"In these perilous times": Plague and plague policies in early modern Denmark

Medical History

Volumn 47, Issue 4, 2003, Pages 413-450

  Christensen, Peter ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN   (Denmark)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; DENMARK; EPIDEMIC; HEALTH CARE POLICY; HISTORY; HUMAN; MORTALITY; PLAGUE;

DENMARK; DISEASE OUTBREAKS; HEALTH POLICY; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 18TH CENTURY; HUMANS; PLAGUE;

EID: 0642375937     PISSN: 00257273     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300057331     Document Type: Article

References (303)

1. For example, P F Suhm, Historie af Danmark, 14 vols, Copenhagen, 1782-1828, vol. 13.
2. For example, C F Allen, Haandbog i fœdrelandets historie, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1881, pp. 201-2; Danmarks riges historie, vol. 2: Kristian Erslev Den senere middelalder, Copenhagen, Nordiske forlag, E Bojesen, 1896-1907, pp. 298-9; A Fabricius, Illustreret Danmarkshistorie for folket, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1914, vol. 1, p. 435; to Fabricius the most important consequence of the Black Death was that it killed off a number of King Valdemar Atterdag's enemies. It was sometimes claimed, very briefly, that Jutland in particular had been hit hard and that large areas therefore had permanently reverted to moor and wilderness, but no documentation was given. It seems that the statement was copied uncritically from the eighteenth-century antiquarian, playwright and polymath Ludvig Holberg: "In Jutland it worked such destruction that it is commonly held to be the cause of the wide moors and deserts still existing there". Idem. Dannemarks riges historie (first published 1732-35), Copenhagen, J Levin, 1856, vol. 1, p. 323.
3. For example, C F Allen, Haandbog i fœdrelandets historie, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1881, pp. 201-2; Danmarks riges historie, vol. 2: Kristian Erslev Den senere middelalder, Copenhagen, Nordiske forlag, E Bojesen, 1896-1907, pp. 298-9; A Fabricius, Illustreret Danmarkshistorie for folket, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1914, vol. 1, p. 435; to Fabricius the most important consequence of the Black Death was that it killed off a number of King Valdemar Atterdag's enemies. It was sometimes claimed, very briefly, that Jutland in particular had been hit hard and that large areas therefore had permanently reverted to moor and wilderness, but no documentation was given. It seems that the statement was copied uncritically from the eighteenth-century antiquarian, playwright and polymath Ludvig Holberg: "In Jutland it worked such destruction that it is commonly held to be the cause of the wide moors and deserts still existing there". Idem. Dannemarks riges historie (first published 1732-35), Copenhagen, J Levin, 1856, vol. 1, p. 323.
4. For example, C F Allen, Haandbog i fœdrelandets historie, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1881, pp. 201-2; Danmarks riges historie, vol. 2: Kristian Erslev Den senere middelalder, Copenhagen, Nordiske forlag, E Bojesen, 1896-1907, pp. 298-9; A Fabricius, Illustreret Danmarkshistorie for folket, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1914, vol. 1, p. 435; to Fabricius the most important consequence of the Black Death was that it killed off a number of King Valdemar Atterdag's enemies. It was sometimes claimed, very briefly, that Jutland in particular had been hit hard and that large areas therefore had permanently reverted to moor and wilderness, but no documentation was given. It seems that the statement was copied uncritically from the eighteenth-century antiquarian, playwright and polymath Ludvig Holberg: "In Jutland it worked such destruction that it is commonly held to be the cause of the wide moors and deserts still existing there". Idem. Dannemarks riges historie (first published 1732-35), Copenhagen, J Levin, 1856, vol. 1, p. 323.
5. For example, C F Allen, Haandbog i fœdrelandets historie, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1881, pp. 201-2; Danmarks riges historie, vol. 2: Kristian Erslev Den senere middelalder, Copenhagen, Nordiske forlag, E Bojesen, 1896-1907, pp. 298-9; A Fabricius, Illustreret Danmarkshistorie for folket, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1914, vol. 1, p. 435; to Fabricius the most important consequence of the Black Death was that it killed off a number of King Valdemar Atterdag's enemies. It was sometimes claimed, very briefly, that Jutland in particular had been hit hard and that large areas therefore had permanently reverted to moor and wilderness, but no documentation was given. It seems that the statement was copied uncritically from the eighteenth-century antiquarian, playwright and polymath Ludvig Holberg: "In Jutland it worked such destruction that it is commonly held to be the cause of the wide moors and deserts still existing there". Idem. Dannemarks riges historie (first published 1732-35), Copenhagen, J Levin, 1856, vol. 1, p. 323.
6. There existed in Denmark a tradition of medical history represented by, for example, F V Mansa, Bidrag til folkesygdommenes og sundhedspleiens historie i Danmark, Copenhagen, 1873, but until recently it has had practically no impact on mainstream historical studies.
7. J Danstrup and H Koch (eds), Danmarks historie, 14 vols, Copenhagen, Politikens Forlag, 1962-66, vol. 4, pp. 272-4.
8. Ibid.; A E Christensen, et al. (eds.), Danmarks historie, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1980; and O Olsen (ed.), Gyldendal og politikens danmarkshistone, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1989.
