Sharif Husayn ibn Ali and the hashemite vision of the post-Ottoman order: From chieftaincy to suzerainty

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 103-122

  Teitelbaum, Joshua ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 11744291393     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263209808701212     Document Type: Article

References (93)

1. C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Revolt in Arabia (New York: Putnam, 1917), pp.34-5.
2. Richard Mortel, 'Zaydi Shi'ism and the Hasanid Sharifs of Mecca', IJMES 9 (1978), pp.461-2. The other two historians were Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), and Jamal al-Din Abu al-Mahasin Yusuf ibn Taghribirdi (d. 1470). Al-Fasi's singling out of Abu Numayy was most probably due to his reigning during the time of the destruction of the 'Abbasid Caliphate by the Mongols in 1258; Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century (Leyden: Brill, 1931), pp. 183-4, also notes that the Sharifs of Mecca were at one time Zaydi Shiis.
3. Richard Mortel, 'Zaydi Shi'ism and the Hasanid Sharifs of Mecca', IJMES 9 (1978), pp.461-2. The other two historians were Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), and Jamal al-Din Abu al-Mahasin Yusuf ibn Taghribirdi (d. 1470). Al-Fasi's singling out of Abu Numayy was most probably due to his reigning during the time of the destruction of the 'Abbasid Caliphate by the Mongols in 1258; Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century (Leyden: Brill, 1931), pp. 183-4, also notes that the Sharifs of Mecca were at one time Zaydi Shiis.
4. FO 78/1389, J.H. Skene (Aleppo) to Earl of Malmesbury, No.33, 7 Aug. 1858, enclosing copy Skene to Charles Alison, No.20, 31 July 1858.
5. FO 78/1514, 12 Dec. 1860, cited in G.P. Gooch and Harold Temperley (eds.), British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898-1914, Vol X, Part II, The Last Years of Peace (London: HMSO, 1938), p.824. The editors note that there 'is no real evidence of Arab support for the idea'.
6. Martin Kramer, Islam Assembled (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), pp.10-22. Sabunji was a former Syrian Catholic priest turned journalist from Diyarbekir who settled for several years in England; Birdwood was an Indian civil servant; Blunt was a Victorian poet and politician; Zohrab was British consul, Jeddah, from October 1878 to July 1881.
7. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East (Boulder: Westview, 1987), pp.52-4.
8. Sylvia G. Haim, 'Blunt and al-Kawakibi', OM 35 (1955), p.136, n.2.
9. Quoted in Sylvia G. Haim, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), p.28.
10. It has been shown that Kawakabi borrowed his ideas from Blunt (Haim, 'Blunt and al-Kawakibi'); Elie Kedourie, Arabic Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp. 107-14; Eliezer Tauber, The Emergence of the Arab Movement (London: Frank Cass, 1993), p.31.
11. It has been shown that Kawakabi borrowed his ideas from Blunt (Haim, 'Blunt and al-Kawakibi'); Elie Kedourie, Arabic Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp. 107-14; Eliezer Tauber, The Emergence of the Arab Movement (London: Frank Cass, 1993), p.31.
12. Eliezer Tauber, 'Three Approaches, One Idea: Religion and State in the Thought of 'Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, Najib 'Azuri and Rashid Rida,' British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 21 (1994), pp. 190-8.
13. Tauber, 'Three Approaches'; Eliezer Tauber, 'Rashid Rida's Political Attitudes During World War 1', MW 85 (1995), pp. 107-21; Tauber, Emergence, pp.109-17.
14. Tauber, 'Three Approaches'; Eliezer Tauber, 'Rashid Rida's Political Attitudes During World War 1', MW 85 (1995), pp. 107-21; Tauber, Emergence, pp.109-17.
15. While the idea was the subject of discussion, it is not my intention to suggest that it was widely accepted; the popularity of the notion among wide circles of people would be quite difficult to assess given the nature of our sources.
16. Quoted in Kramer, Islam Assembled, p.20. Given al-Afghani's poor reputation for telling the truth, one should take his statement with a grain of salt, although it is not unlikely.
17. FO 195/1251, Zohrab (Jeddah) to Marquis of Salisbury, No.34, 6 Aug. 1879 (quoted); FO 78/3314, Zohrab (Jeddah), 8 Feb. 1881, quoted in Kramer, op. cit., p.15.
