasatir see Malek ush-Shoara Bahar, 'Sabkshenasi'. See also, Ebrahim Pourdavoud, 'Farhang-e Iran-e Bastan', and Isa Sadiq, 'Yadgar-e Omr: Khaterati az Sargozasht-e Doktor Isa Sadiq'.
16. Dasatir was published for the first time in India by Molla Firuz a member of the Parsi community. For a more extensive discussion of Dasatir see Malek ush-Shoara Bahar, 'Sabkshenasi'. See also, Ebrahim Pourdavoud, 'Farhang-e Iran-e Bastan', and Isa Sadiq, 'Yadgar-e Omr: Khaterati az Sargozasht-e Doktor Isa Sadiq'.
17. Dasatir was published for the first time in India by Molla Firuz a member of the Parsi community. For a more extensive discussion of Dasatir see Malek ush-Shoara Bahar, 'Sabkshenasi'. See also, Ebrahim Pourdavoud, 'Farhang-e Iran-e Bastan', and Isa Sadiq, 'Yadgar-e Omr: Khaterati az Sargozasht-e Doktor Isa Sadiq'.
18. It is interesting to note that some of Azar Keyvan's fabricated words such as 'timsar' were adopted in Persian and are still in use.
19. See Jalal od-Din Mirza's letter to Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade in, Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade (edited by Hamid Mohammadzade and Hamid Arasli) Alefba-ye Jadid va Maktoubat (Baku, 1963), p.373.
20. Ibid., p.373.
21. Ibid., pp.171-3.
22. Ibid. p. 172.
23. Ibid. p. 172.
24. For Akhundzade's views on pre-Islamic Iran, see Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade, Maktoubat-e Kamal od-Dowle (Tehran, n.d.).
25. Kermani wrote: 'O, Iran, where have all the kings who adorned you with justice, equity, and munificence, who decorated you with pomp and splendour gone? From that date when the barbarian, savage, coarse Bedouin Arabs sold your king's daughter in the street and cattle market, you have not seen a bright day, and have lain in darkness ... A handful of naked, barefoot, hungry, savage Arabs have come and, for 1285 years, have plunged you into such misery and darkness.' Se Maktoub, pp.10-11. See also, Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani (Tehran, 1979), pp.283-284. Mangol Bayat-Philip, 'Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani: A Nineteenth-Century Persian Nationalist', in Elie Kedourie and Sylvia G. Haim (eds.), in Towards A Modern Iran (London: Frank Cass, 1980), p.81.
26. Kermani wrote: 'O, Iran, where have all the kings who adorned you with justice, equity, and munificence, who decorated you with pomp and splendour gone? From that date when the barbarian, savage, coarse Bedouin Arabs sold your king's daughter in the street and cattle market, you have not seen a bright day, and have lain in darkness ... A handful of naked, barefoot, hungry, savage Arabs have come and, for 1285 years, have plunged you into such misery and darkness.' Se Maktoub, pp.10-11. See also, Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani (Tehran, 1979), pp.283-284. Mangol Bayat-Philip, 'Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani: A Nineteenth-Century Persian Nationalist', in Elie Kedourie and Sylvia G. Haim (eds.), in Towards A Modern Iran (London: Frank Cass, 1980), p.81.
27. Kermani wrote: 'O, Iran, where have all the kings who adorned you with justice, equity, and munificence, who decorated you with pomp and splendour gone? From that date when the barbarian, savage, coarse Bedouin Arabs sold your king's daughter in the street and cattle market, you have not seen a bright day, and have lain in darkness ... A handful of naked, barefoot, hungry, savage Arabs have come and, for 1285 years, have plunged you into such misery and darkness.' Se Maktoub, pp.10-11. See also, Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani (Tehran, 1979), pp.283-284. Mangol Bayat-Philip, 'Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani: A Nineteenth-Century Persian Nationalist', in Elie Kedourie and Sylvia G. Haim (eds.), in Towards A Modern Iran (London: Frank Cass, 1980), p.81.
28. Ibid., p. 164. Ibid., p.76. Ibid., p.277.
29. Ibid., p. 164. Ibid., p.76. Ibid., p.277.
30. Ibid., p. 164. Ibid., p.76. Ibid., p.277.
31. Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, Ai'ine-ye Sekandari, pp.576-7. See also Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, p.235. Manakji was a Parsi (i.e. Zoroastrian) who had migrated from India to Iran in order to explore the possibility of reviving Zoroastrianism in Iran. He established a close friendship with Jalal od-Din Mirza and through the Qajar prince he was introduced to Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade with whom he maintained a correspondence. See Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade, Alefba-ye Jadid va Maktoubat, pp. 220-4, 249-51, 336-9, 387-8, 395-7, 402-7, 423-4, 429-31, 432-5.
32. Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, Ai'ine-ye Sekandari, pp.576-7. See also Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, p.235. Manakji was a Parsi (i.e. Zoroastrian) who had migrated from India to Iran in order to explore the possibility of reviving Zoroastrianism in Iran. He established a close friendship with Jalal od-Din Mirza and through the Qajar prince he was introduced to Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade with whom he maintained a correspondence. See Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade, Alefba-ye Jadid va Maktoubat, pp. 220-4, 249-51, 336-9, 387-8, 395-7, 402-7, 423-4, 429-31, 432-5.
33. Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, Ai'ine-ye Sekandari, pp.576-7. See also Freydoun Adamiyyat, Andisheha-ye Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, p.235. Manakji was a Parsi (i.e. Zoroastrian) who had migrated from India to Iran in order to explore the possibility of reviving Zoroastrianism in Iran. He established a close friendship with Jalal od-Din Mirza and through the Qajar prince he was introduced to Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade with whom he maintained a correspondence. See Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade, Alefba-ye Jadid va Maktoubat, pp. 220-4, 249-51, 336-9, 387-8, 395-7, 402-7, 423-4, 429-31, 432-5.
34. Ibid., pp. 576-7.
35. Talebof represents a different brand of Persian nationalism which was extremely critical of the shiite ulama and their intervention in the political sphere. It did not, however, believe that Islam as a religion had to be destroyed before progress became possible for Iran. This brand of Persian nationalism was based on an amalgam of political democracy, respect for Islamic practices as well as Iran's pre-Islamic culture and history.
36. Abdol Rahim Talebof, Masalek ul-Mohsenin, pp.232-5.
37. Ibid. p.234.
38. Ibid. pp.234-5.
39. See, M.A. Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (Leiden, 1986), p. 1095.
40. See Farrokh Khan Amin od-Dowle, Majmua-ye Asnad va Madarek-e Farrokh Khan Amin od-Dowle, 1833-1857, 2 vols, edited by Karim Esfahanian and Qodratollah Roshani (Za'afaranlu) (Tehran, 1979), Vol.1, pp.434-7.
41. Mohammad Hasan Khan E'atemad us-Saltane, Tatbiq-e Loqat-e Joghrafia-ye Qadim va Jadid-e Iran, edited by Mir Hashem Mohhades (Tehran, 1985), p. 18.
42. H. Kamshad, Modern Persian Prose Literature (Cambridge University Press, 1966), p.35.
43. Mirza Jahangir Khan did not believe that there was any other alternative but, to use the non-Persian (i.e. European) constitutional words in everyday Persian. See Mirza Jahangir Khan Sur-e Esrafil, Sur-e Esrafil, No.14 (Sept. 1907). It is important to note that with the establishment of a constitutional system of government the Persian language emerged as the official language of the Iranian state. According to article 4 of the electoral law of 9 Sept. 1906, those elected to the Iranian parliament had to possess the ability to speak Persian, read and write Persian, and be Iranian subjects of 'Iranian extraction'. Article 19 of the supplementary fundamental laws of 7 Oct. 1907 added that compulsory instruction in Persian had to be regulated by the ministry of sciences and arts. In the two decades following the triumph of the constitutional revolution, the call for the preservation of the Persian language became increasingly popular among Iranian writers, poets and artists. Patriotic poets such as Aref-e Qazvini and Mirzade Eshqi popularized the love for the Persian language and such Persian poets as Ferdowsi, the author of the epic poem Shahnameh, in their works. Believing in the nationalist instrumentality of language, both poets used colloquial Persian in their poems. Thus, traditional Persian which was mixed with numerous Arabic words was by-passed because it evoked Arab influence and traditional Islamic culture whereas the colloquial emphasized an Iranian national identity reflecting the genuine culture of popular classes. In an operetta entitled Rastakhiz-e Shahriyaran-e Iran (Resurrection of the Kings of Iran), Eshqi celebrated the ancient rulers of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian prophet Zoroaster (i.e. Zardosht). Aref, who was also a musician and singer, went one step further. In his concerts, attended by thousands, he called on the people of Azerbaijan to abandon Azerbaijani Turkish, which he called a shameful reminder of the Turkic and Mongol domination, and replace it with the beautiful and sweet Persian. Despite these nationalistic and chauvinistic expressions, however, there were no serious attempts at initiating a state-sponsored campaign to purify the Persian language or to destroy the numerous non-Persian languages and dialects which were spoken in various parts of the country. See Mirzade Eshqi, Kolliyat-e Mosavvar-e Eshqi, edited by Ali Akbar Moshir Salimi (Tehran, 1960). See also Aref Qazvini, Kolliyyat-e Divan, edited by Abdol Rahman Seyf-e Azad (Tehran, 1969).