9. Ibid.; A E Christensen, et al. (eds.), Danmarks historie, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1980; and O Olsen (ed.), Gyldendal og politikens danmarkshistone, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1989.
10. Ibid.; A E Christensen, et al. (eds.), Danmarks historie, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1980; and O Olsen (ed.), Gyldendal og politikens danmarkshistone, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1989.
11. Among the few exceptions are Ulsig's analysis of the very sparse information on Black Death mortality (E Ulsig, 'Pest og befolkningsnedgang i Danmark i del 14. århundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1991, 91: 21-43), and Ladewig Petersen's discussion of the role of epidemic disease in seventeenth-century mortality (E Ladewig Petersen, Fta standssamfund til rangssamfund 1500-1700. Dansk socialhistorie 3, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1980, pp. 73-102).
12. Among the few exceptions are Ulsig's analysis of the very sparse information on Black Death mortality (E Ulsig, 'Pest og befolkningsnedgang i Danmark i del 14. århundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1991, 91: 21-43), and Ladewig Petersen's discussion of the role of epidemic disease in seventeenth-century mortality (E Ladewig Petersen, Fta standssamfund til rangssamfund 1500-1700. Dansk socialhistorie 3, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1980, pp. 73-102).
13. F V Mansa's list of epidemics (made in the second half of the nineteenth century, see note 3 above) must now be considered outdated and unreliable. It dates from the pre-microbiology era and his attempts to identify various "pestilential fevers" and "epidemic fevers" rely on even older authortities such as Schnurrer and Haeser and on false ideas of the aetiology of infectious diseases (Mansa still believed that scurvy was an infectious disease that had arrived in Europe together with syphilis and typhus). J N Biraben's recent attempt at overviewing plague in Europe is, as far as Scandinavia is concerned, faulty and decidedly misleading (Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens, et mediterranéans, 2 vols, Paris, Mouton, 1975, Annexe IV, vol. 1, pp. 375-449). One consequence is that Denmark is used incorrectly for comparative purposes. Thus E A Eckert believes that the great outbreak of the 1660s included Denmark (The structure of plagues and pestilences in early modern Central Europe, 1560-1640, Basel, Karger, 1996, p. 159), but Denmark in fact escaped this outbreak Recently, a brief survey has been made of countermeasures in Denmark-Norway by a Norwegian historian (O G Moseng, 'Gud, Festen, Legekunsten, Mottiltakene og Staten. Kampen mot Epidemiene som Moderniseringsprosjekt', Historisk Tidsskrift (Norge) 1996, 75: 454-73). In contrast to Denmark, Norway has a long tradition of studying the plague and the Black Death in particular. One suspects that this interest partly springs from the efforts to find an explanation for the deplorable fact that Norway ended up under Danish rule at the end of the Middle Ages.
14. F V Mansa's list of epidemics (made in the second half of the nineteenth century, see note 3 above) must now be considered outdated and unreliable. It dates from the pre-microbiology era and his attempts to identify various "pestilential fevers" and "epidemic fevers" rely on even older authortities such as Schnurrer and Haeser and on false ideas of the aetiology of infectious diseases (Mansa still believed that scurvy was an infectious disease that had arrived in Europe together with syphilis and typhus). J N Biraben's recent attempt at overviewing plague in Europe is, as far as Scandinavia is concerned, faulty and decidedly misleading (Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens, et mediterranéans, 2 vols, Paris, Mouton, 1975, Annexe IV, vol. 1, pp. 375-449). One consequence is that Denmark is used incorrectly for comparative purposes. Thus E A Eckert believes that the great outbreak of the 1660s included Denmark (The structure of plagues and pestilences in early modern Central Europe, 1560-1640, Basel, Karger, 1996, p. 159), but Denmark in fact escaped this outbreak Recently, a brief survey has been made of countermeasures in Denmark-Norway by a Norwegian historian (O G Moseng, 'Gud, Festen, Legekunsten, Mottiltakene og Staten. Kampen mot Epidemiene som Moderniseringsprosjekt', Historisk Tidsskrift (Norge) 1996, 75: 454-73). In contrast to Denmark, Norway has a long tradition of studying the plague and the Black Death in particular. One suspects that this interest partly springs from the efforts to find an explanation for the deplorable fact that Norway ended up under Danish rule at the end of the Middle Ages.
15. F V Mansa's list of epidemics (made in the second half of the nineteenth century, see note 3 above) must now be considered outdated and unreliable. It dates from the pre-microbiology era and his attempts to identify various "pestilential fevers" and "epidemic fevers" rely on even older authortities such as Schnurrer and Haeser and on false ideas of the aetiology of infectious diseases (Mansa still believed that scurvy was an infectious disease that had arrived in Europe together with syphilis and typhus). J N Biraben's recent attempt at overviewing plague in Europe is, as far as Scandinavia is concerned, faulty and decidedly misleading (Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens, et mediterranéans, 2 vols, Paris, Mouton, 1975, Annexe IV, vol. 1, pp. 375-449). One consequence is that Denmark is used incorrectly for comparative purposes. Thus E A Eckert believes that the great outbreak of the 1660s included Denmark (The structure of plagues and pestilences in early modern Central Europe, 1560-1640, Basel, Karger, 1996, p. 159), but Denmark in fact escaped this outbreak Recently, a brief survey has been made of countermeasures in Denmark-Norway by a Norwegian historian (O G Moseng, 'Gud, Festen, Legekunsten, Mottiltakene og Staten. Kampen mot Epidemiene som Moderniseringsprosjekt', Historisk Tidsskrift (Norge) 1996, 75: 454-73). In contrast to Denmark, Norway has a long tradition of studying the plague and the Black Death in particular. One suspects that this interest partly springs from the efforts to find an explanation for the deplorable fact that Norway ended up under Danish rule at the end of the Middle Ages.
