Robert fitzroy and the myth of the 'Marsden square': Transatlantic rivalries in early marine meteorology

Notes and Records of the Royal Society

Volumn 58, Issue 1, 2004, Pages 21-46

  Agnew, Duncan Carr ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

Isaac Greenwood; Marine statistics; Matthew Maury Fontaine; Meteorology; Robert FitzRoy; William Marsden

Indexed keywords

EID: 0842329088     PISSN: 00359149     EISSN: 17430178     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2003.0223     Document Type: Review

References (128)

1. S.D. Woodruff, R.J. Slutz, R.L. Jenne and P.M. Steurer, 'A comprehensive ocean-atmosphere data set', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 68, 1239-1250 (1987).
2. Although the first is misdated: trivially, in that Beaufort first devised his scale in 1806, and more seriously, in that it was not promoted publicly until 1832. See Alfred Friendly, Beaufort of the Admiralty: the life of Sir Francis Beaufort, 1774-1857 (Hutchinson, London, 1977), Chapter 13.
3. Notably Margaret Deacon, Scientists and the sea, 1650-1900: a study of marine science (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1997), p. 290. The 1831 date is given in, for example, D.H. McIntosh, Meteorological glossary (HMSO, London, 1972), perhaps derived from P.G. Parkhurst, 'Ocean meteorology: a century of progress', Marine Observer 25, 16-21 (1955); another example is P.J. Meade, 'The history of the World Meteorological Organization, with special reference to oceanography', Marine Observer 43, 25-31 (1973).
4. Notably Margaret Deacon, Scientists and the sea, 1650-1900: a study of marine science (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1997), p. 290. The 1831 date is given in, for example, D.H. McIntosh, Meteorological glossary (HMSO, London, 1972), perhaps derived from P.G. Parkhurst, 'Ocean meteorology: a century of progress', Marine Observer 25, 16-21 (1955); another example is P.J. Meade, 'The history of the World Meteorological Organization, with special reference to oceanography', Marine Observer 43, 25-31 (1973).
5. Notably Margaret Deacon, Scientists and the sea, 1650-1900: a study of marine science (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1997), p. 290. The 1831 date is given in, for example, D.H. McIntosh, Meteorological glossary (HMSO, London, 1972), perhaps derived from P.G. Parkhurst, 'Ocean meteorology: a century of progress', Marine Observer 25, 16-21 (1955); another example is P.J. Meade, 'The history of the World Meteorological Organization, with special reference to oceanography', Marine Observer 43, 25-31 (1973).
6. Notably Margaret Deacon, Scientists and the sea, 1650-1900: a study of marine science (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1997), p. 290. The 1831 date is given in, for example, D.H. McIntosh, Meteorological glossary (HMSO, London, 1972), perhaps derived from P.G. Parkhurst, 'Ocean meteorology: a century of progress', Marine Observer 25, 16-21 (1955); another example is P.J. Meade, 'The history of the World Meteorological Organization, with special reference to oceanography', Marine Observer 43, 25-31 (1973).
7. Stephen S. Stigler, 'Stigler's Law of Eponymy', Trans. N. Y. Acad. Sci. (2) 39, 147-157 (1980).
8. William Marsden, A Brief Memoir of the Life and Writings of the Late William Marsden, Written by Himself, with Notes from His Correspondence (privately printed by J. and L. Cox and Sons, London, 1838).
9. So much so that Marsden reports that when he accepted his post at the Admiralty, King George III commented that Banks would certainly miss having Marsden at these events.
10. William Marsden, 'Account of a phenomenon observed upon the island of Sumatra', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 71, 383-385 (1781). His subsequent publications in Phil. Trans. were two papers and a note, all on chronology.
11. William Marsden, The History of Sumatra, Containing an Account of the Government, Laws, Customs, and Manners of the Native Inhabitants, with a Description of the Natural Productions, and a Relation of the Ancient Political State of that Island, 3rd edn. (Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme & Brown, London, 1811).
12. See Marsden, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 53-54, 71, 78 and 85. Christopher Lloyd, Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty (London: Collins, 1970) and F.B. Wickwire, 'Admiralty secretaries and the British civil service', Huntington Library Q. 28, 235-254 (1965) describe the activities of the Admiralty Secretaries - although one falls largely after, and the other before, Marsden's tenure. Why Marsden was appointed is not clear; although he must have had some 'interest' (that is, a patron), it is not clear who this might have been. He and his brother had, in 1784, set up an agency for handling remittances from the East Indies; from this he may have gained a reputation for organizational ability.
13. See Marsden, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 53-54, 71, 78 and 85. Christopher Lloyd, Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty (London: Collins, 1970) and F.B. Wickwire, 'Admiralty secretaries and the British civil service', Huntington Library Q. 28, 235-254 (1965) describe the activities of the Admiralty Secretaries - although one falls largely after, and the other before, Marsden's tenure. Why Marsden was appointed is not clear; although he must have had some 'interest' (that is, a patron), it is not clear who this might have been. He and his brother had, in 1784, set up an agency for handling remittances from the East Indies; from this he may have gained a reputation for organizational ability.
14. See Marsden, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 53-54, 71, 78 and 85. Christopher Lloyd, Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty (London: Collins, 1970) and F.B. Wickwire, 'Admiralty secretaries and the British civil service', Huntington Library Q. 28, 235-254 (1965) describe the activities of the Admiralty Secretaries - although one falls largely after, and the other before, Marsden's tenure. Why Marsden was appointed is not clear; although he must have had some 'interest' (that is, a patron), it is not clear who this might have been. He and his brother had, in 1784, set up an agency for handling remittances from the East Indies; from this he may have gained a reputation for organizational ability.
15. Marsden's widow supplemented his memoir by notes from his memorandum books; many of these notes include statements of temperatures on particular days. The comment about 'self-registering' instruments is on p. 145 and refers to a period between 1810 and 1820.
16. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
17. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
18. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
19. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
20. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
21. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
22. There are many biographies of Maury. Frances L. Williams, Matthew Fontaine Maury, scientist of the sea (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, 1963) is the most thorough and scholarly, if sometimes overly hagiographical. Robert V. Bruce, The launching of modern American science: 1846-1876 (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1987) sets Maury in the context of the overall state of American science; James Rodger Fleming, Meteorology in America: 1800-1870 (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1990) describes contemporary American meteorology in more detail, although giving little attention to Maury's work. Steven J. Dick, in 'Centralizing navigational technology in America: the U.S. Navy's Depot of Charts and Instruments, 1830-1842', Technol. Culture 33, 467-509 (1992) and in Sky and ocean joined: the U.S. Naval Observatory, 1830-2000 (Cambridge University Press, 2003) describes the formation and early development of the depot. The second reference discusses, in much detail, the establishment of the Naval Observatory and its operation under Maury, although more with reference to Maury's astronomical research than to meteorology. The best evaluations of Maury and his relationships within the American scientific community are John Leighly, 'M.F. Maury in his time', Bull. Inst. Oceanogr. Monaco, Numéro Spéc. Congr. Int. Hist Oceanogr. 1, 147-159 (1968) and Mark Rothenberg, 'Observers and theoreticians: astronomy at the Naval Observatory, 1845-1861', in Sky with ocean joined: Proceedings of the Sesquicentennial of the U.S. Naval Observatory (ed. S.J. Dick and L.E. Doggert) (Washington, U.S. Naval Observatory, 1983), pp. 29-43.
23. 12 Hugh R. Slotten, Patronage, practice, and the culture of American science: Alexander Dallas Bache and the U.S. Coast Survey (Cambridge University Press, 1994) describes the Coast Survey most fully; Thomas G. Manning, U.S. Coast Survey vs. Naval Hydrographic Office: a 19th-century rivalry in science and politics (University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, 1988) describes various unsuccessful attempts, mostly after the period covered here, to shift coastal mapping to the US Navy (which did supply personnel to the Coast Survey). The US Naval Hydrographic Office did not undertake mapping of other countries' coasts until a rather tentative beginning in 1872.
