Liberalism and the democratic peace

Review of International Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 2004, Pages

  MacMillan, John ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WESTMINSTER   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 11144355589     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S026021050400600X     Document Type: Review

References (85)

1. Bruce Russett and John Oneal, Triangulating Peace: Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations (New York: Norton, 2001), p. 49; see also Steve Chan, 'In Search of Democratic Peace. Problems and Promise' Mention International Studies Review, 41:2 (1997), pp. 59-91; Bruce Russett and Harvey Starr, 'From Democratic Peace to Kantian Peace: Democracy and Conflict in the International System', in Manus I. Midlarsky (ed.), Handbook of War Studies II (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 2000), pp. 92-128; John MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace', Journal of Peace Research, 40:2 (2003), pp. 233-43. This last article provides a critical context for the argument developed here.
2. Bruce Russett and John Oneal, Triangulating Peace: Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations (New York: Norton, 2001), p. 49; see also Steve Chan, 'In Search of Democratic Peace. Problems and Promise' Mention International Studies Review, 41:2 (1997), pp. 59-91; Bruce Russett and Harvey Starr, 'From Democratic Peace to Kantian Peace: Democracy and Conflict in the International System', in Manus I. Midlarsky (ed.), Handbook of War Studies II (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 2000), pp. 92-128; John MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace', Journal of Peace Research, 40:2 (2003), pp. 233-43. This last article provides a critical context for the argument developed here.
3. Bruce Russett and John Oneal, Triangulating Peace: Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations (New York: Norton, 2001), p. 49; see also Steve Chan, 'In Search of Democratic Peace. Problems and Promise' Mention International Studies Review, 41:2 (1997), pp. 59-91; Bruce Russett and Harvey Starr, 'From Democratic Peace to Kantian Peace: Democracy and Conflict in the International System', in Manus I. Midlarsky (ed.), Handbook of War Studies II (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 2000), pp. 92-128; John MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace', Journal of Peace Research, 40:2 (2003), pp. 233-43. This last article provides a critical context for the argument developed here.
4. Bruce Russett and John Oneal, Triangulating Peace: Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations (New York: Norton, 2001), p. 49; see also Steve Chan, 'In Search of Democratic Peace. Problems and Promise' Mention International Studies Review, 41:2 (1997), pp. 59-91; Bruce Russett and Harvey Starr, 'From Democratic Peace to Kantian Peace: Democracy and Conflict in the International System', in Manus I. Midlarsky (ed.), Handbook of War Studies II (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 2000), pp. 92-128; John MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace', Journal of Peace Research, 40:2 (2003), pp. 233-43. This last article provides a critical context for the argument developed here.
5. To clarify, I follow the common usage of the term war as 'large-scale institutionally organized lethal violence', see Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 12. The discussion is concerned primarily with those uses of force that correspond with 'war' but in principle the analysis could extend to lower levels of militarised conflict subject to empirical analysis. 'Peace-prone' refers to the inclination or 'will' to peace whilst 'peaceful' has the rather different meaning of having attained the state of peace. Recent studies have highlighted the distinction between a state (or actor) having peaceful intentions (as a monadic characteristic) and effecting peaceful outcomes (often thought of as the product of the interactions between two or more states); see Kurt Taylor Gaubatz, Elections and War: The Electoral Incentive in the Democratic Politics of War and Peace (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999) and Kenneth Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). To be clear this article focuses principally upon peace-proneness: the preference or 'will' for peace. However, as some of the case studies below indicate, this is at times sufficient to deliver peaceful outcomes.
6. To clarify, I follow the common usage of the term war as 'large-scale institutionally organized lethal violence', see Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 12. The discussion is concerned primarily with those uses of force that correspond with 'war' but in principle the analysis could extend to lower levels of militarised conflict subject to empirical analysis. 'Peace-prone' refers to the inclination or 'will' to peace whilst 'peaceful' has the rather different meaning of having attained the state of peace. Recent studies have highlighted the distinction between a state (or actor) having peaceful intentions (as a monadic characteristic) and effecting peaceful outcomes (often thought of as the product of the interactions between two or more states); see Kurt Taylor Gaubatz, Elections and War: The Electoral Incentive in the Democratic Politics of War and Peace (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999) and Kenneth Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). To be clear this article focuses principally upon peace-proneness: the preference or 'will' for peace. However, as some of the case studies below indicate, this is at times sufficient to deliver peaceful outcomes.