16. C Mule (ed.), Kjøbenhavn under pesten 1711. Samtidige breve, Copenhagen, 1843, p. 303; P Christensen, 'Copenhagen 1711. Danish authorities facing the plague', in S Sheard and H Power (eds), Body and city histories of urban public health, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2000, pp. 50-8.
17. C Mule (ed.), Kjøbenhavn under pesten 1711. Samtidige breve, Copenhagen, 1843, p. 303; P Christensen, 'Copenhagen 1711. Danish authorities facing the plague', in S Sheard and H Power (eds), Body and city histories of urban public health, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2000, pp. 50-8.
18. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
19. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
20. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
21. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
22. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
23. In France plague was often referred to as la contagion or le mal contagieux (F Lebrun, 'L'Intervention des autorités face aux crises de mortalité dans la France de l'ancien régime', in A E Imhof (ed.), Leib und Leben in der Geschichte der Neuzeit, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1983, pp. 39-52, on p. 41 ), or la maladie contagieuse (P Deyon, Amiens capitale provinciale. Étude sur la société urbaine au 17e siècle, Paris, Mouton, 1967, pp. 17-28; A Lotin, Chavalte, ouvrier Lillois. Un contemporain de Louis XIV, Paris, Flammarion, 1979, pp. 145, 151) Authorities in Spain during the great epidemic of 1596-1602 simply talked about la enfermedad (B Bennassar, Recherches sur le grandes épidémies dans le nord de l'Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris, SEVPEN, 1969), p. 69. Felix Platter in Basel referred to pestelentzen oder Sterbendt or just die Sucht (F Platter, Beschreibung der Stadt Basel 1610 und Pestbericht 1610-11, ed. V Lötscher, Basel, Schwabe, 1987, pp. 71, 149). The council of Antwerp usually referred to the haestige sieckte or the besmettelycke siechte (A F C van Schevensteen, Documents pour servir à l'élude des maladies pestilentielles dans le marquisat d'Anvers jusqu'à la chute de l'ancien régime, 2 vols, Brussels, 1931, vol. 1, pp. 210, 214, 256, 262-75.
24. E Marquard (ed.). Breve til og fra Mogens Gyldenstjerne og Anne Sparre, 3 vols, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G E C Gad. 1929-41, vol. 1, pp. 11, 15, vol 2, p. 621, vol. 3, p. 236; plague is mentioned in vol. 1, pp. 132, 205, 220, vol. 2, pp. 446, 450-1, 461, 492, 550-1, 674, 741-2, vol. 3, pp. 209-10.
25. B Kaae (ed.), Peder Hegelunds Almanakopregnelser 1565-1613, ølgod, published by Historisk Samfund for Ribe Amt. 1976, pp. 375, 383, 385, 392-3, 429.
26. J R Hübertz (ed.), Aktsrykker vedkommende staden og Stifter Aarhus, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1845-46, vol. 2, pp. 309-10.
27. Worm, vol. 3, pp. 68, 72.
28. Ibid ,vol. 1, pp. 41-2, 173-4, 185, 384; vol. 2, pp. 25, 29, 38-9, 56, 68.
29. Ibid ,vol. 1, pp. 41-2, 173-4, 185, 384; vol. 2, pp. 25, 29, 38-9, 56, 68.
30. In the epidemic at the turn of the century annual plague mortality in Bombay averaged 0.9 per cent. It peaked in 1903 when 20,000 died, which corresponds to a mortality rate of 2.5 per cent, not in the least comparable with mortality rates in pre-modern Europe; see D Arnold, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 200-3, 207. A recent comprehensive - though perhaps not conclusive - argument against the retrospective diagnosis can be found in Scott and Duncan, who, however, rely too much on Biraben's Annexe IV (see note 7 above; S Scott and C J Duncan, Biology of plagues: evidence from historical populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001). The most recent criticism of the conventional diagnosis is by S K Cohn, 'The black death: end of a paradigm', Am. hist. Rev., 2002, 107: 703-38. A vigorous argument in favour of the rat-flea theory can be found in O J Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic countries, Oslo, Middelalderforlaget, 1993; more recently, also B Persson, Pestens gåta. Farsoter i det tidiga 1700-talets Skåne, Lund, Historiska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet, 2001.