24. 12 Hugh R. Slotten, Patronage, practice, and the culture of American science: Alexander Dallas Bache and the U.S. Coast Survey (Cambridge University Press, 1994) describes the Coast Survey most fully; Thomas G. Manning, U.S. Coast Survey vs. Naval Hydrographic Office: a 19th-century rivalry in science and politics (University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, 1988) describes various unsuccessful attempts, mostly after the period covered here, to shift coastal mapping to the US Navy (which did supply personnel to the Coast Survey). The US Naval Hydrographic Office did not undertake mapping of other countries' coasts until a rather tentative beginning in 1872.
25. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 10, is still the only thorough description of Maury's program in nautical meteorology. J. Lyman, 'The centennial of pressure-pattern navigation', Proc. US Naval Inst. 74, 309-314 (1948) and Marc I. Pinsel, 'The Wind and Current Chart series produced by Matthew Fontaine Maury', Navigation 28, 123-137 (1981) provide summaries, the latter having good illustrations of the various chart types. Maury's own account of progress towards his charts is M.F. Maury, Explanations and Sailing Directions to Accompany the Wind and Current Charts, 3rd edn (C. Alexander, Washington DC, 1851), pp. 22-26.
26. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 10, is still the only thorough description of Maury's program in nautical meteorology. J. Lyman, 'The centennial of pressure-pattern navigation', Proc. US Naval Inst. 74, 309-314 (1948) and Marc I. Pinsel, 'The Wind and Current Chart series produced by Matthew Fontaine Maury', Navigation 28, 123-137 (1981) provide summaries, the latter having good illustrations of the various chart types. Maury's own account of progress towards his charts is M.F. Maury, Explanations and Sailing Directions to Accompany the Wind and Current Charts, 3rd edn (C. Alexander, Washington DC, 1851), pp. 22-26.
27. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 10, is still the only thorough description of Maury's program in nautical meteorology. J. Lyman, 'The centennial of pressure-pattern navigation', Proc. US Naval Inst. 74, 309-314 (1948) and Marc I. Pinsel, 'The Wind and Current Chart series produced by Matthew Fontaine Maury', Navigation 28, 123-137 (1981) provide summaries, the latter having good illustrations of the various chart types. Maury's own account of progress towards his charts is M.F. Maury, Explanations and Sailing Directions to Accompany the Wind and Current Charts, 3rd edn (C. Alexander, Washington DC, 1851), pp. 22-26.
28. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 10, is still the only thorough description of Maury's program in nautical meteorology. J. Lyman, 'The centennial of pressure-pattern navigation', Proc. US Naval Inst. 74, 309-314 (1948) and Marc I. Pinsel, 'The Wind and Current Chart series produced by Matthew Fontaine Maury', Navigation 28, 123-137 (1981) provide summaries, the latter having good illustrations of the various chart types. Maury's own account of progress towards his charts is M.F. Maury, Explanations and Sailing Directions to Accompany the Wind and Current Charts, 3rd edn (C. Alexander, Washington DC, 1851), pp. 22-26.
29. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
30. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
31. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
32. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
33. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
34. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
35. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 11, describes the events leading to the Brussels conference, although her account should be supplemented by the description in Fleming, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 107-109, which shows the extent to which Maury ignored existing work in the USA, notably the programme run by the Smithsonian Institution under Joseph Henry; and by J. Burton, 'Robert FitzRoy and the founding of the Meteorological Office', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 19, 147-176 (1986), which describes the original British initiative. The Royal Society report is S. Hunter Christie, 'The reply of the President and council to a letter addressed to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the cooperation of different Nations in Meteorological Observations', Abstr. Pap. Present. R. Soc. Lond. 6, 188-192 (1852); the 1845 conference it refers to is described in 'Proceedings connected with the magnetic and meteorological conference, held at Cambridge in June 1845', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 1-73 (1845). As the title suggests, this was in fact devoted almost entirely to geomagnetic measurements. Williams suggests that the Royal Society report suggested a more limited conference in part because of a request from Henry to Edward Sabine (1788-1883), then Treasurer of The Royal Society. However, the published letters between Henry and Sabine for this period discuss only the exchange of scientific journals: see Sabine to Henry, 19 March 1852, and Henry to Sabine, 7 May 1852, in Nathan Reingold (ed.) The papers of Joseph Henry (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, 1998), vol. 8, pp. 297 and 315. The results of the Brussels conference were published as Maritime Conference Held at Brussels for Devising a Uniform System of Meteorological Observations at Sea: August and September 1853 (printed by Hayez, Brussels, 1853). This includes the detailed minutes of the meetings, which show the importance of suggestions by Maury and Beechey - and, incidentally, that the dynamics of committee meetings have changed little in 150 years.
36. Burton, op. cit. (note 14) and J.M.C. Burton, 'The history of the Meteorological Office to 1905' (PhD thesis, The Open University, 1989) are the best references on the founding and early history of the Meteorological Office; see also R.P.W. Lewis, 'The founding of the Meteorological Office, 1854-55', Meteorol. Mag. 110, 221-227 (1981). Unfortunately much of the archival material for this period was not readily available when these accounts were written; it was transferred to the Public Record Office only later. Derek Barlow, Origins of meteorology: an analytical catalogue of the correspondence and papers of the first Government Meteorological Office, under Rear Admiral Robert FitzRoy, 1854-1865, and Thomas Henry Babington, 1865-1866; of the successor Meteorological Office from 1867, primarily during its first two years under the Scientific Committee appointed by The Royal Society; and of Registers of Instruments issued by the successive Meteorological Offices from 1854 up to c. 1915 (Public Record Office, Kew, 1996) is an enormously thorough calendar of these papers, using an elaborate referencing scheme. I have in general relied on Barlow's descriptions of these documents. I reference them as Bnnnn, where nnnn is Barlow's internal item number; I also give the PRO piece number, which is usually in group BJ 7. If I have consulted the original documents I place Barlow's item number in square brackets.
37. Burton, op. cit. (note 14) and J.M.C. Burton, 'The history of the Meteorological Office to 1905' (PhD thesis, The Open University, 1989) are the best references on the founding and early history of the Meteorological Office; see also R.P.W. Lewis, 'The founding of the Meteorological Office, 1854-55', Meteorol. Mag. 110, 221-227 (1981). Unfortunately much of the archival material for this period was not readily available when these accounts were written; it was transferred to the Public Record Office only later. Derek Barlow, Origins of meteorology: an analytical catalogue of the correspondence and papers of the first Government Meteorological Office, under Rear Admiral Robert FitzRoy, 1854-1865, and Thomas Henry Babington, 1865-1866; of the successor Meteorological Office from 1867, primarily during its first two years under the Scientific Committee appointed by The Royal Society; and of Registers of Instruments issued by the successive Meteorological Offices from 1854 up to c. 1915 (Public Record Office, Kew, 1996) is an enormously thorough calendar of these papers, using an elaborate referencing scheme. I have in general relied on Barlow's descriptions of these documents. I reference them as Bnnnn, where nnnn is Barlow's internal item number; I also give the PRO piece number, which is usually in group BJ 7. If I have consulted the original documents I place Barlow's item number in square brackets.
38. Burton, op. cit. (note 14) and J.M.C. Burton, 'The history of the Meteorological Office to 1905' (PhD thesis, The Open University, 1989) are the best references on the founding and early history of the Meteorological Office; see also R.P.W. Lewis, 'The founding of the Meteorological Office, 1854-55', Meteorol. Mag. 110, 221-227 (1981). Unfortunately much of the archival material for this period was not readily available when these accounts were written; it was transferred to the Public Record Office only later. Derek Barlow, Origins of meteorology: an analytical catalogue of the correspondence and papers of the first Government Meteorological Office, under Rear Admiral Robert FitzRoy, 1854-1865, and Thomas Henry Babington, 1865-1866; of the successor Meteorological Office from 1867, primarily during its first two years under the Scientific Committee appointed by The Royal Society; and of Registers of Instruments issued by the successive Meteorological Offices from 1854 up to c. 1915 (Public Record Office, Kew, 1996) is an enormously thorough calendar of these papers, using an elaborate referencing scheme. I have in general relied on Barlow's descriptions of these documents. I reference them as Bnnnn, where nnnn is Barlow's internal item number; I also give the PRO piece number, which is usually in group BJ 7. If I have consulted the original documents I place Barlow's item number in square brackets.