44. Mirza Jahangir Khan did not believe that there was any other alternative but, to use the non-Persian (i.e. European) constitutional words in everyday Persian. See Mirza Jahangir Khan Sur-e Esrafil, Sur-e Esrafil, No.14 (Sept. 1907). It is important to note that with the establishment of a constitutional system of government the Persian language emerged as the official language of the Iranian state. According to article 4 of the electoral law of 9 Sept. 1906, those elected to the Iranian parliament had to possess the ability to speak Persian, read and write Persian, and be Iranian subjects of 'Iranian extraction'. Article 19 of the supplementary fundamental laws of 7 Oct. 1907 added that compulsory instruction in Persian had to be regulated by the ministry of sciences and arts. In the two decades following the triumph of the constitutional revolution, the call for the preservation of the Persian language became increasingly popular among Iranian writers, poets and artists. Patriotic poets such as Aref-e Qazvini and Mirzade Eshqi popularized the love for the Persian language and such Persian poets as Ferdowsi, the author of the epic poem Shahnameh, in their works. Believing in the nationalist instrumentality of language, both poets used colloquial Persian in their poems. Thus, traditional Persian which was mixed with numerous Arabic words was by-passed because it evoked Arab influence and traditional Islamic culture whereas the colloquial emphasized an Iranian national identity reflecting the genuine culture of popular classes. In an operetta entitled Rastakhiz-e Shahriyaran-e Iran (Resurrection of the Kings of Iran), Eshqi celebrated the ancient rulers of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian prophet Zoroaster (i.e. Zardosht). Aref, who was also a musician and singer, went one step further. In his concerts, attended by thousands, he called on the people of Azerbaijan to abandon Azerbaijani Turkish, which he called a shameful reminder of the Turkic and Mongol domination, and replace it with the beautiful and sweet Persian. Despite these nationalistic and chauvinistic expressions, however, there were no serious attempts at initiating a state-sponsored campaign to purify the Persian language or to destroy the numerous non-Persian languages and dialects which were spoken in various parts of the country. See Mirzade Eshqi, Kolliyat-e Mosavvar-e Eshqi, edited by Ali Akbar Moshir Salimi (Tehran, 1960). See also Aref Qazvini, Kolliyyat-e Divan, edited by Abdol Rahman Seyf-e Azad (Tehran, 1969).
45. Mirza Jahangir Khan did not believe that there was any other alternative but, to use the non-Persian (i.e. European) constitutional words in everyday Persian. See Mirza Jahangir Khan Sur-e Esrafil, Sur-e Esrafil, No.14 (Sept. 1907). It is important to note that with the establishment of a constitutional system of government the Persian language emerged as the official language of the Iranian state. According to article 4 of the electoral law of 9 Sept. 1906, those elected to the Iranian parliament had to possess the ability to speak Persian, read and write Persian, and be Iranian subjects of 'Iranian extraction'. Article 19 of the supplementary fundamental laws of 7 Oct. 1907 added that compulsory instruction in Persian had to be regulated by the ministry of sciences and arts. In the two decades following the triumph of the constitutional revolution, the call for the preservation of the Persian language became increasingly popular among Iranian writers, poets and artists. Patriotic poets such as Aref-e Qazvini and Mirzade Eshqi popularized the love for the Persian language and such Persian poets as Ferdowsi, the author of the epic poem Shahnameh, in their works. Believing in the nationalist instrumentality of language, both poets used colloquial Persian in their poems. Thus, traditional Persian which was mixed with numerous Arabic words was by-passed because it evoked Arab influence and traditional Islamic culture whereas the colloquial emphasized an Iranian national identity reflecting the genuine culture of popular classes. In an operetta entitled Rastakhiz-e Shahriyaran-e Iran (Resurrection of the Kings of Iran), Eshqi celebrated the ancient rulers of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian prophet Zoroaster (i.e. Zardosht). Aref, who was also a musician and singer, went one step further. In his concerts, attended by thousands, he called on the people of Azerbaijan to abandon Azerbaijani Turkish, which he called a shameful reminder of the Turkic and Mongol domination, and replace it with the beautiful and sweet Persian. Despite these nationalistic and chauvinistic expressions, however, there were no serious attempts at initiating a state-sponsored campaign to purify the Persian language or to destroy the numerous non-Persian languages and dialects which were spoken in various parts of the country. See Mirzade Eshqi, Kolliyat-e Mosavvar-e Eshqi, edited by Ali Akbar Moshir Salimi (Tehran, 1960). See also Aref Qazvini, Kolliyyat-e Divan, edited by Abdol Rahman Seyf-e Azad (Tehran, 1969).