31. In the epidemic at the turn of the century annual plague mortality in Bombay averaged 0.9 per cent. It peaked in 1903 when 20,000 died, which corresponds to a mortality rate of 2.5 per cent, not in the least comparable with mortality rates in pre-modern Europe; see D Arnold, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 200-3, 207. A recent comprehensive - though perhaps not conclusive - argument against the retrospective diagnosis can be found in Scott and Duncan, who, however, rely too much on Biraben's Annexe IV (see note 7 above; S Scott and C J Duncan, Biology of plagues: evidence from historical populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001). The most recent criticism of the conventional diagnosis is by S K Cohn, 'The black death: end of a paradigm', Am. hist. Rev., 2002, 107: 703-38. A vigorous argument in favour of the rat-flea theory can be found in O J Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic countries, Oslo, Middelalderforlaget, 1993; more recently, also B Persson, Pestens gåta. Farsoter i det tidiga 1700-talets Skåne, Lund, Historiska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet, 2001.
32. In the epidemic at the turn of the century annual plague mortality in Bombay averaged 0.9 per cent. It peaked in 1903 when 20,000 died, which corresponds to a mortality rate of 2.5 per cent, not in the least comparable with mortality rates in pre-modern Europe; see D Arnold, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 200-3, 207. A recent comprehensive - though perhaps not conclusive - argument against the retrospective diagnosis can be found in Scott and Duncan, who, however, rely too much on Biraben's Annexe IV (see note 7 above; S Scott and C J Duncan, Biology of plagues: evidence from historical populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001). The most recent criticism of the conventional diagnosis is by S K Cohn, 'The black death: end of a paradigm', Am. hist. Rev., 2002, 107: 703-38. A vigorous argument in favour of the rat-flea theory can be found in O J Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic countries, Oslo, Middelalderforlaget, 1993; more recently, also B Persson, Pestens gåta. Farsoter i det tidiga 1700-talets Skåne, Lund, Historiska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet, 2001.
33. In the epidemic at the turn of the century annual plague mortality in Bombay averaged 0.9 per cent. It peaked in 1903 when 20,000 died, which corresponds to a mortality rate of 2.5 per cent, not in the least comparable with mortality rates in pre-modern Europe; see D Arnold, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 200-3, 207. A recent comprehensive - though perhaps not conclusive - argument against the retrospective diagnosis can be found in Scott and Duncan, who, however, rely too much on Biraben's Annexe IV (see note 7 above; S Scott and C J Duncan, Biology of plagues: evidence from historical populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001). The most recent criticism of the conventional diagnosis is by S K Cohn, 'The black death: end of a paradigm', Am. hist. Rev., 2002, 107: 703-38. A vigorous argument in favour of the rat-flea theory can be found in O J Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic countries, Oslo, Middelalderforlaget, 1993; more recently, also B Persson, Pestens gåta. Farsoter i det tidiga 1700-talets Skåne, Lund, Historiska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet, 2001.
34. In the epidemic at the turn of the century annual plague mortality in Bombay averaged 0.9 per cent. It peaked in 1903 when 20,000 died, which corresponds to a mortality rate of 2.5 per cent, not in the least comparable with mortality rates in pre-modern Europe; see D Arnold, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 200-3, 207. A recent comprehensive - though perhaps not conclusive - argument against the retrospective diagnosis can be found in Scott and Duncan, who, however, rely too much on Biraben's Annexe IV (see note 7 above; S Scott and C J Duncan, Biology of plagues: evidence from historical populations, Cambridge University Press, 2001). The most recent criticism of the conventional diagnosis is by S K Cohn, 'The black death: end of a paradigm', Am. hist. Rev., 2002, 107: 703-38. A vigorous argument in favour of the rat-flea theory can be found in O J Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic countries, Oslo, Middelalderforlaget, 1993; more recently, also B Persson, Pestens gåta. Farsoter i det tidiga 1700-talets Skåne, Lund, Historiska Institutionen vid Lunds Universitet, 2001.
35. To complicate matters further there are indications that Y. pestis (or something resembling it closely) has been in Europe before the twentieth century, see M Drancourt et al., 'Detection of 400-year-old Yersinia pestis DNA in human dental pulp: an approach to the diagnosis of ancient septicemia", Proc. Nat. Academy Sci., 1998, 95: 12637-40. In a mass grave in Provence containing 133 bodies and dating from 1590, teeth from two individuals showed traces of Y. pestis-specific DNA sequences. In another grave, containing 200 skeletons and dating from 1722, teeth with similar DNA sequences were taken from three individuals. Both cemeteries supposedly belonged to plague hospitals. Unfortunately, no evidence for this is cited, and five individuals are hardly representative. Bubonic plague may occasionally have been brought to European seaports. The point is, that the course of an early modern plague epidemic remains radically different from modern bubonic plague. Even if Y. pestis (or some close relative) was the causative agent, it behaved so differently in the past that inferring from twentieth-century India remains highly problematic. See also, Cohn, op. cit., note 15 above, pp. 735-6.