39. Burton, op. cit. (note 14) and J.M.C. Burton, 'The history of the Meteorological Office to 1905' (PhD thesis, The Open University, 1989) are the best references on the founding and early history of the Meteorological Office; see also R.P.W. Lewis, 'The founding of the Meteorological Office, 1854-55', Meteorol. Mag. 110, 221-227 (1981). Unfortunately much of the archival material for this period was not readily available when these accounts were written; it was transferred to the Public Record Office only later. Derek Barlow, Origins of meteorology: an analytical catalogue of the correspondence and papers of the first Government Meteorological Office, under Rear Admiral Robert FitzRoy, 1854-1865, and Thomas Henry Babington, 1865-1866; of the successor Meteorological Office from 1867, primarily during its first two years under the Scientific Committee appointed by The Royal Society; and of Registers of Instruments issued by the successive Meteorological Offices from 1854 up to c. 1915 (Public Record Office, Kew, 1996) is an enormously thorough calendar of these papers, using an elaborate referencing scheme. I have in general relied on Barlow's descriptions of these documents. I reference them as Bnnnn, where nnnn is Barlow's internal item number; I also give the PRO piece number, which is usually in group BJ 7. If I have consulted the original documents I place Barlow's item number in square brackets.
40. H.E.L. Mellersh, FitzRoy of the Beagle (Rupert Hart-Davies, London, 1968), and the Dictionary of national biography, are the main sources for FitzRoy's biography - other than the Beagle voyage, for which there is a vast literature; one particularly relevant book is Richard Darwin Keynes (ed.), The Beagle record: selections from the original pictorial records and written accounts of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge University Press, 1979), because it reproduces some of FitzRoy's letters during the voyage. Michael Lewis, The Navy in transition, 1814-1864; a social history (Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1965) describes the difficulties faced by Royal Navy officers. Paul Moon, FitzRoy: governor in crisis, 1843-1845 (David Lang, Auckland, 2000) covers FitzRoy's New Zealand governorship in great detail, although the military situation is described better by James Belich, The New Zealand wars and the Victorian interpretation of racial conflict (Auckland University Press, 1986). The University of California library holds a bound volume of various short works by FitzRoy, one of which is a printed 'Memorandum: private and confidential' dated 15 March 1852. On the cover is written, in FitzRoy's hand, '60 copies - to be sent to 4 Norland Square - when finished. Robt FitzRoy March 18/52.' This is a short biography of FitzRoy, covering some episodes for which there is no other evidence; though it is in the third person, its style - with its frequent use of dashes - is clearly FitzRoy's own. It seems to be a curriculum vitae, to be circulated to prospective employers, because near the end it states '[H]is sole object now is to follow up his own proper profession as soon as he can obtain employment in command of a ship. ... He is free to undertake any service.'
41. H.E.L. Mellersh, FitzRoy of the Beagle (Rupert Hart-Davies, London, 1968), and the Dictionary of national biography, are the main sources for FitzRoy's biography - other than the Beagle voyage, for which there is a vast literature; one particularly relevant book is Richard Darwin Keynes (ed.), The Beagle record: selections from the original pictorial records and written accounts of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge University Press, 1979), because it reproduces some of FitzRoy's letters during the voyage. Michael Lewis, The Navy in transition, 1814-1864; a social history (Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1965) describes the difficulties faced by Royal Navy officers. Paul Moon, FitzRoy: governor in crisis, 1843-1845 (David Lang, Auckland, 2000) covers FitzRoy's New Zealand governorship in great detail, although the military situation is described better by James Belich, The New Zealand wars and the Victorian interpretation of racial conflict (Auckland University Press, 1986). The University of California library holds a bound volume of various short works by FitzRoy, one of which is a printed 'Memorandum: private and confidential' dated 15 March 1852. On the cover is written, in FitzRoy's hand, '60 copies - to be sent to 4 Norland Square - when finished. Robt FitzRoy March 18/52.' This is a short biography of FitzRoy, covering some episodes for which there is no other evidence; though it is in the third person, its style - with its frequent use of dashes - is clearly FitzRoy's own. It seems to be a curriculum vitae, to be circulated to prospective employers, because near the end it states '[H]is sole object now is to follow up his own proper profession as soon as he can obtain employment in command of a ship. ... He is free to undertake any service.'
42. H.E.L. Mellersh, FitzRoy of the Beagle (Rupert Hart-Davies, London, 1968), and the Dictionary of national biography, are the main sources for FitzRoy's biography - other than the Beagle voyage, for which there is a vast literature; one particularly relevant book is Richard Darwin Keynes (ed.), The Beagle record: selections from the original pictorial records and written accounts of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge University Press, 1979), because it reproduces some of FitzRoy's letters during the voyage. Michael Lewis, The Navy in transition, 1814-1864; a social history (Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1965) describes the difficulties faced by Royal Navy officers. Paul Moon, FitzRoy: governor in crisis, 1843-1845 (David Lang, Auckland, 2000) covers FitzRoy's New Zealand governorship in great detail, although the military situation is described better by James Belich, The New Zealand wars and the Victorian interpretation of racial conflict (Auckland University Press, 1986). The University of California library holds a bound volume of various short works by FitzRoy, one of which is a printed 'Memorandum: private and confidential' dated 15 March 1852. On the cover is written, in FitzRoy's hand, '60 copies - to be sent to 4 Norland Square - when finished. Robt FitzRoy March 18/52.' This is a short biography of FitzRoy, covering some episodes for which there is no other evidence; though it is in the third person, its style - with its frequent use of dashes - is clearly FitzRoy's own. It seems to be a curriculum vitae, to be circulated to prospective employers, because near the end it states '[H]is sole object now is to follow up his own proper profession as soon as he can obtain employment in command of a ship. ... He is free to undertake any service.'
43. H.E.L. Mellersh, FitzRoy of the Beagle (Rupert Hart-Davies, London, 1968), and the Dictionary of national biography, are the main sources for FitzRoy's biography - other than the Beagle voyage, for which there is a vast literature; one particularly relevant book is Richard Darwin Keynes (ed.), The Beagle record: selections from the original pictorial records and written accounts of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge University Press, 1979), because it reproduces some of FitzRoy's letters during the voyage. Michael Lewis, The Navy in transition, 1814-1864; a social history (Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1965) describes the difficulties faced by Royal Navy officers. Paul Moon, FitzRoy: governor in crisis, 1843-1845 (David Lang, Auckland, 2000) covers FitzRoy's New Zealand governorship in great detail, although the military situation is described better by James Belich, The New Zealand wars and the Victorian interpretation of racial conflict (Auckland University Press, 1986). The University of California library holds a bound volume of various short works by FitzRoy, one of which is a printed 'Memorandum: private and confidential' dated 15 March 1852. On the cover is written, in FitzRoy's hand, '60 copies - to be sent to 4 Norland Square - when finished. Robt FitzRoy March 18/52.' This is a short biography of FitzRoy, covering some episodes for which there is no other evidence; though it is in the third person, its style - with its frequent use of dashes - is clearly FitzRoy's own. It seems to be a curriculum vitae, to be circulated to prospective employers, because near the end it states '[H]is sole object now is to follow up his own proper profession as soon as he can obtain employment in command of a ship. ... He is free to undertake any service.'
44. H.E.L. Mellersh, FitzRoy of the Beagle (Rupert Hart-Davies, London, 1968), and the Dictionary of national biography, are the main sources for FitzRoy's biography - other than the Beagle voyage, for which there is a vast literature; one particularly relevant book is Richard Darwin Keynes (ed.), The Beagle record: selections from the original pictorial records and written accounts of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge University Press, 1979), because it reproduces some of FitzRoy's letters during the voyage. Michael Lewis, The Navy in transition, 1814-1864; a social history (Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1965) describes the difficulties faced by Royal Navy officers. Paul Moon, FitzRoy: governor in crisis, 1843-1845 (David Lang, Auckland, 2000) covers FitzRoy's New Zealand governorship in great detail, although the military situation is described better by James Belich, The New Zealand wars and the Victorian interpretation of racial conflict (Auckland University Press, 1986). The University of California library holds a bound volume of various short works by FitzRoy, one of which is a printed 'Memorandum: private and confidential' dated 15 March 1852. On the cover is written, in FitzRoy's hand, '60 copies - to be sent to 4 Norland Square - when finished. Robt FitzRoy March 18/52.' This is a short biography of FitzRoy, covering some episodes for which there is no other evidence; though it is in the third person, its style - with its frequent use of dashes - is clearly FitzRoy's own. It seems to be a curriculum vitae, to be circulated to prospective employers, because near the end it states '[H]is sole object now is to follow up his own proper profession as soon as he can obtain employment in command of a ship. ... He is free to undertake any service.'