46. The enthusiasm for the Bolsheviks intensified further when Lenin and Trotsky stated in a letter addressed to the Iranian people that the new Soviet government had denounced all the claims made on the Iranian territory by the Tsarist regime.
47. According to the agreement, Great Britain promised to loan 2,000,000 pounds to Iran while at the same time helping the Iranian government construct railroads, revise tariffs, and collect war compensation from third parties. In return, Iran agreed to grant Great Britain a total monopoly over supplying of arms, military training and administrative advisers. See Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton University Press, 1983), p.114. See also J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East (Princeton, 1956), pp.64-6.
48. According to the agreement, Great Britain promised to loan 2,000,000 pounds to Iran while at the same time helping the Iranian government construct railroads, revise tariffs, and collect war compensation from third parties. In return, Iran agreed to grant Great Britain a total monopoly over supplying of arms, military training and administrative advisers. See Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton University Press, 1983), p.114. See also J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East (Princeton, 1956), pp.64-6.
49. Ibid., p. 156.
50. While studying for his doctorate in chemistry in Germany, Arani wrote two articles on Iran. The first article, entitled 'The Great Heroes of Iran', named the ancient Iranian prophet Zoroaster, the scientist Ibn Sina, the poets Khayyam and Ferdowsi, and the kings Darius and Cyrus as the great men of the Iranian history. The second article, 'Azerbaijan: A Deadly and Vital Problem for Iran', called for the complete destruction of Azerbaijani Turkish, a language which according to Arani had been imposed by Mongol invaders on Azerbaijan's 'Aryan' population: 'All patriotic Iranians, especially the officials in the Ministry of Education, must do their very best to replace Turkish with Persian. We must send Persian journals, Persian newspapers, Persian textbooks, and Persian teachers to Azerbaijan-that ancient homeland of Zoroaster and of the Aryans.' Ibid., p. 157.
51. See Mohammad Qazvini, Bist Maqale-ye Qazvini (Tehran, 1985), 2 vols, Vol.1, pp.84-134.
52. The army officers were General Jalayer (Sardar Medhat), General Ghaffari (Sardar Moqtader), Colonel Reza Sheybani, Colonel Karim, Colonel Hajj Mohammad Razmara and Colonel Ali Qovanlu. The civilians were the constitutionalist preacher Mirza Yahya Dowlatabadi, who was one of the founders of modern school system in Iran, the writer and journalist Gholam Hossein Rahnama, the Kurdish writer and poet Rashid Yassemi, and Isa Sadiq, who became one of the founding members of the second academy, 'The Language Academy of Iran', during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah (1941-79). See Issa Sadiq, 'Yadgar-e Omr: Khaterati az Sargozasht-e Doktor Isa Sadiq', 2 vols. (Tehran, 1976), Vol.2, p.238. Also, see Freydoun Badrei, 'Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran', The Language Academy of Iran Publications, No.16 (1977), pp.9-10.
53. The army officers were General Jalayer (Sardar Medhat), General Ghaffari (Sardar Moqtader), Colonel Reza Sheybani, Colonel Karim, Colonel Hajj Mohammad Razmara and Colonel Ali Qovanlu. The civilians were the constitutionalist preacher Mirza Yahya Dowlatabadi, who was one of the founders of modern school system in Iran, the writer and journalist Gholam Hossein Rahnama, the Kurdish writer and poet Rashid Yassemi, and Isa Sadiq, who became one of the founding members of the second academy, 'The Language Academy of Iran', during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah (1941-79). See Issa Sadiq, 'Yadgar-e Omr: Khaterati az Sargozasht-e Doktor Isa Sadiq', 2 vols. (Tehran, 1976), Vol.2, p.238. Also, see Freydoun Badrei, 'Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran', The Language Academy of Iran Publications, No.16 (1977), pp.9-10.