36. To complicate matters further there are indications that Y. pestis (or something resembling it closely) has been in Europe before the twentieth century, see M Drancourt et al., 'Detection of 400-year-old Yersinia pestis DNA in human dental pulp: an approach to the diagnosis of ancient septicemia", Proc. Nat. Academy Sci., 1998, 95: 12637-40. In a mass grave in Provence containing 133 bodies and dating from 1590, teeth from two individuals showed traces of Y. pestis-specific DNA sequences. In another grave, containing 200 skeletons and dating from 1722, teeth with similar DNA sequences were taken from three individuals. Both cemeteries supposedly belonged to plague hospitals. Unfortunately, no evidence for this is cited, and five individuals are hardly representative. Bubonic plague may occasionally have been brought to European seaports. The point is, that the course of an early modern plague epidemic remains radically different from modern bubonic plague. Even if Y. pestis (or some close relative) was the causative agent, it behaved so differently in the past that inferring from twentieth-century India remains highly problematic. See also, Cohn, op. cit., note 15 above, pp. 735-6.
37. Roskilde annals, in MHD, 1873, vol. 1, pp. 311, 314, 319. A sixteenth-century chronicle records severe epidemics in 1472 "all over the world", and again in 1481, P F Suhm, Samlinger til den Danske Historie, 2 vols, Copenhagen, 1779-84, vol. 1, pt 2, p. 167; another brief chronicle (seventeenth century) mentions a plague in 1405 "which left hardly a tenth alive", Suhm, ibid., p. 164.
38. Roskilde annals, in MHD, 1873, vol. 1, pp. 311, 314, 319. A sixteenth-century chronicle records severe epidemics in 1472 "all over the world", and again in 1481, P F Suhm, Samlinger til den Danske Historie, 2 vols, Copenhagen, 1779-84, vol. 1, pt 2, p. 167; another brief chronicle (seventeenth century) mentions a plague in 1405 "which left hardly a tenth alive", Suhm, ibid., p. 164.
39. Roskilde annals, in MHD, 1873, vol. 1, pp. 311, 314, 319. A sixteenth-century chronicle records severe epidemics in 1472 "all over the world", and again in 1481, P F Suhm, Samlinger til den Danske Historie, 2 vols, Copenhagen, 1779-84, vol. 1, pt 2, p. 167; another brief chronicle (seventeenth century) mentions a plague in 1405 "which left hardly a tenth alive", Suhm, ibid., p. 164.
40. E Pontoppidan, Den danske atlas, 7 vols, Copenhagen, 1763-81, vol. 6, pp. 590, 735.
41. J H Ibs, Die Pest in Schleswig-Holstein von 1350 bis 1547/48, Kieler Werkstucke, Reihe A: Beitrage zur schleswig-holsteinischen und skandinavischen Geschichte, Band 12, Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, 1994, pp. 107-28, 128, for outbreaks in Lübeck. According to R S Gottfried (1978) England between 1430 and 1480 suffered major outbreaks in 1433-35, 1439, 1452-53, 1458-59, 1463-65, 1467, 1471, 1479-80, the latter being the most severe (Epidemic disease in fifteenth-century England, New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1978). To these should be added a number of limited epidemics, particularly in London. However, the criteria used by Gottfried to identify the individual outbreaks as plague (and not some other disease) can be called in question.
42. J H Ibs, Die Pest in Schleswig-Holstein von 1350 bis 1547/48, Kieler Werkstucke, Reihe A: Beitrage zur schleswig-holsteinischen und skandinavischen Geschichte, Band 12, Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, 1994, pp. 107-28, 128, for outbreaks in Lübeck. According to R S Gottfried (1978) England between 1430 and 1480 suffered major outbreaks in 1433-35, 1439, 1452-53, 1458-59, 1463-65, 1467, 1471, 1479-80, the latter being the most severe (Epidemic disease in fifteenth-century England, New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1978). To these should be added a number of limited epidemics, particularly in London. However, the criteria used by Gottfried to identify the individual outbreaks as plague (and not some other disease) can be called in question.
43. England was usually infected from the Low Countries (Paul Slack, The impact of plague in Tudor and Stuart England, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985, pp. 313, 323) and these were occasionally also referred to in Danish sources as a high-risk area.
44. KD, vol. 4, p. 519.
45. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 424; vol. 4, p. 548.
46. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 424; vol. 4, p. 548.
47. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 583; KB (1561-65), pp. 504, 507, 516, 518-20; Hegelund, op. cit., note 11 above, p. 375; J Kinch, Ribe bys historie og beskrivelse, 1536-1660, Odder, K Bønnelycke, 1884, pp. 105-6.
48. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 583; KB (1561-65), pp. 504, 507, 516, 518-20; Hegelund, op. cit., note 11 above, p. 375; J Kinch, Ribe bys historie og beskrivelse, 1536-1660, Odder, K Bønnelycke, 1884, pp. 105-6.
49. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 583; KB (1561-65), pp. 504, 507, 516, 518-20; Hegelund, op. cit., note 11 above, p. 375; J Kinch, Ribe bys historie og beskrivelse, 1536-1660, Odder, K Bønnelycke, 1884, pp. 105-6.
50. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 583; KB (1561-65), pp. 504, 507, 516, 518-20; Hegelund, op. cit., note 11 above, p. 375; J Kinch, Ribe bys historie og beskrivelse, 1536-1660, Odder, K Bønnelycke, 1884, pp. 105-6.