45. Jane H. Wilde, 'The creation of the Marine Department of the Board of Trade', J. Transport Hist. 2, 193-206 (1956).
46. Sabine to FitzRoy, 5 November 1853 (B0122, BJ 7/112); FitzRoy memorandum, 5 November 1853 (B0123, BJ 7/113). Letters from G.B. Airy to R.E. James of the Royal Engineers (13 October 1853: B0119, BJ 7/109) and to Beechey (11 November 1853: B0124, BJ 7/114) indicate that Airy was originally willing to take on the meteorological work, but then changed his mind. Beaufort's assistant John Washington wrote to FitzRoy on 10 January 1854 (B0139, BJ 7/122) offering the facilities of the Hydrographic Office, and stating that he viewed the idea of Playfair collecting data as 'a farce'. Maury, in writing to Sabine on 16 March 1854 (B0012, BJ 7/65), acknowledges a letter of 13 January 1854; because he says that he 'anticipates much from FitzRoy' it seems that Sabine, at least, was by then assuming that FitzRoy would head the meteorological effort. FitzRoy's letter agreeing to do so (B0143, BJ 3/78) contains the odd postscript that he reserved 'other topics and private feelings'.
47. PRO BJ 7/149 [B0189].
48. FitzRoy's letter to Darwin, 16 November 1837, is reprinted in The correspondence of Charles Darwin (ed. Frederick Burkhardt and Sydney Smith) (Cambridge University Press, 1986), vol. 2, pp. 57-58. For the Henry comment, see Reingold, op. cit. (note 14), pp. 126-128.
49. FitzRoy's letter to Darwin, 16 November 1837, is reprinted in The correspondence of Charles Darwin (ed. Frederick Burkhardt and Sydney Smith) (Cambridge University Press, 1986), vol. 2, pp. 57-58. For the Henry comment, see Reingold, op. cit. (note 14), pp. 126-128.
50. Biographical information on Becher comes from L.S. Dawson, Memoirs of hydrography, pp. 48-49 (Cornmarket Press, London, 1969, reprint of the original 1885 edition), and A. Day, The Admiralty Hydrographic Service, 1795-1919 (HMSO, London, 1967), pp. 35-36 and 57. The bottle chart is illustrated in Anita McConnell, No sea too deep: the history of oceanographic instruments (Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1982), pp. 137-138. Pages 50-59 of this work, which describe the development of the detaching-weight (Brooke) sounder, do not support FitzRoy's belief that it had been previously invented in England.
51. Biographical information on Becher comes from L.S. Dawson, Memoirs of hydrography, pp. 48-49 (Cornmarket Press, London, 1969, reprint of the original 1885 edition), and A. Day, The Admiralty Hydrographic Service, 1795-1919 (HMSO, London, 1967), pp. 35-36 and 57. The bottle chart is illustrated in Anita McConnell, No sea too deep: the history of oceanographic instruments (Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1982), pp. 137-138. Pages 50-59 of this work, which describe the development of the detaching-weight (Brooke) sounder, do not support FitzRoy's belief that it had been previously invented in England.
52. Biographical information on Becher comes from L.S. Dawson, Memoirs of hydrography, pp. 48-49 (Cornmarket Press, London, 1969, reprint of the original 1885 edition), and A. Day, The Admiralty Hydrographic Service, 1795-1919 (HMSO, London, 1967), pp. 35-36 and 57. The bottle chart is illustrated in Anita McConnell, No sea too deep: the history of oceanographic instruments (Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1982), pp. 137-138. Pages 50-59 of this work, which describe the development of the detaching-weight (Brooke) sounder, do not support FitzRoy's belief that it had been previously invented in England.
53. Also in BJ 7/149 op. cit. (note 19).
54. The number of 2° squares in the Indian Ocean (north of 34° S) with more than 50% ocean is just under 900, according to the detailed land-sea data of C.K. Shum, B.E. Schutz, J.C. Ries and B.D. Tapley, 'Digitized global land-sea map and access software', Bull. Geod. 61, 311-317 (1987) - which uses, and was my introduction to, Marsden squares. Extending the system of squares to (say) 40° S would make the total only about 1050, so it is not clear how Becher got to 1400 squares.
55. This report was suppressed by Beechey, apparently in part because he feared it would offend Maury; FitzRoy saved a few copies and distributed them privately. A copy is available in the library of the Meteorological Office, Bracknell. For the suppression, see FitzRoy to Maury, 19 September 1855, B0030, BJ 7/77, and FitzRoy to Lord Stanley (President of the Board of Trade) 24 April 1856, B0776, BJ 9/1, p. 118.
56. Report of the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade, Parl. Papers, 1857 Session 2 [2234] XX.283.
57. BJ 7/385 [B0846]. This also includes the Sabine, Marsden and Becher materials referred to in the rest of this section.
58. The translated articles are M. Semyns, 'Bericht wegens de eigenschappen der land on zee-winden: waaijende langs de kusten van't eiland Java wel inzonderheidt te Batavia. Volgens eene veeljaarige bevindinge', Verh. Holl. Maatsch. Wet. Haarlem 2, 413-418 (1755) and M. Semyns, 'Verhandeling over de natuurlijke oorzak der algemeene en beurthoudende pasaat-winden of moussons', Verh. Holl. Maatsch. Wet. Haarlem 3, 183-222 (1757); Marsden does not give the exact reference, but it is clear that these (which references I take from International bibliography of meteorology: from the beginning of printing to 1889 (ed. James R. Fleming and Roy E. Goodman) (Diane Publishing, Upland, PA 1994)) are the ones referred to.
59. The translated articles are M. Semyns, 'Bericht wegens de eigenschappen der land on zee-winden: waaijende langs de kusten van't eiland Java wel inzonderheidt te Batavia. Volgens eene veeljaarige bevindinge', Verh. Holl. Maatsch. Wet. Haarlem 2, 413-418 (1755) and M. Semyns, 'Verhandeling over de natuurlijke oorzak der algemeene en beurthoudende pasaat-winden of moussons', Verh. Holl. Maatsch. Wet. Haarlem 3, 183-222 (1757); Marsden does not give the exact reference, but it is clear that these (which references I take from International bibliography of meteorology: from the beginning of printing to 1889 (ed. James R. Fleming and Roy E. Goodman) (Diane Publishing, Upland, PA 1994)) are the ones referred to.
60. The translated articles are M. Semyns, 'Bericht wegens de eigenschappen der land on zee-winden: waaijende langs de kusten van't eiland Java wel inzonderheidt te Batavia. Volgens eene veeljaarige bevindinge', Verh. Holl. Maatsch. Wet. Haarlem 2, 413-418 (1755) and M. Semyns, 'Verhandeling over de natuurlijke oorzak der algemeene en beurthoudende pasaat-winden of moussons',
61. Surf was a particular interest of Marsden's; in History of Sumatra (op. cit., note 8), pp. 34-39, he notes that this term is not known in English and describes the very large and regular breakers on the west coast of Sumatra, which he contrasts with the large but irregular waves on the Atlantic coast of Ireland. It is possible that the instructions were to Capt. Joseph Huddart, an East India captain with scientific interests; if so, this would have been written in spring 1780 or late 1783/early 1784, at which times Huddart was in England but preparing to voyage to India; see William Huddart, Unpathed waters: account of the life and times of Joseph Huddart FRS (Quiller Press, London, 1989). (I owe this reference and suggestion to Andrew S. Cook.)