54. Ibid., p.238. Also ibid. p.9.
55. Ibid., p.238. Also ibid. p.9.
56. Ibid. pp. 11-12. The army officer who was responsible for the creation of the committee was Ali Qovanlu. The five civilians were Abdolazim Qarib, Rashid Yassemi, Lavai, Qahremani, and Zabih Behruz who became one of the founding members of the Language Academy of Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah in 1970. Despite the formation of the Academy of Iran in 1935, this committee continued its separate existence until the end of Reza Shah's reign in 1941. However, after the formation of the Academy of Iran, all the new words produced by this committee were sent to the academy for approval. After the academy ratified the new words the list was sent to Reza Shah for final approval.
57. Freydoun Badrei, 'Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran', pp.12-13.
58. The professors who acted as the supervisors of this student society were Dr Rezazade Shafaq, Dr Mahmoud Hessabi, Dr Bijhan, Hossein Golgolab and Dr Mohammad Baqer Houshyar. See Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr, p.238. Also see Freydoun Badrei, 'Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran', p.14.
59. The professors who acted as the supervisors of this student society were Dr Rezazade Shafaq, Dr Mahmoud Hessabi, Dr Bijhan, Hossein Golgolab and Dr Mohammad Baqer Houshyar. See Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr, p.238. Also see Freydoun Badrei, 'Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran', p.14.
60. Ibid, pp.238-9. Ibid, pp.15-16.
61. Ibid, pp.238-9. Ibid, pp.15-16.
62. C.E. Bosworth, 'Language Reform and Nationalism in Modern Turkey', The Muslim World, LV (1965), pp.58-65 and pp.117-24. See also J. M. Landau, 'Madjma'Ilmi, Turkey', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (Leiden, 1986), p. 1099. For a comparative study on the Turkish and the Iranian academies see John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 17 (1985), pp.295-311.
63. C.E. Bosworth, 'Language Reform and Nationalism in Modern Turkey', The Muslim World, LV (1965), pp.58-65 and pp.117-24. See also J. M. Landau, 'Madjma'Ilmi, Turkey', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (Leiden, 1986), p. 1099. For a comparative study on the Turkish and the Iranian academies see John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 17 (1985), pp.295-311.
64. C.E. Bosworth, 'Language Reform and Nationalism in Modern Turkey', The Muslim World, LV (1965), pp.58-65 and pp.117-24. See also J. M. Landau, 'Madjma'Ilmi, Turkey', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (Leiden, 1986), p. 1099. For a comparative study on the Turkish and the Iranian academies see John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 17 (1985), pp.295-311.
65. Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr, pp.233-4.
66. Despite its popularity, copies of Shahnameh were expensive and could only be found among elite families. In 1935, however, half of Shahnameh was published by Abbas Eqbal and Mojtaba Minovi. A year later, the remaining half was published by Said Nafisi and Soleiman Haim. On the other hand, prime minister Foroughi also published one volume of Shahnameh which contained a selection of twenty thousand lines from the epic poetry. See Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr, pp.233-4.
67. Ibid., pp.236-7. See also Donald N. Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran (New York: Exposition Press, 1975), pp.162-3.
68. Ibid., pp.236-7. See also Donald N. Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran (New York: Exposition Press, 1975), pp.162-3.
69. Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran, pp. 16-17. See also Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz, pp.482-3 and p.526.
70. Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbare-ye Farhangestan-e Iran, pp. 16-17. See also Ali Asghar Hekmat, Parsi-ye Naghz, pp.482-3 and p.526.
71. Ibid., p. 16.
72. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
73. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
74. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
75. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
76. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
77. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
78. Ibid. pp. 16-17. On Farhangestan-e Iran see Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr. See also Hossein Golgolab and Sadeq Kia, Farhangestan-e Iran va Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran (Tehran: The Language Academy of Iran's Publications, 1977). Freydoun Badrei, Gozareshi Darbareye Farhangestan-e Iran. Farhangestan-e Iran, Vajheha-ye Now ke ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1941). R. Lescot, 'La Reforme du Vocabulaire en Iran', Revue des études Islamiques (1939), Cahier I, pp.75-96. John R. Perry, 'Language Reform in Turkey and Iran', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.17 (1985), pp.295-311. Mohammad Ali Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V (1986), pp. 1094-9.