51. KB (1571-75), p. 670; ibid. (1576-79), pp. 28, 147, 477-8, 521, 732; CCD, vol. 2, pp. 117-18, 152. Also recorded in the provincial town of Bogense, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 466.
52. KB (1571-75), p. 670; ibid. (1576-79), pp. 28, 147, 477-8, 521, 732; CCD, vol. 2, pp. 117-18, 152. Also recorded in the provincial town of Bogense, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 466.
53. KB (1571-75), p. 670; ibid. (1576-79), pp. 28, 147, 477-8, 521, 732; CCD, vol. 2, pp. 117-18, 152. Also recorded in the provincial town of Bogense, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 466.
54. KB (1571-75), p. 670; ibid. (1576-79), pp. 28, 147, 477-8, 521, 732; CCD, vol. 2, pp. 117-18, 152. Also recorded in the provincial town of Bogense, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 466.
55. KD, vol 4, p. 665-6; KB (1580-83), pp. 682, 703, 708, 718-19, 724, 731; KB (1583-85), pp. 201, 232, 311; KB (1584-88), pp. 105, 143, 189, 199; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-11.
56. KD, vol 4, p. 665-6; KB (1580-83), pp. 682, 703, 708, 718-19, 724, 731; KB (1583-85), pp. 201, 232, 311; KB (1584-88), pp. 105, 143, 189, 199; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-11.
57. KD, vol 4, p. 665-6; KB (1580-83), pp. 682, 703, 708, 718-19, 724, 731; KB (1583-85), pp. 201, 232, 311; KB (1584-88), pp. 105, 143, 189, 199; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-11.
58. KD, vol 4, p. 665-6; KB (1580-83), pp. 682, 703, 708, 718-19, 724, 731; KB (1583-85), pp. 201, 232, 311; KB (1584-88), pp. 105, 143, 189, 199; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-11.
59. KD, vol 4, p. 665-6; KB (1580-83), pp. 682, 703, 708, 718-19, 724, 731; KB (1583-85), pp. 201, 232, 311; KB (1584-88), pp. 105, 143, 189, 199; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-11.
60. This latter outbreak may have been confined to Zealand and Funen. KD, vol. 4. p. 711; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p 542. In his record of visitations Jacob Madsen refers to the "great dying of Pestilence" in Faaborg in 1593 (Mester Jacob Madsens visitatsbog, ed. A R Idum, Odense, Historisk Samfund for Odense og Assens Amter, 1929, p. 232); See also Aa F Blomberg on plague in Faaborg 1593-94, Faaborg bys historie I, 1229-1750, Faaborg, Faaborg Byhistoriske Arkiv, 1955, pp. 139-40.
61. This latter outbreak may have been confined to Zealand and Funen. KD, vol. 4. p. 711; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p 542. In his record of visitations Jacob Madsen refers to the "great dying of Pestilence" in Faaborg in 1593 (Mester Jacob Madsens visitatsbog, ed. A R Idum, Odense, Historisk Samfund for Odense og Assens Amter, 1929, p. 232); See also Aa F Blomberg on plague in Faaborg 1593-94, Faaborg bys historie I, 1229-1750, Faaborg, Faaborg Byhistoriske Arkiv, 1955, pp. 139-40.
62. This latter outbreak may have been confined to Zealand and Funen. KD, vol. 4. p. 711; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p 542. In his record of visitations Jacob Madsen refers to the "great dying of Pestilence" in Faaborg in 1593 (Mester Jacob Madsens visitatsbog, ed. A R Idum, Odense, Historisk Samfund for Odense og Assens Amter, 1929, p. 232); See also Aa F Blomberg on plague in Faaborg 1593-94, Faaborg bys historie I, 1229-1750, Faaborg, Faaborg Byhistoriske Arkiv, 1955, pp. 139-40.
63. This latter outbreak may have been confined to Zealand and Funen. KD, vol. 4. p. 711; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p 542. In his record of visitations Jacob Madsen refers to the "great dying of Pestilence" in Faaborg in 1593 (Mester Jacob Madsens visitatsbog, ed. A R Idum, Odense, Historisk Samfund for Odense og Assens Amter, 1929, p. 232); See also Aa F Blomberg on plague in Faaborg 1593-94, Faaborg bys historie I, 1229-1750, Faaborg, Faaborg Byhistoriske Arkiv, 1955, pp. 139-40.
64. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
65. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
66. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
67. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
68. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
69. KB (1596-1602), p. 665: Perlestikkerbogen: Nakskov-prœsten Anders Pedersen Perlestikkers optegnelser og regnskaber, ed. H Knudsen and A Fabritius, Copenhagen, Samfundet for dansk Genealogi og Personalhistorie, 1954, pp. 33, 335, Hübertz, op. cit , note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 255; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294 (Maribo). The eighteenth-century historian N Slange recorded another serious outbreak in 1608-9. According to him "Jutland was severely ravaged by a pestilence so terrible that commoners and peasants even to this day remember it under the name of the little Black Death" to distinguish it from the epidemic of the fourteenth century (N Slange and H Gram, Den Stormœgtige Konges Christian den Fjerdes historie, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1749, vol. 1, pp. 252, 259). Slange has been severely criticized by modern historians for his romanticizing and biased account of Christian IV. His factual information on epidemics, dearth, etc. is usually quite reliable and he had access to sources later lost in the fires of Copenhagen. In this case, however, it would seem that he somehow duplicated information on the 1601-3 outbreak. Administrative records reflect all outbreaks, except this one. Rasmus Pedersen carefully lists the outbreaks of his time but does not mention this one either. As far as I can tell, the outbreak is not mentioned in any contemporary sources.