62. Surf was a particular interest of Marsden's; in History of Sumatra (op. cit., note 8), pp. 34-39, he notes that this term is not known in English and describes the very large and regular breakers on the west coast of Sumatra, which he contrasts with the large but irregular waves on the Atlantic coast of Ireland. It is possible that the instructions were to Capt. Joseph Huddart, an East India captain with scientific interests; if so, this would have been written in spring 1780 or late 1783/early 1784, at which times Huddart was in England but preparing to voyage to India; see William Huddart, Unpathed waters: account of the life and times of Joseph Huddart FRS (Quiller Press, London, 1989). (I owe this reference and suggestion to Andrew S. Cook.)
63. When FitzRoy repeated the historical summary from his 1857 report in Robert FitzRoy, The weather book: a manual of practical meteorology, p. 49 (Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, London, 1863), he added a footnote 'General Sabine has the documents', to his comment about Marsden - although Sabine had not in fact returned them. After FitzRoy's death Sabine wrote to the new head of the Department, Babington, requesting the return of the materials, but perhaps because Sabine misstated the materials as a memoir by Alexander Dalrymple, Babington was unable to locate them (Sabine to Babington, 25 Aug 1866, BJ 7/55; Babington to Sabine, 28 Aug 1866, B2190, BJ 7/865).
64. On p. 32 of his Memoir (op. cit., note 5), Marsden refers to a period 'when my attention was directed to the subject of the winds, &c. prevailing between the tropics', as the context for a note on land and sea breezes on the SW coast of Sumatra.
65. The footnotes making these points are on pages 21 and 24 of the third edition (op. cit., note 8). I have not seen the second edition, but the notes are present in the French translation of it: William Marsden, Voyage a l'isle de Sumatra, où l'on décrit le gouvernement, le commerce, les arts, les loix, les coutumes et moeurs des habitans; les productions naturelles, et l'état politique du pays; Traduit de l'anglois par J. Parraud, sur la 2. ed. (Buisson, Paris, An II [1793 or 1794]).
66. The footnotes making these points are on pages 21 and 24 of the third edition (op. cit., note 8). I have not seen the second edition, but the notes are present in the French translation of it: William Marsden, Voyage a l'isle de Sumatra, où l'on décrit le gouvernement, le commerce, les arts, les loix, les coutumes et moeurs des habitans; les productions naturelles, et l'état politique du pays; Traduit de l'anglois par J. Parraud, sur la 2. ed. (Buisson, Paris, An II [1793 or 1794]).
67. Regulations and Instructions Relating to His Majesty's Service at Sea, pp. 193-195 and Form 25 (W. Winchester & Son, London, 1806), describes the logs to be kept by the Master (and forwarded to the Admiralty); their layout is essentially that of the standard East India Company log in use since 1761, or indeed of earlier logs, as described by D.W. Waters, The art of navigation in England in Elizabethan and early Stuart times (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1958), pp. 203, 282-294, and W.C. May, 'The logbooks used by ships of the East India Company', J. Inst. Navig. 27, 116-118 (1974).
68. Regulations and Instructions Relating to His Majesty's Service at Sea, pp. 193-195 and Form 25 (W. Winchester & Son, London, 1806), describes the logs to be kept by the Master (and forwarded to the Admiralty); their layout is essentially that of the standard East India Company log in use since 1761, or indeed of earlier logs, as described by D.W. Waters, The art of navigation in England in Elizabethan and early Stuart times (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1958), pp. 203, 282-294, and W.C. May, 'The logbooks used by ships of the East India Company', J. Inst. Navig. 27, 116-118 (1974).
69. Regulations and Instructions Relating to His Majesty's Service at Sea, pp. 193-195 and Form 25 (W. Winchester & Son, London, 1806), describes the logs to be kept by the Master (and forwarded to the Admiralty); their layout is essentially that of the standard East India Company log in use since 1761, or indeed of earlier logs, as described by D.W. Waters, The art of navigation in England in Elizabethan and early Stuart times (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1958), pp. 203, 282-294, and W.C. May, 'The logbooks used by ships of the East India Company', J. Inst. Navig. 27, 116-118 (1974).
70. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
71. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
72. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
73. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
74. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
75. H.T. Smith, 'Biographical notes of some leaders of marine meteorology, V. Captain Henry Toynbee', Marine Observer 1, 74-75 (1924) and H.T. Smith, 'Marine meteorology, history and progress', Marine Observer 2, 33-35, 90-92, 173-175 (1925) summarize the nineteenth-century processing methods of the Meteorological Office. The most detailed account of the difficulties with FitzRoy's system, and of Galton's proposed replacement, is in Francis Galton, Thomas H. Farrer and Frederick J. Evans, 'Report of a Committee to consider certain questions relating to the Meteorological Department of the Board of Trade', pp. 7-11, Parl. Papers 1866 [3646] LXV.329. M.C. George, 'An annotated bibliography of some early uses of punched cards in meteorology', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 26, 76-85 (1946) describes the adoption of punch-card methods by the Meteorological Office; as pointed out by C.C. Bates, 'Marine meteorology at the U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office - a resume of the past 125 years and the outlook for the future', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 37, 519-527 (1956), he overlooks their use by the US Hydrographic Office in the 1890s: see The treatment of marine meteorological data with special reference to the work of the United States Hydrographic Office (US Hydrographic Office Publication 113, Washington DC, 1897), which is so early that Hermann Hollerith is personally thanked for providing the illustrations. This document also makes clear that the US Office continued to use Maury's grouping by 5° squares.
76. Galton et al. (op. cit., note 33), who can be assumed to have taken their terminology from the Meteorological Department, call them (p. 7) 'Ten-degree Squares' and include a global map of them as their Appendix 4.
77. Such as H.T. Smith, op. cit. 1925 (note 33).
78. Edmond Halley, 'An Historical Account of the Trade Winds, and Monsoons observable in the Seas between and near the Tropicks, with an attempt to assign the phisical cause of said winds', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 16, 153-168 (1686).
79. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
80. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
81. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
82. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
83. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
84. The OED indicates that 'medium' was not unusual as a synonym for 'mean' at this period. O.B. Sheynin, 'On the history of the statistical method in meteorology', Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 31, 53-95 (1984) brings together a number of early comments, although in somewhat undigested form; he points out that for temperature at least, a preferred summary value was halfway between the maximum and minimum; this might have been in part because it was much easier to compute than the arithmetic mean. An early example not noted by Sheynin is Richard Kirwan's An Estimate of the Temperature of Different Latitudes (London: J. Davis, 1787), which lists a number of 'mean' temperatures; on p. 5 Kirwan attributes the use of means to Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita; more precisely, this is the article (of 1755) 'A more accurate definition of the variations of a thermometer'. See Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: the First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (transl. Eric G. Forbes) (Macmillan, London, 1971), pp. 53-61. Both Kirwan and Mayer draw the analogy with the 'mean motions' of astronomy, with Kirwan saying that Mayer showed 'the necessity ... of first finding the mean of certain large periods, as months and years'. This would seem to reflect the idea of eliminating actual variations, not just errors, which are usually taken to be the only kind of variation treated statistically before the nineteenth century; see Stephen M. Stigler, The history of statistics: the measurement of uncertainty before 1900 (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1986). However, neither Mayer not Kirwan indicate whether their 'mean' is the arithmetic mean, or some other summary value. See also R.L. Plackett, 'Data analysis before 1750', Int. Statist. Rev. 56, 181-195 (1988).
85. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
86. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
87. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
88. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
89. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
90. The procedure is summarized in R. FitzRoy, 'Wind charts of the Atlantic, compiled from Maury's pilot charts', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci. part 2, 39-40 (1855), and on the charts, 12 of which were issued in a portfolio in 1856. The originality of FitzRoy's wind stars was questioned by A.F. Osler, 'An account of the self-registering anemometer and rain-gauge erected at the Liverpool observatory in the year 1851, with a summary of the records for the years 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1855', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 127-142 (1855), who pointed out that he had used the same type of display in A.F. Osler, 'Report on the observations recorded during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 by the self-registering anemometers erected at the Philosophical Society, Birmingham', A. Rep. Br. Assoc. Advmt Sci., 321-347 (1840); Plate 4 of this last is clearly a wind star. Another precedent for a polar plot of wind distribution, although drawn as a smooth curve, was a figure by the French engineer Leon Lalanne (1811-92), who provided a graphical representation of wind duration as part of his appendix to Ludwig F. Kaemtz, A Complete Course of Meteorology. With Notes by Ch. Martins and an Appendix, Containing the Graphic Representation of the Numerical Tables, by L. Lalanne. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by C.V. Waker (H. Baillière, London, 1845); for information on Lalanne, see Gilles Palsky, Des chiffres et des cartes: naissance et développement de la cartographie quantitative française au XIXe Siècle (Ministère de l'enseignment supérieur et de la recherche, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, 1996), pp. 102-109, and T.L. Hankins, 'Blood, dirt, and nomograms: a particular history of graphs', Isis 90, 50-80 (1999).