7. To clarify, I follow the common usage of the term war as 'large-scale institutionally organized lethal violence', see Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 12. The discussion is concerned primarily with those uses of force that correspond with 'war' but in principle the analysis could extend to lower levels of militarised conflict subject to empirical analysis. 'Peace-prone' refers to the inclination or 'will' to peace whilst 'peaceful' has the rather different meaning of having attained the state of peace. Recent studies have highlighted the distinction between a state (or actor) having peaceful intentions (as a monadic characteristic) and effecting peaceful outcomes (often thought of as the product of the interactions between two or more states); see Kurt Taylor Gaubatz, Elections and War: The Electoral Incentive in the Democratic Politics of War and Peace (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999) and Kenneth Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). To be clear this article focuses principally upon peace-proneness: the preference or 'will' for peace. However, as some of the case studies below indicate, this is at times sufficient to deliver peaceful outcomes.
8. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, James Morrow, Randolph Siverson, and Alastair Smith, 'An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace', American Political Science Review, 93:4 (1999), pp. 791-807; Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (fn. 2); Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam, Democracies At War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
9. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, James Morrow, Randolph Siverson, and Alastair Smith, 'An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace', American Political Science Review, 93:4 (1999), pp. 791-807; Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (fn. 2); Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam, Democracies At War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
10. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, James Morrow, Randolph Siverson, and Alastair Smith, 'An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace', American Political Science Review, 93:4 (1999), pp. 791-807; Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (fn. 2); Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam, Democracies At War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
11. Bueno de Mesquita et al.'s contribution (fn. 3) has been discussed by MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace' (fn. 1).
12. Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (fn. 2), p. 79.
13. Shlomo Avineri, 'Ideology and Israel's foreign policy', Jerusalem Quarterly 37 (1986); John MacMillan, On Liberal Peace: Democracy, War and the International Order (London: Tauris, 1998); Dan Keohane, Security in British Politics, 1945-99 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); see also Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 110-118.
14. Shlomo Avineri, 'Ideology and Israel's foreign policy', Jerusalem Quarterly 37 (1986); John MacMillan, On Liberal Peace: Democracy, War and the International Order (London: Tauris, 1998); Dan Keohane, Security in British Politics, 1945-99 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); see also Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 110-118.
15. Shlomo Avineri, 'Ideology and Israel's foreign policy', Jerusalem Quarterly 37 (1986); John MacMillan, On Liberal Peace: Democracy, War and the International Order (London: Tauris, 1998); Dan Keohane, Security in British Politics, 1945-99 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); see also Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 110-118.
16. Shlomo Avineri, 'Ideology and Israel's foreign policy', Jerusalem Quarterly 37 (1986); John MacMillan, On Liberal Peace: Democracy, War and the International Order (London: Tauris, 1998); Dan Keohane, Security in British Politics, 1945-99 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); see also Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 110-118.
17. Schultz, Democracy and Coercive Diplomacy (fn. 2), p. 115.
18. Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), p. 148.
19. Michael W. Doyle, 'Kant, Liberal Legacies and Foreign Affairs, part I', Philosophy and Public Affairs 12:3 (1983); John M. Owen, 'How Liberalism Produces Peace', International Security 19:2 (1994); Owen, Liberal Peace, Liberal War American Politics and International Security (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
20. Michael W. Doyle, 'Kant, Liberal Legacies and Foreign Affairs, part I', Philosophy and Public Affairs 12:3 (1983); John M. Owen, 'How Liberalism Produces Peace', International Security 19:2 (1994); Owen, Liberal Peace, Liberal War American Politics and International Security (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
21. Michael W. Doyle, 'Kant, Liberal Legacies and Foreign Affairs, part I', Philosophy and Public Affairs 12:3 (1983); John M. Owen, 'How Liberalism Produces Peace', International Security 19:2 (1994); Owen, Liberal Peace, Liberal War American Politics and International Security (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
22. Bueno de Mesquita et al., 'Explanation of the Democratic Peace' (fn. 3), 792.
23. Ibid.; see also Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), pp. 149-51.
24. Ibid.; see also Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), pp. 149-51.
25. John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 25-30.
26. Ibid. (fn. 12), pp. 49-50.
27. The realm of nonideal theory applies to relations between liberal and non-well ordered peoples. Non-well ordered peoples are subdivided into a number of subcategories including burdened societies, benevolent despotisms, and outlaw states. Liberal peoples hold different obligations towards each group
28. Rawls, Law of Peoples (fn. 12), pp. 94, 59.
29. Ibid. (fn. 12), p. 91.
30. Ibid. (fn. 12), p. 49.
31. Ibid. (fn. 12), p. 49.
32. See MacMillan, 'Beyond the Separate Democratic Peace' (fn. 1).
33. Rawls, Law of Peoples (fn. 12), p. 91.
34. Randolph Schweller, 'Domestic Structure and Preventive War: Are Democracies More Pacific? World Politics, 44:2 (1992).