70. Anon., 'Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; KD, vol. 5, p. 33; CCD, vol. 3, pp. 588, 608; MHD, vol. 2, p. 719.
71. Anon., 'Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; KD, vol. 5, p. 33; CCD, vol. 3, pp. 588, 608; MHD, vol. 2, p. 719.
72. Anon., 'Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; KD, vol. 5, p. 33; CCD, vol. 3, pp. 588, 608; MHD, vol. 2, p. 719.
73. Anon., 'Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; KD, vol. 5, p. 33; CCD, vol. 3, pp. 588, 608; MHD, vol. 2, p. 719.
74. KD, vol. 5, pp. 70, 84, 87, 95; CCD, vol. 4, pp. 329-30; MHD, vol. 2, p. 728.
75. KD, vol. 5, pp. 70, 84, 87, 95; CCD, vol. 4, pp. 329-30; MHD, vol. 2, p. 728.
76. KD, vol. 5, pp. 70, 84, 87, 95; CCD, vol. 4, pp. 329-30; MHD, vol. 2, p. 728.
77. The Nørborg Register, (ed.) E Høyer Møller in 'Kirkebogen for Nørborg paa Als, 1621-1776', Danske Samlinger for Historie Topographi, Personal- og Litteraturhistorie, 1869-70, 5: 274-352; J Brahe, Hr. Jørgen Brahes levnetsbeskrivelse, ed. Vedel Simonsen, Odense, Vedel Simonsen, 1845, p. 59, MHD, vol. 2, p. 731; Worm, vol. 1, pp. 173-4, 185, 202.
78. The Nørborg Register, (ed.) E Høyer Møller in 'Kirkebogen for Nørborg paa Als, 1621-1776', Danske Samlinger for Historie Topographi, Personal- og Litteraturhistorie, 1869-70, 5: 274-352; J Brahe, Hr. Jørgen Brahes levnetsbeskrivelse, ed. Vedel Simonsen, Odense, Vedel Simonsen, 1845, p. 59, MHD, vol. 2, p. 731; Worm, vol. 1, pp. 173-4, 185, 202.
79. The Nørborg Register, (ed.) E Høyer Møller in 'Kirkebogen for Nørborg paa Als, 1621-1776', Danske Samlinger for Historie Topographi, Personal- og Litteraturhistorie, 1869-70, 5: 274-352; J Brahe, Hr. Jørgen Brahes levnetsbeskrivelse, ed. Vedel Simonsen, Odense, Vedel Simonsen, 1845, p. 59, MHD, vol. 2, p. 731; Worm, vol. 1, pp. 173-4, 185, 202.
80. The Nørborg Register, (ed.) E Høyer Møller in 'Kirkebogen for Nørborg paa Als, 1621-1776', Danske Samlinger for Historie Topographi, Personal- og Litteraturhistorie, 1869-70, 5: 274-352; J Brahe, Hr. Jørgen Brahes levnetsbeskrivelse, ed. Vedel Simonsen, Odense, Vedel Simonsen, 1845, p. 59, MHD, vol. 2, p. 731; Worm, vol. 1, pp. 173-4, 185, 202.
81. Prins Christian (V.)s Breve, ed. E Marquard, 2 vols, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G E C Gad, 1952-56, vol. 1, pp. 373-4, 380; KD, vol. 3, p. 138; KD, vol. 6, p. 110; MHD, vol. 2, p. 738.
82. Prins Christian (V.)s Breve, ed. E Marquard, 2 vols, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G E C Gad, 1952-56, vol. 1, pp. 373-4, 380; KD, vol. 3, p. 138; KD, vol. 6, p. 110; MHD, vol. 2, p. 738.
83. Prins Christian (V.)s Breve, ed. E Marquard, 2 vois, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G E C Gad, 1952-56, vol. 1, pp. 373-4, 380; KD, vol. 3, p. 138; KD, vol. 6, p. 110; MHD, vol. 2, p. 738.
84. Prins Christian (V.)s Breve, ed. E Marquard, 2 vois, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G E C Gad, 1952-56, vol. 1, pp. 373-4, 380; KD, vol. 3, p. 138; KD, vol. 6, p. 110; MHD, vol. 2, p. 738.
85. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
86. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
87. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
88. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
89. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
90. KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-31, vol. 5, pp. 368-9, 374, 376-9, 383; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 143, 157, 164-5, 168-79, 182, 254, 259-60; Kinch, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 105, 255; Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10. A severe epidemic in Southern Jutland and parts of Funen in 1659 has been identified as typhus though in my opinion the arguments presented are not entirely convincing (A Lassen, Skœbneåret 1659. Hungersnød og pest over Sydvestdanmark, Aarhus, 1958). Contemporaries sometimes referred to the disease, which was spread by Polish troops, as the ''prevailing disease" (which usually meant plague), sometimes as the "hot" or "violent" sickness (den hidsige syge), which was not a synonym for plague, or as sprinkelsyge, which usually meant typhus (Kinch, ibid., p. 406). Some French sources called it la peste, however. Lassen's identification relies heavily on arguments made in the 1920s by a retired physician
91. Ibid., p. 335; eventually he died of plague in 1629, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 290.
92. Ibid., p. 335; eventually he died of plague in 1629, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 290.
93. Ladewig Petersen, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 98-101. The register indicates that in times of normal health annual mortality averaged 60.