18. Quoted in Jeremy Wilson, Lawrence of Arabia: The Authorized Biography ofT.E. Lawrence (New York: Anthenum, 1989), p.946.
19. Haim,'Blunt and al-Kawakibi'.
20. See C. Ernest Dawn, From Ottomanism to Arabism (Urbana:University of Illinois Press, 1973), pp.69-86.
21. Yisrael Gershoni, 'Ha-Lem Ha'Aravi, Beyt Hashim ve-Suriya ha-Gedola bi-Khtavav shel 'Abdallah, Helek Rishon', Hamizrah Hehadash 25 (1975), pp.1-26.
22. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.48-54; the Kitchener quote is on p.52. The quote on Kitchener's long held favouring of an Arab Caliphate is taken from Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East, 1914-1920 (London: Athlone, 1969), p.18; on Kitchener and the Caliphate see Sir George Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener (New York: Macmillan, 1920), Vol.3, pp.53-4. Kedourie and Dawn have debated Husayn's Caliphate aspirations in the pages of IJMES (9 [1978], pp. 120-30; 10 [1979], pp.420-6). Kedourie argues that Husayn was primarily interested in the Caliphate after the Kitchener message. Dawn says that the Caliphate 'was of interest to Husayn primarily as an instrument in his efforts with the British to gain kingship for himself and as much territory as possible for himself and the Arabs' (p.423). But Dawn does not deny that Husayn was interested in the Caliphate, only that it was a primary motivating factor. For this article's purposes, that he was interested in the Caliphate at all shows just how grand his ambitions were.
23. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.48-54; the Kitchener quote is on p.52. The quote on Kitchener's long held favouring of an Arab Caliphate is taken from Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East, 1914-1920 (London: Athlone, 1969), p.18; on Kitchener and the Caliphate see Sir George Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener (New York: Macmillan, 1920), Vol.3, pp.53-4. Kedourie and Dawn have debated Husayn's Caliphate aspirations in the pages of IJMES (9 [1978], pp. 120-30; 10 [1979], pp.420-6). Kedourie argues that Husayn was primarily interested in the Caliphate after the Kitchener message. Dawn says that the Caliphate 'was of interest to Husayn primarily as an instrument in his efforts with the British to gain kingship for himself and as much territory as possible for himself and the Arabs' (p.423). But Dawn does not deny that Husayn was interested in the Caliphate, only that it was a primary motivating factor. For this article's purposes, that he was interested in the Caliphate at all shows just how grand his ambitions were.
24. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.48-54; the Kitchener quote is on p.52. The quote on Kitchener's long held favouring of an Arab Caliphate is taken from Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East, 1914-1920 (London: Athlone, 1969), p.18; on Kitchener and the Caliphate see Sir George Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener (New York: Macmillan, 1920), Vol.3, pp.53-4. Kedourie and Dawn have debated Husayn's Caliphate aspirations in the pages of IJMES (9 [1978], pp. 120-30; 10 [1979], pp.420-6). Kedourie argues that Husayn was primarily interested in the Caliphate after the Kitchener message. Dawn says that the Caliphate 'was of interest to Husayn primarily as an instrument in his efforts with the British to gain kingship for himself and as much territory as possible for himself and the Arabs' (p.423). But Dawn does not deny that Husayn was interested in the Caliphate, only that it was a primary motivating factor. For this article's purposes, that he was interested in the Caliphate at all shows just how grand his ambitions were.
25. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.48-54; the Kitchener quote is on p.52. The quote on Kitchener's long held favouring of an Arab Caliphate is taken from Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East, 1914-1920 (London: Athlone, 1969), p.18; on Kitchener and the Caliphate see Sir George Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener (New York: Macmillan, 1920), Vol.3, pp.53-4. Kedourie and Dawn have debated Husayn's Caliphate aspirations in the pages of IJMES (9 [1978], pp. 120-30; 10 [1979], pp.420-6). Kedourie argues that Husayn was primarily interested in the Caliphate after the Kitchener message. Dawn says that the Caliphate 'was of interest to Husayn primarily as an instrument in his efforts with the British to gain kingship for himself and as much territory as possible for himself and the Arabs' (p.423). But Dawn does not deny that Husayn was interested in the Caliphate, only that it was a primary motivating factor. For this article's purposes, that he was interested in the Caliphate at all shows just how grand his ambitions were.