91. FitzRoy sent an example of wind stars to Maury in a letter of 19 Sep 1855 (B0030, BJ 7/77); Maury's response, terming them 'beautiful' is Maury to FitzRoy, 30 October 1855 (B0034, BJ 7/80). Maury's use of normalized distributions is on pp. 112-116 of Maury, op. cit. (note 13). The National Academy report (made in response to a request for evaluation from the US Navy Bureau of Hydrography) is F.A.P. Barnard, W. Chauvenet A. Caswell, J. Winlock, B. Pierce, J.E. Hilgard, J.F. Frazer, J.D. Dana and J.H. Alexander, 'Report of the committee of the National Academy of Sciences appointed to examine the "Wind and Current Charts" and "Sailing Directions" issued from the National Observatory', A. Rep. Natl Acad. Sci. 1, 98-112 (1863).
92. FitzRoy sent an example of wind stars to Maury in a letter of 19 Sep 1855 (B0030, BJ 7/77); Maury's response, terming them 'beautiful' is Maury to FitzRoy, 30 October 1855 (B0034, BJ 7/80). Maury's use of normalized distributions is on pp. 112-116 of Maury, op. cit. (note 13). The National Academy report (made in response to a request for evaluation from the US Navy Bureau of Hydrography) is F.A.P. Barnard, W. Chauvenet A. Caswell, J. Winlock, B. Pierce, J.E. Hilgard, J.F. Frazer, J.D. Dana and J.H. Alexander, 'Report of the committee of the National Academy of Sciences appointed to examine the "Wind and Current Charts" and "Sailing Directions" issued from the National Observatory', A. Rep. Natl Acad. Sci. 1, 98-112 (1863).
93. In February and March 1834 Maury was going around Cape Horn, returning on USS Potomac from patrol duty in South America; Williams, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 99-100. At this time HMS Beagle was surveying southern Tierra del Fuego. Maury visited Tahiti in 1829 aboard USS Vincennes; Beagle visited in 1835.
94. FitzRoy's adherence to Biblical literalism led him to defend the Noachian flood in his Narrative of the Beagle's voyage (text reproduced in Keynes, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 368-382), and his denunciation of his former shipmate's theory of evolution at the Oxford BAAS meeting in 1860 is well known. Maury's popular writings, notably Matthew F. Maury, The Physical Geography of the Sea (Harper, New York, 1855; reproduced by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1963), is replete with theological and Biblical arguments for particular features of the Earth, to an extent that troubled even contemporary reviewers, as summarized in John Leighley's introduction to the 1963 reprint.
95. FitzRoy's adherence to Biblical literalism led him to defend the Noachian flood in his Narrative of the Beagle's voyage (text reproduced in Keynes, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 368-382), and his denunciation of his former shipmate's theory of evolution at the Oxford BAAS meeting in 1860 is well known. Maury's popular writings, notably Matthew F. Maury, The Physical Geography of the Sea (Harper, New York, 1855; reproduced by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1963), is replete with theological and Biblical arguments for particular features of the Earth, to an extent that troubled even contemporary reviewers, as summarized in John Leighley's introduction to the 1963 reprint.
96. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
97. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
98. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
99. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
100. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
101. The books are FitzRoy's Weather Book (note 29) and Maury's Physical Geography (note 41). The negative report on FitzRoy's work was Galton et al. op. cit. (note 33); that on Maury's publications was Barnard et al., op. cit. (note 39). It should be noted that the request for review of Maury's efforts came from Charles Henry Davis, and the National Academy committee was empanelled by Alexander Dallas Bache of the Coast Survey. Both had been bitter antebellum rivals of Maury (Bruce, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 13), so this report could hardly have been positive - although its criticisms seem sound. As pointed out by Burton, op. cit. 1986 (note 14), the statistical analysis used by Galton to argue the uselessness of FitzRoy's forecasts was itself flawed.
102. See Maury to FitzRoy, 1 December 1857 (B0052, BJ 7/89) and 15 March 1859 (B0071, BJ 7/97), and observations sent by Maury to FitzRoy, June 1859 (B0078, BJ 7/101).
103. FitzRoy to Herschel, 4 May 1858, quoted from J.M.C. Burton, op. cit. (note 15), p. 32; the original is in the Herschel correspondence in The Royal Society Archives, Hs 7.252. It should be noted that Herschel was in conflict with Maury over the driving force of ocean currents, with Maury favouring density differences and Herschel wind stress; see Deacon, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 292-294. It is somewhat ironic that the view from America was just the converse, with Joseph Henry writing to Sabine on 8 July 1861, 'Maury, sustained by the puffing he was constantly receiving from England, arrogated to himself all the science of the country ...' (quoted from Fleming, op. cit (note 11), p. 110, note 92).
104. FitzRoy to Herschel, 4 May 1858, quoted from J.M.C. Burton, op. cit. (note 15), p. 32; the original is in the Herschel correspondence in The Royal Society Archives, Hs 7.252. It should be noted that Herschel was in conflict with Maury over the driving force of ocean currents, with Maury favouring density differences and Herschel wind stress; see Deacon, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 292-294. It is somewhat ironic that the view from America was just the converse, with Joseph Henry writing to Sabine on 8 July 1861, 'Maury, sustained by the puffing he was constantly receiving from England, arrogated to himself all the science of the country ...' (quoted from Fleming, op. cit (note 11), p. 110, note 92).
105. FitzRoy to Herschel, 4 May 1858, quoted from J.M.C. Burton, op. cit. (note 15), p. 32; the original is in the Herschel correspondence in The Royal Society Archives, Hs 7.252. It should be noted that Herschel was in conflict with Maury over the driving force of ocean currents, with Maury favouring density differences and Herschel wind stress; see Deacon, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 292-294. It is somewhat ironic that the view from America was just the converse, with Joseph Henry writing to Sabine on 8 July 1861, 'Maury, sustained by the puffing he was constantly receiving from England, arrogated to himself all the science of the country ...' (quoted from Fleming, op. cit (note 11), p. 110, note 92).
106. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), Section 31, describes a series of letters in early 1865 (BJ 7/850) between Maury's friend, the London minister Francis Tremlett, and Sabine and others of The Royal Society, in which Tremlett attempted to get support from the Society for a testimonial for Maury, something Sabine firmly declined to do.
107. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 20, covers Maury's Civil War work in England; see also Warren F. Spencer, The Confederate Navy in Europe (University of Alabama Press, University, AL, 1983), Chapter 5. FitzRoy's guess is in a letter of 26 July 1862 (BJ 9/11 p. 71, B0095). Maury's 1864 letter is not listed in Williams' bibliography of his writings. FitzRoy's response to this is in Appendix G (dated 25 February 1864) to the 1864 'Report of the Meteorologic Office of the Board of Trade', Parl. Papers 1864 [3334] LV.125. In this FitzRoy says that Maury wrote 'discouraging such forecasts as are now drawn in France and England', which he attributed to Maury's lack of awareness of what FitzRoy had accomplished, 'owing perhaps to his own able mind having lately been unavoidably engrossed by lamentable internecine war'. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), describes a memorandum of 24 February 1864 (BJ 7/775, B1879) from FitzRoy to his assistant deploring Maury's article, which suggests that Maury had not warned him of it. This dispute might have been related to the French programme (following FitzRoy) in weather forecasting, described by John L. Davis, 'Weather forecasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory', Ann. Sci. 41, 359-382 (1984). The summary of a letter from Maury on 30 February 1864 (sic), in the register of letters received (B2003, BJ 9/12 p. 70) suggests that Maury's concerns were to do with forecasting, given the 'insular position' of FitzRoy's network. This was not an unfair comment, given that exactly this point was made later by the Meteorological Office in defence of its poor forecasting capabilities: see R.H. Scott, Weather charts and storm warnings, 3rd edn (Longmans, London, 1887).
108. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 20, covers Maury's Civil War work in England; see also Warren F. Spencer, The Confederate Navy in Europe (University of Alabama Press, University, AL, 1983), Chapter 5. FitzRoy's guess is in a letter of 26 July 1862 (BJ 9/11 p. 71, B0095). Maury's 1864 letter is not listed in Williams' bibliography of his writings. FitzRoy's response to this is in Appendix G (dated 25 February 1864) to the 1864 'Report of the Meteorologic Office of the Board of Trade', Parl. Papers 1864 [3334] LV.125. In this FitzRoy says that Maury wrote 'discouraging such forecasts as are now drawn in France and England', which he attributed to Maury's lack of awareness of what FitzRoy had accomplished, 'owing perhaps to his own able mind having lately been unavoidably engrossed by lamentable internecine war'. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), describes a memorandum of 24 February 1864 (BJ 7/775, B1879) from FitzRoy to his assistant deploring Maury's article, which suggests that Maury had not warned him of it. This dispute might have been related to the French programme (following FitzRoy) in weather forecasting, described by John L. Davis, 'Weather forecasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory', Ann. Sci. 41, 359-382 (1984). The summary of a letter from Maury on 30 February 1864 (sic), in the register of letters received (B2003, BJ 9/12 p. 70) suggests that Maury's concerns were to do with forecasting, given the 'insular position' of FitzRoy's network. This was not an unfair comment, given that exactly this point was made later by the Meteorological Office in defence of its poor forecasting capabilities: see R.H. Scott, Weather charts and storm warnings, 3rd edn (Longmans, London, 1887).
109. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 20, covers Maury's Civil War work in England; see also Warren F. Spencer, The Confederate Navy in Europe (University of Alabama Press, University, AL, 1983), Chapter 5. FitzRoy's guess is in a letter of 26 July 1862 (BJ 9/11 p. 71, B0095). Maury's 1864 letter is not listed in Williams' bibliography of his writings. FitzRoy's response to this is in Appendix G (dated 25 February 1864) to the 1864 'Report of the Meteorologic Office of the Board of Trade', Parl. Papers 1864 [3334] LV.125. In this FitzRoy says that Maury wrote 'discouraging such forecasts as are now drawn in France and England', which he attributed to Maury's lack of awareness of what FitzRoy had accomplished, 'owing perhaps to his own able mind having lately been unavoidably engrossed by lamentable internecine war'. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), describes a memorandum of 24 February 1864 (BJ 7/775, B1879) from FitzRoy to his assistant deploring Maury's article, which suggests that Maury had not warned him of it. This dispute might have been related to the French programme (following FitzRoy) in weather forecasting, described by John L. Davis, 'Weather forecasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory', Ann. Sci. 41, 359-382 (1984). The summary of a letter from Maury on 30 February 1864 (sic), in the register of letters received (B2003, BJ 9/12 p. 70) suggests that Maury's concerns were to do with forecasting, given the 'insular position' of FitzRoy's network. This was not an unfair comment, given that exactly this point was made later by the Meteorological Office in defence of its poor forecasting capabilities: see R.H. Scott, Weather charts and storm warnings, 3rd edn (Longmans, London, 1887).
110. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 20, covers Maury's Civil War work in England; see also Warren F. Spencer, The Confederate Navy in Europe (University of Alabama Press, University, AL, 1983), Chapter 5. FitzRoy's guess is in a letter of 26 July 1862 (BJ 9/11 p. 71, B0095). Maury's 1864 letter is not listed in Williams' bibliography of his writings. FitzRoy's response to this is in Appendix G (dated 25 February 1864) to the 1864 'Report of the Meteorologic Office of the Board of Trade', Parl. Papers 1864 [3334] LV.125. In this FitzRoy says that Maury wrote 'discouraging such forecasts as are now drawn in France and England', which he attributed to Maury's lack of awareness of what FitzRoy had accomplished, 'owing perhaps to his own able mind having lately been unavoidably engrossed by lamentable internecine war'. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), describes a memorandum of 24 February 1864 (BJ 7/775, B1879) from FitzRoy to his assistant deploring Maury's article, which suggests that Maury had not warned him of it. This dispute might have been related to the French programme (following FitzRoy) in weather forecasting, described by John L. Davis, 'Weather forecasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory', Ann. Sci. 41, 359-382 (1984). The summary of a letter from Maury on 30 February 1864 (sic), in the register of letters received (B2003, BJ 9/12 p. 70) suggests that Maury's concerns were to do with forecasting, given the 'insular position' of FitzRoy's network. This was not an unfair comment, given that exactly this point was made later by the Meteorological Office in defence of its poor forecasting capabilities: see R.H. Scott, Weather charts and storm warnings, 3rd edn (Longmans, London, 1887).
111. Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapter 20, covers Maury's Civil War work in England; see also Warren F. Spencer, The Confederate Navy in Europe (University of Alabama Press, University, AL, 1983), Chapter 5. FitzRoy's guess is in a letter of 26 July 1862 (BJ 9/11 p. 71, B0095). Maury's 1864 letter is not listed in Williams' bibliography of his writings. FitzRoy's response to this is in Appendix G (dated 25 February 1864) to the 1864 'Report of the Meteorologic Office of the Board of Trade', Parl. Papers 1864 [3334] LV.125. In this FitzRoy says that Maury wrote 'discouraging such forecasts as are now drawn in France and England', which he attributed to Maury's lack of awareness of what FitzRoy had accomplished, 'owing perhaps to his own able mind having lately been unavoidably engrossed by lamentable internecine war'. Barlow, op. cit. (note 15), describes a memorandum of 24 February 1864 (BJ 7/775, B1879) from FitzRoy to his assistant deploring Maury's article, which suggests that Maury had not warned him of it. This dispute might have been related to the French programme (following FitzRoy) in weather forecasting, described by John L. Davis, 'Weather forecasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory', Ann. Sci. 41, 359-382 (1984). The summary of a letter from Maury on 30 February 1864 (sic), in the register of letters received (B2003, BJ 9/12 p. 70) suggests that Maury's concerns were to do with forecasting, given the 'insular position' of FitzRoy's network. This was not an unfair comment, given that exactly this point was made later by the Meteorological Office in defence of its poor forecasting capabilities: see R.H. Scott, Weather charts and storm warnings, 3rd edn (Longmans, London, 1887).
112. The first occasion was while in command of the Beagle in 1834, when FitzRoy had temporarily relinquished command and gone under the care of the ship's surgeon, writing to Beaufort, 'I am in the dumps' (Keynes, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 238-239). The second was in 1850, while in command of HMS Arrogant; according to his privately printed memorandum of 1852 (op. cit. (note 16)), having 'fairly tired himself out - Captain Fitz Roy was obliged to yield to the effects of fatigue - and anxiety about home affairs - conjoined; which had unnerved him, for a time' although a 'week's change of air only, with absolute rest, sufficed to make him feel himself a different person'. The only professional evaluation of FitzRoy's psychological problems is by the psychiatrist John Bowlby, Charles Darwin: a new life (Norton, New York, 1991), p. 154 and note, who proposes a diagnosis of unipolar depression, with a possibly enhanced propensity because of the death of FitzRoy's mother when he was young.
113. The first occasion was while in command of the Beagle in 1834, when FitzRoy had temporarily relinquished command and gone under the care of the ship's surgeon, writing to Beaufort, 'I am in the dumps' (Keynes, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 238-239). The second was in 1850, while in command of HMS Arrogant; according to his privately printed memorandum of 1852 (op. cit. (note 16)), having 'fairly tired himself out - Captain Fitz Roy was obliged to yield to the effects of fatigue - and anxiety about home affairs - conjoined; which had unnerved him, for a time' although a 'week's change of air only, with absolute rest, sufficed to make him feel himself a different person'. The only professional evaluation of FitzRoy's psychological problems is by the psychiatrist John Bowlby, Charles Darwin: a new life (Norton, New York, 1991), p. 154 and note, who proposes a diagnosis of unipolar depression, with a possibly enhanced propensity because of the death of FitzRoy's mother when he was young.