79. The full members of the first academy were: Mohammad Ali Foroughi, Hasan Vosuq (Vosuq od-Dowle), Hasan Esfandiyari (Mohtasham us-Saltane), Hossein Sami'i (Adib us-Saltane), Ali Asghar Hekmat, Ali Parto A'azam, General Ahmad Nakhjavan, Hajj Sayyed Nasrollah Taqavi, Abol Hasan Foroughi, Gholam Hossein Rahnama, Valiollah Nasr, Malek ush-Shoara Bahar, Badi uz-Zaman Foruzanfar, Rezazade Shafaq, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, Mahmoud Hessabi, Sayyed Mohammad Kazim Assar, Abdolazim Qarib, Said Nafisi, Hossein Golgolab, Sayyed Mohammad Fatemi, Rashid Yassemi, General Gholam Hossein Moqtader, Isa Sadiq. Later, as membership of the academy changed, some full members were removed and replaced by new individuals. Those who joined the academy later were Qassem Ghani (in 1936), Ahmad Ashtari, Mostafa AdI (Mansour us-Saltane), Ali Akbar Siyasi, Jamal od-Din Akhavi, Ebrahim Pourdavoud, Hasan Ali Mostashar (Mostashar ul-Molk), Matin Daftari and, Abbas Eqbal (in 1937), Amir A'alam, Mohammad Hejazi (Moti od-Dowle), Mohammad Qazvini (in 1938-9), Sayyed Mohammad Taddayon and Masoud Keyhan (in 1940-1) and, Jalal od-Din Homai, Gholam Ali Ra'adi and, Ahmad Bahmanyar in 1941-2. See Isa Sadiq, Yadgar-e Omr, pp.242-9.
80. The number of full members increased later from 24 to 41. It is important to note that not all associate members were foreign scholars. For example, the well-known Iranian writer Mohammad Ali Jamalzade, who lived in Europe, was also selected as an associate member.
81. The opponents of the academy and language purification included some of Reza Shah's top government officials such as the former prime minister Mokhber us-Saltane and Sayyed Hasan Taqizade. For Mokhber us-Saltane's criticism of the academy and the idea of language purification see Mokhber us-Saltane Hedayat, Khaterat va Khatarat (Tehran, 1983), p.411.
82. The supporters of language purification argued that underlying the opposition to purification was the fact that in Iranian society even a limited knowledge of Arabic or the use of a few Arabic words in daily conversation were regarded as a sign of knowledge, culture and status. If the language were simplified and purified then the traditional language of the elite would disappear; they could no longer flaunt their elite upbringing by using difficult and incomprehensible Arabic words.
83. The most ardent supporter of purified Persian was the newspaper lran-e Boston, which was published by Abdol Rahman Seyf-e Azad.
84. Donald N. Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran, p. 169.
85. Foroughi's speech was published under the title of 'Khatabe-ye Aqa-ye Rais ul-Vozara dar Daneshkade-ye Ma'aqul', in the journal Armagha, Vol.16, No.7 (1935), pp.503-12.
86. Mohammad Ali Foroughi, Peyam-e Man be Farhangestan (Tehran, 1937).
87. Ibid., pp.4-5.
88. Ibid. p. 10.
89. Foroughi maintained that Persian had become weak in the first three centuries of Islamic rule because Iranian writers, scholars and scientists had used Arabic as the language of government and science, while Persian remained the language of people in the street. Only after the emergence of Iranian dynasties such as the Samanids was Persian reinstituted as the language of politics and science. Indeed, the written Persian of the Samanid and the Ghaznavid periods was a beautiful language with a very limited number of Arabic words. Beginning with the Saljuq period and especially during the reign of the Mongols and the II Khanids, however, the simple and beautiful Persian was abandoned in favor of a new and artificial language, which was overwhelmed by Arabic words and terminologies. Persian words which could easily be used were replaced by highly ornamented Arabic words which few Iranians knew or understood.
90. Mohammad Ali Foroughi, Peyam-e Man be Farhangestan, pp.40-1. It is interesting to note that Foroughi rejected the idea of manufacturing new Persian words by using pre-Islamic roots, an idea which was suggested by the ardent supporters of language purification.