26. Elie Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.48-54; the Kitchener quote is on p.52. The quote on Kitchener's long held favouring of an Arab Caliphate is taken from Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East, 1914-1920 (London: Athlone, 1969), p.18; on Kitchener and the Caliphate see Sir George Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener (New York: Macmillan, 1920), Vol.3, pp.53-4. Kedourie and Dawn have debated Husayn's Caliphate aspirations in the pages of IJMES (9 [1978], pp. 120-30; 10 [1979], pp.420-6). Kedourie argues that Husayn was primarily interested in the Caliphate after the Kitchener message. Dawn says that the Caliphate 'was of interest to Husayn primarily as an instrument in his efforts with the British to gain kingship for himself and as much territory as possible for himself and the Arabs' (p.423). But Dawn does not deny that Husayn was interested in the Caliphate, only that it was a primary motivating factor. For this article's purposes, that he was interested in the Caliphate at all shows just how grand his ambitions were.
27. L/P&S/18/B22, 'Shorthand Note taken by Messenger [Ali Asghar] of a discourse by the Sherif of Mecca', undated [first week of Dec. 1914]. This paper is also in WP, 134/8/114-116, where it is dated 9 Dec. 1914.
28. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, p.52; George Antonius, The Arab Awakening (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1939), p.414 (letter of 14 July 1915).
29. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, p.52; George Antonius, The Arab Awakening (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1939), p.414 (letter of 14 July 1915).
30. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.52-4; Thomas Arnold, The Caliphate (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1965) pp.146-7, 170-71, 189-200. Kedourie has also shown the influence of Abbas Hilmi, Storrs, Wingate, and Clayton in lobbying for a Sharifian Caliphate, although most of this effort came after the initial Kitchener communications; see Elie Kedourie, In the Anglo-Arab Labyrinth: The McMahon-Husayn Correspondence and its Interpretations 1914-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp.7-64. Wingate was particularly active, writing to several movers and shakers in London in the spring and summer of 1915 and enclosing a memorandum from the Grand Qadi of the Sudan, Sir Sayyid 'Ali al-Mirghani, who also favoured a Sharifian Caliphate. In a letter dated 17 Nov. 1915 Mirghani wrote the Sharif, presumably with Wingate's authority, urging him to 'rise and take over the reins of the holy Arabian Koreishite Khaliphate, which you represent, being a direct descendant of our Holy Prophet' (Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, pp.42-3).
31. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.52-4; Thomas Arnold, The Caliphate (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1965) pp.146-7, 170-71, 189-200. Kedourie has also shown the influence of Abbas Hilmi, Storrs, Wingate, and Clayton in lobbying for a Sharifian Caliphate, although most of this effort came after the initial Kitchener communications; see Elie Kedourie, In the Anglo-Arab Labyrinth: The McMahon-Husayn Correspondence and its Interpretations 1914-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp.7-64. Wingate was particularly active, writing to several movers and shakers in London in the spring and summer of 1915 and enclosing a memorandum from the Grand Qadi of the Sudan, Sir Sayyid 'Ali al-Mirghani, who also favoured a Sharifian Caliphate. In a letter dated 17 Nov. 1915 Mirghani wrote the Sharif, presumably with Wingate's authority, urging him to 'rise and take over the reins of the holy Arabian Koreishite Khaliphate, which you represent, being a direct descendant of our Holy Prophet' (Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, pp.42-3).
32. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.52-4; Thomas Arnold, The Caliphate (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1965) pp.146-7, 170-71, 189-200. Kedourie has also shown the influence of Abbas Hilmi, Storrs, Wingate, and Clayton in lobbying for a Sharifian Caliphate, although most of this effort came after the initial Kitchener communications; see Elie Kedourie, In the Anglo-Arab Labyrinth: The McMahon-Husayn Correspondence and its Interpretations 1914-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp.7-64. Wingate was particularly active, writing to several movers and shakers in London in the spring and summer of 1915 and enclosing a memorandum from the Grand Qadi of the Sudan, Sir Sayyid 'Ali al-Mirghani, who also favoured a Sharifian Caliphate. In a letter dated 17 Nov. 1915 Mirghani wrote the Sharif, presumably with Wingate's authority, urging him to 'rise and take over the reins of the holy Arabian Koreishite Khaliphate, which you represent, being a direct descendant of our Holy Prophet' (Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, pp.42-3).
33. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, pp.52-4; Thomas Arnold, The Caliphate (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1965) pp.146-7, 170-71, 189-200. Kedourie has also shown the influence of Abbas Hilmi, Storrs, Wingate, and Clayton in lobbying for a Sharifian Caliphate, although most of this effort came after the initial Kitchener communications; see Elie Kedourie, In the Anglo-Arab Labyrinth: The McMahon-Husayn Correspondence and its Interpretations 1914-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp.7-64. Wingate was particularly active, writing to several movers and shakers in London in the spring and summer of 1915 and enclosing a memorandum from the Grand Qadi of the Sudan, Sir Sayyid 'Ali al-Mirghani, who also favoured a Sharifian Caliphate. In a letter dated 17 Nov. 1915 Mirghani wrote the Sharif, presumably with Wingate's authority, urging him to 'rise and take over the reins of the holy Arabian Koreishite Khaliphate, which you represent, being a direct descendant of our Holy Prophet' (Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, pp.42-3).
34. Indeed, Husayn's newspaper al-Qiblah was later to take issue with the notion of a separation between the spiritual and temporal function of the Caliph; Islam, wrote al-Qiblah, does not recognize a spiritual Caliphate akin to the Papacy (al-Qiblah, 21 Shawwal 1335 [9 Aug. 1917]).
35. The letter's authenticity is disputed in Anis Sayigh, Al-Hashimiyyun wa-al Thawrah al-'Arabiyyah al-Kubra (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'ah, 1966), pp.22-4, but Dawn, From Ottomanism to Arabism, p.11, believes the letter to be authentic. The text of the letter is in Sulayman Musa, al-Haraka al-'Arabiyyah (Beirut: al-Nahar, 1982), p.57.
36. The letter's authenticity is disputed in Anis Sayigh, Al-Hashimiyyun wa-al Thawrah al-'Arabiyyah al-Kubra (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'ah, 1966), pp.22-4, but Dawn, From Ottomanism to Arabism, p.11, believes the letter to be authentic. The text of the letter is in Sulayman Musa, al-Haraka al-'Arabiyyah (Beirut: al-Nahar, 1982), p.57.
37. The letter's authenticity is disputed in Anis Sayigh, Al-Hashimiyyun wa-al Thawrah al-'Arabiyyah al-Kubra (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'ah, 1966), pp.22-4, but Dawn, From Ottomanism to Arabism, p.11, believes the letter to be authentic. The text of the letter is in Sulayman Musa, al-Haraka al-'Arabiyyah (Beirut: al-Nahar, 1982), p.57.
38. Tauber, Emergence, pp.49-50.
39. Eliezer Tauber, The Arab Movements in World War I (London and Portland: Frank Cass, 1993), pp.57-82.
40. F0 371/2767/30674, McMahon to Grey, No.26, 7 Feb. 1916, enclosing Hussein to Sayyid Ali El Morghani, 28 Dec. 1915, cited in Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, pp.122-3.
41. FO 371/2767/45855, McMahon to FO, No. 42, 29 Feb. 1916, enclosing note on the verbal messages from 'Abdallah, and FO 141/461/1198/48, Memorandum of R. Storrs, 11 March 1916, both cited and discussed in Kedourie, Anglo-Arab, p.123.
42. 2).
43. 2).
44. 2).
45. FO 371/3054/228069, Wingate to FO, No. 1286, 29 Nov. 1917.
46. FO 686/14, Cornwallis to Clayton, 9 Dec. 1917; Arab Bulletin, No. 76, 13 Jan. 1918.
47. FO 883/13, Director, Arab Bureau, to High Commissioner, 3 Jan. 1918.
48. Jeffery Rudd, 'Abdullah bin al-Husayn: The Making of an Arab Political Leader', unpublished PhD dissertation, SOAS, 1993, p. 146.
49. FO 371/3383/25577, D[avid] G[eorge] H[ogarth], 'REPORT ON MISSION TO JEDDAH,' 15 January 1918, and Hussein to High Commissioner, 31 Dec. 1917, both enclosed in Wingate to Balfour, No. 15, 27 Jan. 1918; Rudd (note 33), pp.146-7.