35. Rawls, Law of Peoples (fn. 12); Ward Thomas, The Ethics of Destruction: Norms and Force in International Relations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).
36. Rawls, Law of Peoples (fn. 12); Ward Thomas, The Ethics of Destruction: Norms and Force in International Relations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).
37. Rawls, Law of Peoples (fn. 12), p. 91.
38. P. F. Clarke, Liberals and Social Democrats (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 152.
39. Quoted in Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 84.
40. Carl Schorske, German Social Democracy 1905-1917: The Development of the Great Schism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955), p. 304; Edwyn Bevan, German Social Democracy During the War (London: Allen & Unwin, 1918), pp. 71-3.
41. Carl Schorske, German Social Democracy 1905-1917: The Development of the Great Schism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955), p. 304; Edwyn Bevan, German Social Democracy During the War (London: Allen & Unwin, 1918), pp. 71-3.
42. John F. Naylor, Labour's International Policy: The Labour Party in the 1930s (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969), p. 110; Richard S. Grayson, Liberals, International Relations and Appeasement: The Liberal Party, 1919-1939 (London: Frank Cass, 2001); Kenneth Harris, Attlee (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1995), pp. 115-120, 123, 127, 136-9.
43. John F. Naylor, Labour's International Policy: The Labour Party in the 1930s (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969), p. 110; Richard S. Grayson, Liberals, International Relations and Appeasement: The Liberal Party, 1919-1939 (London: Frank Cass, 2001); Kenneth Harris, Attlee (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1995), pp. 115-120, 123, 127, 136-9.
44. John F. Naylor, Labour's International Policy: The Labour Party in the 1930s (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969), p. 110; Richard S. Grayson, Liberals, International Relations and Appeasement: The Liberal Party, 1919-1939 (London: Frank Cass, 2001); Kenneth Harris, Attlee (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1995), pp. 115-120, 123, 127, 136-9.
45. Naylor, Labour Party in the 1930s (fn. 24), p. 225, also pp. 130, 134, 208.
46. Ibid. (fn. 24), pp. 132-3.
47. Alonzo Hamby, Beyond the New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), pp. 94, 98.
48. Clifton Brock, Americans for Democratic Action: Its Role in National Politics (Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1962), pp. 63-5; Nation, 5 April 1947, p. 383; see also Paul G. Pierpaoli Jr., Truman and Korea: The Political Culture of the Early Cold War (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1999), p. 8.
49. Clifton Brock, Americans for Democratic Action: Its Role in National Politics (Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1962), pp. 63-5; Nation, 5 April 1947, p. 383; see also Paul G. Pierpaoli Jr., Truman and Korea: The Political Culture of the Early Cold War (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1999), p. 8.
50. Clifton Brock, Americans for Democratic Action: Its Role in National Politics (Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1962), pp. 63-5; Nation, 5 April 1947, p. 383; see also Paul G. Pierpaoli Jr., Truman and Korea: The Political Culture of the Early Cold War (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1999), p. 8.
51. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), p. 506; Nation, 28 February 1948.
52. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), p. 506; Nation, 28 February 1948.
53. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), p. 179.
54. Whilst the limitations of Taft's pacificism is shown in the case of Korea, there are strands of conservative liberalism represented, for example, by the CATO Institute, that are ideologically committed to pursuit of a peaceful foreign policy as the corollary of support for the free market and minimal state in the tradition of Cobden and Bright and the Manchester School. This strand of contemporary conservative liberalism is, however, politically marginal and hence its policy record difficult to evaluate. I am grateful to Matthew Rendall for the CATO example.
55. Hans Reiss, (ed.), Kant: Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 170; John MacMillan, 'A Kantian Protest against the Peculiar Discourse of Inter-Liberal State Peace', in Eivind Hovden and Edward Keene (eds.), The Globalization of Liberalism (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p. 66.
56. Hans Reiss, (ed.), Kant: Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 170; John MacMillan, 'A Kantian Protest against the Peculiar Discourse of Inter-Liberal State Peace', in Eivind Hovden and Edward Keene (eds.), The Globalization of Liberalism (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p. 66.
57. Ronald J. Caridi, The Korean War and American Politics: The Republican Party as a Case Study (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), pp. 110, 155-6.
58. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), pp. 423-4; Caridi, Korean War (fn. 36), pp. 164-6; Norman A. Graebner, The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and Foreign Policy since 1950 (New York: Ronald Press, 1956), p. 103; John W. Spanier, The Truman-Mac Arthur Controversy and the Korean War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1959), pp. 161-2, 187-9, 269.
59. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), pp. 423-4; Caridi, Korean War (fn. 36), pp. 164-6; Norman A. Graebner, The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and Foreign Policy since 1950 (New York: Ronald Press, 1956), p. 103; John W. Spanier, The Truman-Mac Arthur Controversy and the Korean War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1959), pp. 161-2, 187-9, 269.
60. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), pp. 423-4; Caridi, Korean War (fn. 36), pp. 164-6; Norman A. Graebner, The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and Foreign Policy since 1950 (New York: Ronald Press, 1956), p. 103; John W. Spanier, The Truman-Mac Arthur Controversy and the Korean War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1959), pp. 161-2, 187-9, 269.
61. Hamby, Beyond the New Deal (fn. 30), pp. 423-4; Caridi, Korean War (fn. 36), pp. 164-6; Norman A. Graebner, The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and Foreign Policy since 1950 (New York: Ronald Press, 1956), p. 103; John W. Spanier, The Truman-Mac Arthur Controversy and the Korean War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1959), pp. 161-2, 187-9, 269.
62. Against this, however, is the Republican argument that it took a. Republican government - and the credibility of a threat from Eisenhower (as distinct from Truman) to expand the war - to secure a truce (but see Acheson's rejection of this view in Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold War Years, 1953-71 (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 16).
63. Bueno de Mesquita, 'Exploration of the Democratic Peace' (fn. 3); Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), pp. 151-63. But see Hilde Ravlo, Nils Petter Gleditsch and Han Dorussen, 'Colonial War and the Democratic Peace', Journal of Conflict Resolution, 73:4 (2003), pp. 520-48.
64. Bueno de Mesquita, 'Exploration of the Democratic Peace' (fn. 3); Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), pp. 151-63. But see Hilde Ravlo, Nils Petter Gleditsch and Han Dorussen, 'Colonial War and the Democratic Peace', Journal of Conflict Resolution, 73:4 (2003), pp. 520-48.
65. Bueno de Mesquita, 'Exploration of the Democratic Peace' (fn. 3); Reiter and Stam, Democracies At War (fn. 3), pp. 151-63. But see Hilde Ravlo, Nils Petter Gleditsch and Han Dorussen, 'Colonial War and the Democratic Peace', Journal of Conflict Resolution, 73:4 (2003), pp. 520-48.
66. James Mayall, Nationalism and International Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 46.
67. Ronald Robinson and J. A. Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1981), p. 65.
68. Ibid. (fn. 41), p. 71; also Paul Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (New York: Harper & Bros, 1935), p. 89; E. J. Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (London: Allen Lane, 1975), pp. 204-6.
69. Ibid. (fn. 41), p. 71; also Paul Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (New York: Harper & Bros, 1935), p. 89; E. J. Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (London: Allen Lane, 1975), pp. 204-6.
70. Ibid. (fn. 41), p. 71; also Paul Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (New York: Harper & Bros, 1935), p. 89; E. J. Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (London: Allen Lane, 1975), pp. 204-6.
71. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), pp. 94, 104; Marvin Swartz, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Era of Gladstone and Disraeli (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), pp. 141-2; but Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), pp. 171-210; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 213-14.
72. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), pp. 94, 104; Marvin Swartz, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Era of Gladstone and Disraeli (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), pp. 141-2; but Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), pp. 171-210; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 213-14.
73. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), pp. 94, 104; Marvin Swartz, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Era of Gladstone and Disraeli (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), pp. 141-2; but Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), pp. 171-210; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 213-14.
74. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), pp. 94, 104; Marvin Swartz, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Era of Gladstone and Disraeli (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), pp. 141-2; but Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), pp. 171-210; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 213-14.
75. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), p. 98; Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), p. 175.
76. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), p. 98; Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 42), p. 175.
77. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), pp. 161-210.
78. Swartz, British Foreign Policy (fn. 43), p. 130.
79. Ibid. (fn. 43), p. 144.
80. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41); Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 38), p. 211-48; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 222-6.
81. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41); Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 38), p. 211-48; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 222-6.
82. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41); Knaplund, Gladstone's Foreign Policy (fn. 38), p. 211-48; Feuchtwanger, Gladstone (fn. 42), pp. 222-6.
83. Andrew Lang, Life, Letters, and Diaries of Sir Stafford Northcote First Earl of Iddesleigh (London: Blackwood and Sons, 1891), p. 346.
84. Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and Victorians (fn. 41), p. 160.
85. Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot, 'The British Occupation of Egypt from 1882', in Andrew Porter (ed.), The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol III: The Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).