114. The first occasion was while in command of the Beagle in 1834, when FitzRoy had temporarily relinquished command and gone under the care of the ship's surgeon, writing to Beaufort, 'I am in the dumps' (Keynes, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 238-239). The second was in 1850, while in command of HMS
115. A detailed account of FitzRoy's last days, by his widow, is in Mellersh, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 282-284; see also the report of the inquest in The Times, 4 May 1865 (page 14, col. D). Some authors (for example Barlow) have suggested that the visit to Maury would have reminded FitzRoy of his own lack of success, compared with Maury's reputation. But by this time the news had arrived in England of General Lee's surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant, of the fall of the Confederate capital at Richmond, and of the assassination of President Lincoln. So Maury's future, as a leading member of the Confederacy, was anything but good: he was a man without employment and indeed without a country, who in fact spent the next four years promoting an unsuccessful colonization scheme in Mexico, and a training course on mine warfare in England, before returning to Virginia; see Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapters 21 and 22. That FitzRoy's state of mind was such as to be easily upset is shown by testimony at the inquest and by a letter from Col. Henry Edmund Austen to Babington (FitzRoy's assistant), 2 May 1865, (BJ 7/46), who says that when he told FitzRoy on 27 April that he would be moving from Norwood, FitzRoy became 'quite oppressed'.
116. A detailed account of FitzRoy's last days, by his widow, is in Mellersh, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 282-284; see also the report of the inquest in The Times, 4 May 1865 (page 14, col. D). Some authors (for example Barlow) have suggested that the visit to Maury would have reminded FitzRoy of his own lack of success, compared with Maury's reputation. But by this time the news had arrived in England of General Lee's surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant, of the fall of the Confederate capital at Richmond, and of the assassination of President Lincoln. So Maury's future, as a leading member of the Confederacy, was anything but good: he was a man without employment and indeed without a country, who in fact spent the next four years promoting an unsuccessful colonization scheme in Mexico, and a training course on mine warfare in England, before returning to Virginia; see Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapters 21 and 22. That FitzRoy's state of mind was such as to be easily upset is shown by testimony at the inquest and by a letter from Col. Henry Edmund Austen to Babington (FitzRoy's assistant), 2 May 1865, (BJ 7/46), who says that when he told FitzRoy on 27 April that he would be moving from Norwood, FitzRoy became 'quite oppressed'.
117. A detailed account of FitzRoy's last days, by his widow, is in Mellersh, op. cit. (note 16), pp. 282-284; see also the report of the inquest in The Times, 4 May 1865 (page 14, col. D). Some authors (for example Barlow) have suggested that the visit to Maury would have reminded FitzRoy of his own lack of success, compared with Maury's reputation. But by this time the news had arrived in England of General Lee's surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant, of the fall of the Confederate capital at Richmond, and of the assassination of President Lincoln. So Maury's future, as a leading member of the Confederacy, was anything but good: he was a man without employment and indeed without a country, who in fact spent the next four years promoting an unsuccessful colonization scheme in Mexico, and a training course on mine warfare in England, before returning to Virginia; see Williams, op. cit. (note 11), Chapters 21 and 22. That FitzRoy's state of mind was such as to be easily upset is shown by testimony at the inquest and by a letter from Col. Henry Edmund Austen to Babington (FitzRoy's assistant), 2 May 1865, (BJ 7/46), who says that when he told FitzRoy on 27 April that he would be moving from Norwood, FitzRoy became 'quite oppressed'.
118. Isaac Greenwood, 'A new method for composing a natural history of meteors', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 35, 390-402 (1727). L.G. Simons, 'Isaac Greenwood, first Hollis professor', Scr. Math. 2, 117-121 (1934) and H.H. Frisinger, 'Isaac Greenwood: pioneer American meteorologist', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 48, 265-267 (1976) provide biographical information on Greenwood (although neither notes the originality of his proposal in 1727). Greenwood became Professor in 1728, being discharged in 1738 for habitual drunkenness.
119. Isaac Greenwood, 'A new method for composing a natural history of meteors', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 35, 390-402 (1727). L.G. Simons, 'Isaac Greenwood, first Hollis professor', Scr. Math. 2, 117-121 (1934) and H.H. Frisinger, 'Isaac Greenwood: pioneer American meteorologist', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 48, 265-267 (1976) provide biographical information on Greenwood (although neither notes the originality of his proposal in 1727). Greenwood became Professor in 1728, being discharged in 1738 for habitual drunkenness.
120. Isaac Greenwood, 'A new method for composing a natural history of meteors', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 35, 390-402 (1727). L.G. Simons, 'Isaac Greenwood, first Hollis professor', Scr. Math. 2, 117-121 (1934) and H.H. Frisinger, 'Isaac Greenwood: pioneer American meteorologist', Bull. Am. Meteorol. Soc. 48, 265-267 (1976) provide biographical information on Greenwood (although neither notes the originality of his proposal in 1727). Greenwood became Professor in 1728, being discharged in 1738 for habitual drunkenness.
121. The importation of the barometer is described by W.E.K. Middleton, The history of the barometer (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1964), Chapter 12. Jurin's request is James Jurin, 'Invitatio ad observationem Meteorologicas communi consilio instituendas', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 32, 422-427 (1723), the background to which is discussed by Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence networks and the Royal Society', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 32, 155-169 (1999).
122. The importation of the barometer is described by W.E.K. Middleton, The history of the barometer (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1964), Chapter 12. Jurin's request is James Jurin, 'Invitatio ad observationem Meteorologicas communi consilio instituendas', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 32, 422-427 (1723), the background to which is discussed by Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence networks and the Royal Society', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 32, 155-169 (1999).
123. The importation of the barometer is described by W.E.K. Middleton, The history of the barometer (The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1964), Chapter 12. Jurin's request is James Jurin, 'Invitatio ad observationem Meteorologicas communi consilio instituendas', Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. 32, 422-427 (1723), the background to which is discussed by Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence networks and the Royal Society', Br. J. Hist. Sci. 32, 155-169 (1999).
124. As another example, from someone who might later have acted upon it, Friendly, op. cit. (note 2), p. 142, quotes from a December 1809 letter from Francis Beaufort to Richard Lovell Edgeworth, 'There are at present 1000 King's vessels employed, From each of them there are from 2 to 8 Log books deposited every year in the Navy Office; those log books give the wind and weather every hour ... spread over a great extent of ocean. What better data could a patient meteorological philosopher desire?'
125. William H. Goetzmann, Army exploration in the American West, 1803-1863 (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1959) and Susan Faye Cannon, Science in culture: the early Victorian period (Science History Publications, New York, 1978) are the first two discussions (with somewhat different meanings and spellings). A good recent summary of the literature on this topic - as well as a thorough examination of the activity in practice - is Michael S. Reidy, 'The flux and reflux of science: the study of the tides and the organization of early Victorian science' (PhD thesis, University of Minnesota, 2000).
126. William H. Goetzmann, Army exploration in the American West, 1803-1863 (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1959) and Susan Faye Cannon, Science in culture: the early Victorian period (Science History Publications, New York, 1978) are the first two discussions (with somewhat different meanings and spellings). A good recent summary of the literature on this topic - as well as a thorough examination of the activity in practice - is Michael S. Reidy, 'The flux and reflux of science: the study of the tides and the organization of early Victorian science' (PhD thesis, University of Minnesota, 2000).
127. William H. Goetzmann, Army exploration in the American West, 1803-1863 (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1959) and Susan Faye Cannon, Science in culture: the early Victorian period (Science History Publications, New York, 1978) are the first two discussions (with somewhat different meanings and spellings). A good recent summary of the literature on this topic - as well as a thorough examination of the activity in practice - is Michael S. Reidy, 'The flux and reflux of science: the study of the tides and the organization of early Victorian science' (PhD thesis, University of Minnesota, 2000).
128. Reidy, op. cit. (note 52), makes exactly this point: William Whewell could envisage a coordinated campaign to measure tides, but being (merely) a Fellow of Trinity College could not make this happen; to do so required the commitment of Francis Beaufort and the Hydrographic Office - itself an entity that, before the nineteenth century, the greatest naval power in the world had seen no need for.