50. AB, No. 77, 27 Jan. 1918.
51. Daniel Silverfarb, 'The British Government and the Khurmah Dispute, 1918-1919', Arabian Studies 5 (1979), pp.37-60. For more on the British view of Husayn as primus inter pares, see AB, No.77 27 Jan. 1918. It should not be forgotten that these officials developed the suzerainty idea also as a way to protect Husayn from Ibn Saud.
52. Daniel Silverfarb, 'The British Government and the Khurmah Dispute, 1918-1919', Arabian Studies 5 (1979), pp.37-60. For more on the British view of Husayn as primus inter pares, see AB, No.77 27 Jan. 1918. It should not be forgotten that these officials developed the suzerainty idea also as a way to protect Husayn from Ibn Saud.
53. FO 371/3407/70822, ACCOUNT OF A MEETING HELD AT THE RESIDENCY AT 6 p.m. ON MARCH 23rd 1918.
54. FO 882/3, Clayton to Wilson, 6 May 1918, cited in Ronald Colman, 'Revolt in Arabia, 1916-1919: Conflict and Coalition in a Tribal Political System,' unpublished PhD dissertation, Columbia, 1976, p.252.
55. Colman, pp.252-8.
56. FO 686/38, NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS WITH KING HUSSEIN ON 31st MAY, 1st AND 2nd JUNE, enclosed in Wilson to Wingate, 5 June 1918.
57. FO 686/38, NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS WITH KING HUSSEIN ON 31st MAY, 1st AND 2nd JUNE, enclosed in Wilson to Wingate, 5 June 1918. It is perhaps ironic that just a few month later, the AB serialized a translation of Alfonso Nallino's 'Appunti sulla natura del 'Califfato' in genere e sul persunto "Califfato Ottomano"', where Nallino attacks just such European misconceptions of the Caliphate. See AB, No.101, 27 Aug.; No. 102, 3 Sept.; and No. 104, 24 Sept. 1918.
58. FO 882/12, Fuad el-Khatib to Col. Wilson, 20 April 1917. This love, as far as it existed, was not to last for long.
59. FO 686/9, Wilson, 19 July 1918, INTERVIEW WITH KING HUSSEIN AT BRITISH AGENCY, JEDDAH on 18th July, 1918. On Husayn's unusual use of the term Jazirat al-'Arab, see below.
60. FO 686/40, Husayn to Wilson, 21 Nov. 1918, enclosures No.1 and No.2 in Wilson to Wingate, 24 Nov. 1918.
61. Joseph Kostiner, The Making of Saudi Arabia, 1916-1936: From Chieftaincy to Monarchical Slate (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp.3-4. See also Ernest Gellner, Muslim Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp.1-99.
62. Joseph Kostiner, The Making of Saudi Arabia, 1916-1936: From Chieftaincy to Monarchical Slate (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp.3-4. See also Ernest Gellner, Muslim Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp.1-99.
63. Kostiner, The Making, p.4.
64. See also Ronald Cohen, 'Introduction', in Ronald Cohen and Elman Service (eds.), Origins of the State (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1978), pp.1-17; Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, 'Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,' in Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp.1-24; Gellner, Muslim Society. Both Gellner and Kostiner are beholden in much of their analysis to Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), Vol.2.
65. See also Ronald Cohen, 'Introduction', in Ronald Cohen and Elman Service (eds.), Origins of the State (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1978), pp.1-17; Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, 'Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,' in Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp.1-24; Gellner, Muslim Society. Both Gellner and Kostiner are beholden in much of their analysis to Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), Vol.2.
66. See also Ronald Cohen, 'Introduction', in Ronald Cohen and Elman Service (eds.), Origins of the State (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1978), pp.1-17; Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, 'Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,' in Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp.1-24; Gellner, Muslim Society. Both Gellner and Kostiner are beholden in much of their analysis to Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), Vol.2.
67. See also Ronald Cohen, 'Introduction', in Ronald Cohen and Elman Service (eds.), Origins of the State (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1978), pp.1-17; Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, 'Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,' in Philip Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp.1-24; Gellner, Muslim Society. Both Gellner and Kostiner are beholden in much of their analysis to Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), Vol.2.