91. Donald Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi, p.169.
92. Ibid., p.169.
93. Ibid.
94. Vosuq od-Dowle was the prime minister responsible for signing the famous 1919 Anglo-Persian agreement which caused the eruption of anti-British and nationalistic feelings in Iran. He, therefore, had a reputation for being an anglophile and an ardent supporter of a close alliance between Iran and Great Britain.
95. Vosuq od-Dowle, 'Farhangestan-e Iran', Armaghan, Vol.18, No.5, p.356.
96. Ibid., p.356.
97. Ibid., p.360.
98. See, Farhangestan-e Iran, Arayesh va Pirayesh-e Zaban (Tehran, 1940), pp.8-16.
99. For Taqizade's views see Sayyed Hasan Taqizade', Lozum-e Hefz-e Farsi-ye Fasih', Yadgar, No.4 (Tehran, 1948).
100. For Abbas Eqbal's views, see his articles, 'Farsi-ye Sakhtegi' and 'Defa'a az Zaban-e Farsi', in Abbas Eqbal Ashtiyani, 'Majmua-ye Maqalat', edited by Mohammad Dabirsiyaqi (Tehran, 1972), pp.388-403 and pp.779-87.
101. For Kasravi's unique approach to the reform of Persian language, see Ahmad Kasravi, Zaban-e Pak (Tehran, 1943). See also Ahmad Kasravi, 'Zaban-e Farsi va Rah-e Rasa va Tavana Gardidan-e An', edited by Yahya Zoka (Tehran, 1955). Hossein Yazdanian (ed.), Neveshteha-ye Kasravi dar Zamine-ye Zaban-e Farsi (Tehran, 1978). M. A. Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V.
102. For Kasravi's unique approach to the reform of Persian language, see Ahmad Kasravi, Zaban-e Pak (Tehran, 1943). See also Ahmad Kasravi, 'Zaban-e Farsi va Rah-e Rasa va Tavana Gardidan-e An', edited by Yahya Zoka (Tehran, 1955). Hossein Yazdanian (ed.), Neveshteha-ye Kasravi dar Zamine-ye Zaban-e Farsi (Tehran, 1978). M. A. Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V.
103. For Kasravi's unique approach to the reform of Persian language, see Ahmad Kasravi, Zaban-e Pak (Tehran, 1943). See also Ahmad Kasravi, 'Zaban-e Farsi va Rah-e Rasa va Tavana Gardidan-e An', edited by Yahya Zoka (Tehran, 1955). Hossein Yazdanian (ed.), Neveshteha-ye Kasravi dar Zamine-ye Zaban-e Farsi (Tehran, 1978). M. A. Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V.
104. For Kasravi's unique approach to the reform of Persian language, see Ahmad Kasravi, Zaban-e Pak (Tehran, 1943). See also Ahmad Kasravi, 'Zaban-e Farsi va Rah-e Rasa va Tavana Gardidan-e An', edited by Yahya Zoka (Tehran, 1955). Hossein Yazdanian (ed.), Neveshteha-ye Kasravi dar Zamine-ye Zaban-e Farsi (Tehran, 1978). M. A. Jazayeri, 'Madjma' Ilmi', The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.V.
105. For example, Qarajedagh was changed to Arasbaran, Soltanabad to Arak, Salehabad to Andimeshk and, Mohammareh to Khorramshahr. As for rivers, Qizil Ozan was changed to Sefidrud and Qara Ayni to Sia Cheshmeh. See, Farhangestan-e Zaban-e Iran, Vajhehay-e No Ke Ta Payan-e Sal-e 1319 dar Farhangestan-e Iran Pazirofte Shode Ast (Tehran, 1976).
106. For example, Dallai, Dallali, and Mofasa.
107. On rare occasions, the first academy did create new words by using pre-Islamic words. For example, the new words 'shahrban' (The Chief of Police) and 'shahrbani' (The Police Department) were borrowed from the pre-Islamic word 'khashacapavan' or 'xsacapavan' (Greek, Satrap). See Roland G. Kent, Old Persian: Grammar, Texts, Lexicon' (New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1950), p.181.
108. For example, 'doktor', 'football', 'qarantineh', etc.
109. For example, 'sar konsul' for General Consul, 'konsoulyar' for Vice Consul and 'mikrobshenas' for microbiologist.
110. Donald Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi, p.235.
111. Ibid.
112. Ibid.