68. See Colman, p.297.
69. Muhammad ibn al-Mukarram ibn Manzur, Lisan al-'Arab,Vol. 1, (first edition, Cairo, 1883-1890, edition used is published by Dar al-Ma'arif, n.p., n.d.) pp.613-14. Among the Indian Khilafatists, the term seems to have been first used in January 1920, in a petition drawn up by Muhammad Ali for presentation to the viceroy. They stressed that the Caliph had to maintain his temporal authority over the 'jazirat al-arab ... which includes all Arab lands' (Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India [New York: Columbia University Press, 1982] p.86). In a later period, there were two newspapers called Jazirat al-'Arab and al-Jazirah al-'Arabiyyah. The former was a weekly published in Amman in 1927, while the latter was a daily and then a weekly which moved from Damascus to Amman in 1939, and appeared until the mid-1950s (Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History [New York: Oxford University Press, 1995], p.102); they did not deal solely with affairs in the Arabian Peninsula.
70. Muhammad ibn al-Mukarram ibn Manzur, Lisan al-'Arab,Vol. 1, (first edition, Cairo, 1883-1890, edition used is published by Dar al-Ma'arif, n.p., n.d.) pp.613-14. Among the Indian Khilafatists, the term seems to have been first used in January 1920, in a petition drawn up by Muhammad Ali for presentation to the viceroy. They stressed that the Caliph had to maintain his temporal authority over the 'jazirat al-arab ... which includes all Arab lands' (Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India [New York: Columbia University Press, 1982] p.86). In a later period, there were two newspapers called Jazirat al-'Arab and al-Jazirah al-'Arabiyyah. The former was a weekly published in Amman in 1927, while the latter was a daily and then a weekly which moved from Damascus to Amman in 1939, and appeared until the mid-1950s (Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History [New York: Oxford University Press, 1995], p.102); they did not deal solely with affairs in the Arabian Peninsula.
71. Muhammad ibn al-Mukarram ibn Manzur, Lisan al-'Arab,Vol. 1, (first edition, Cairo, 1883-1890, edition used is published by Dar al-Ma'arif, n.p., n.d.) pp.613-14. Among the Indian Khilafatists, the term seems to have been first used in January 1920, in a petition drawn up by Muhammad Ali for presentation to the viceroy. They stressed that the Caliph had to maintain his temporal authority over the 'jazirat al-arab ... which includes all Arab lands' (Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India [New York: Columbia University Press, 1982] p.86). In a later period, there were two newspapers called Jazirat al-'Arab and al-Jazirah al-'Arabiyyah. The former was a weekly published in Amman in 1927, while the latter was a daily and then a weekly which moved from Damascus to Amman in 1939, and appeared until the mid-1950s (Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History [New York: Oxford University Press, 1995], p.102); they did not deal solely with affairs in the Arabian Peninsula.
72. Muhammad ibn al-Mukarram ibn Manzur, Lisan al-'Arab,Vol. 1, (first edition, Cairo, 1883-1890, edition used is published by Dar al-Ma'arif, n.p., n.d.) pp.613-14. Among the Indian Khilafatists, the term seems to have been first used in January 1920, in a petition drawn up by Muhammad Ali for presentation to the viceroy. They stressed that the Caliph had to maintain his temporal authority over the 'jazirat al-arab ... which includes all Arab lands' (Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India [New York: Columbia University Press, 1982] p.86). In a later period, there were two newspapers called Jazirat al-'Arab and al-Jazirah al-'Arabiyyah. The former was a weekly published in Amman in 1927, while the latter was a daily and then a weekly which moved from Damascus to Amman in 1939, and appeared until the mid-1950s (Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History [New York: Oxford University Press, 1995], p.102); they did not deal solely with affairs in the Arabian Peninsula.
73. Al-Manar, 28 June 1919, p.203; Tauber, Emergence, pp.114-15.
74. Al-Manar, 28 June 1919, p.203; Tauber, Emergence, pp.114-15.
75. FO 371/5187/E 3996, clipping from The Times, undated, but datelined Cairo, 28 April 1920.
76. Al-Qiblah, No. 695, 14 June 1923.
77. On the 'Conference of Arabia' see the following: MAE, Le Caire (Ambassade), carton No. 131, informer (signature illegible) to Henri Gaillard (Cairo), in English, 27 Oct. 1923; Al-Qiblah, No.708, 5 Aug.1923; No.737, 10 Nov. 1923; FO 686/28, JEDDAH REPORT, 28 Sept. to 31 Oct. 1923; OM 2 (1922), pp.291-2; OM 3 (1923), pp.447-51.
78. On the 'Conference of Arabia' see the following: MAE, Le Caire (Ambassade), carton No. 131, informer (signature illegible) to Henri Gaillard (Cairo), in English, 27 Oct. 1923; Al-Qiblah, No.708, 5 Aug.1923; No.737, 10 Nov. 1923; FO 686/28, JEDDAH REPORT, 28 Sept. to 31 Oct. 1923; OM 2 (1922), pp.291-2; OM 3 (1923), pp.447-51.
79. On the 'Conference of Arabia' see the following: MAE, Le Caire (Ambassade), carton No. 131, informer (signature illegible) to Henri Gaillard (Cairo), in English, 27 Oct. 1923; Al-Qiblah, No.708, 5 Aug.1923; No.737, 10 Nov. 1923; FO 686/28, JEDDAH REPORT, 28 Sept. to 31 Oct. 1923; OM 2 (1922), pp.291-2; OM 3 (1923), pp.447-51.
80. On the 'Conference of Arabia' see the following: MAE, Le Caire (Ambassade), carton No. 131, informer (signature illegible) to Henri Gaillard (Cairo), in English, 27 Oct. 1923; Al-Qiblah, No.708, 5 Aug.1923; No.737, 10 Nov. 1923; FO 686/28, JEDDAH REPORT, 28 Sept. to 31 Oct. 1923; OM 2 (1922), pp.291-2; OM 3 (1923), pp.447-51.
81. See also Kramer, Islam Assembled, p.82.
82. Al-Qiblah, No. 757, 24 Jan. 1924. See also al-Qiblah, No.443, 23 Dec. 1920, which notes that Husayn's Revolt was not the 'al-nahda al-Hijaziyyah', but rather the 'al-nahda al-'Arabiyyah'; its goal was to join the Arabs in 'an independent Arab community in Arabia' (jam 'iyah 'Arabiyyah mustaqillah fi al-Jazirah). It is clear from the article that Syria and Iraq - 'whose borders are well known'- are included in the 'Jazirah.' 55. FO 371/10217/E 2187, High Commissioner for Palestine to Secretary of State for the Colonies, No.86, 7 March 1924.
83. Al-Qiblah, No. 757, 24 Jan. 1924. See also al-Qiblah, No.443, 23 Dec. 1920, which notes that Husayn's Revolt was not the 'al-nahda al-Hijaziyyah', but rather the 'al-nahda al-'Arabiyyah'; its goal was to join the Arabs in 'an independent Arab community in Arabia' (jam 'iyah 'Arabiyyah mustaqillah fi al-Jazirah). It is clear from the article that Syria and Iraq - 'whose borders are well known'- are included in the 'Jazirah.' 55. FO 371/10217/E 2187, High Commissioner for Palestine to Secretary of State for the Colonies, No.86, 7 March 1924.
84. Husayn's Caliphate Proclamation, 11 March 1924, in 'Abdallah ibn Husayn, Mudhakkirati (Jerusalem: n.p., 1945), pp.197-200; see also FO 371/10212/E 2608, Fuad El Khatib, Foreign Minister Hashemite Arabic Government (Shunneh, Amman) to FO, 13 March 1924.
85. FO 371/10217/E 2286, clipping from the Manchester Guardian, 13 March 1924.
86. Al-Qiblah, No.776, 31 March 1924.
87. Al-Qiblah, No.776, 31 March; No. 777, 3 April 1924.
88. Al-Qiblah, 10 April 1924.
89. Al-Qiblah, No.797, 19 June; FO 686/29, JEDDAH REPORT, 30 May to 28 June 1924.
90. The charter is in Al-Qiblah, 7 July 1924, and is translated in full in Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp. 181-2.
91. Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.84-84; FO 371/10006E 7084, Jeddah Report, 29 June to 30 July 1924; FO 686/29, JEDDAH REPORT, 31 July to 30 Aug. 1924.
92. Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.84-84; FO 371/10006E 7084, Jeddah Report, 29 June to 30 July 1924; FO 686/29, JEDDAH REPORT, 31 July to 30 Aug. 1924.
93. Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.84-84; FO 371/10006E 7084, Jeddah Report, 29 June to 30 July 1924; FO 686/29, JEDDAH REPORT, 31 July to 30 Aug. 1924.