94. He systematically registered stillborns.
95. Perlestikkerbogen, op. cit., note 27 above, p. 232.
96. Ibid., p 238.
97. Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 294.
98. V A Secher (ed.), Samling af Kongens rettertings domme, 2 vols, 1605-14, Copenhagen, G E C Gad, 1885-86. pp. 260, 266-71.
99. Six of these are extant. See J B Rasmussen, 'Pesten og tavlerne på Bornholm', Bornholmske Samlinger, 1998, 3rd series, 12: 10-119; Anon., ' Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 206,
100. Six of these are extant. See J B Rasmussen, 'Pesten og tavlerne på Bornholm', Bornholmske Samlinger, 1998, 3rd series, 12: 10-119; Anon., ' Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 206,
101. Six of these are extant. See J B Rasmussen, 'Pesten og tavlerne på Bornholm', Bornholmske Samlinger, 1998, 3rd series, 12: 10-119; Anon., ' Fortegnelse paa adskilligt, som sig på Boringholm haver tildraget fra 1602 til 1686', Danske Magazin, 1745, 1: 125-8; Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 3, p. 206,
102. The parish was named after the town of Nørborg (Nordborg). This, however, was merely a large village, according to a seventeenth-century map, little more than a cluster of houses along the main road, Pontoppidan, op. cit., note 18 above, vol. 7, pt 1, pp. 438-9.
103. It was not until August 1629, however, that the epidemic broke out in earnest, Møller, op. cit., note 30 above, pp. 287-90.
104. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 309-10.
105. H F Rørdam, 'Nogle optegnelser af Danevirkevisens forfatter, Hr. Lauritz Olufsen Kok', Kirkehistoriske Samlinger, 1864, 3: 455-8.
106. Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 292. The data from the Zealand registers is summarized and discussed by Fussing, Tables I-XI.
107. Lyngby Kirkebag, 1641-1699 (Lyngby parish register), transcribed by R G Hansen and I Hartby, Lyngby, Byhistorisk Samling for Lyngby-Taarbæk Kommune, 1986; e.g. Jens Hjulmand in Stokkerup village buried his wife and two children on June 19, 1654. A week later he himself had died. By the end of July another three children from the family had died. Further examples of the pattern of multiple deaths per household can be found in O Højrup(ed.), Levnedslob i Sørbymagie og Kirkerup kirkebøger, 1646-1731, Copenhagen, Udvalget for udgivelse af kilder til landbefolkningens. historie, 1963, pp. 32-43.
108. Lyngby Kirkebag, 1641-1699 (Lyngby parish register), transcribed by R G Hansen and I Hartby, Lyngby, Byhistorisk Samling for Lyngby-Taarbæk Kommune, 1986; e.g. Jens Hjulmand in Stokkerup village buried his wife and two children on June 19, 1654. A week later he himself had died. By the end of July another three children from the family had died. Further examples of the pattern of multiple deaths per household can be found in O Højrup(ed.), Levnedslob i Sørbymagie og Kirkerup kirkebøger, 1646-1731, Copenhagen, Udvalget for udgivelse af kilder til landbefolkningens. historie, 1963, pp. 32-43.
109. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, p. 317.
110. The parish registers used for Figures 8 and 9 expressly indicate plague and not some other disease.
111. C Morsing, Om pestelentzis Aarsage/Foruaring og Lœgedom der emod (1546), in T Bartholin, Cista medica hafniensis, eds. and trans. N W Bruun and H-O Loldrup 1662, Copenhagen, Dansk Farmaceutforenings Forlag, 1982, p. 103.
112. F Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles, Paris, 1971, p. 324, note 142.
113. Paul Slack, 'The response to plague in early modern England: public policies and their consequences', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 167-87, p. 171.
114. B Pullan. 'Plague and perceptions of the poor in early modern Italy', T Ranger and P Slack (eds). Epidemics and ideas, Cambridge University Press, 1992, pp. 101-23, p. 120.
115. H Hjelholt, J Hvidtfeldt, K Kretzschmer (eds), Flensborg bys historie, Copenhagen, 1953, pp. 354-5. In the old Danish coinage there were 12 skillings to the mark. The monetary reform of 1625 set 1 rigsdaler (rixdollar) to 6 marks or 96 skillings. Just prior to this reform the daily wages of an unskilled labourer in Copenhagen would have been between 7 and 10 skillings, Ladewig Petersen, op. cit., note 6 above, p. 147.
116. H Hjelholt, J Hvidtfeldt, K Kretzschmer (eds), Flensborg bys historie, Copenhagen, 1953, pp. 354-5. In the old Danish coinage there were 12 skillings to the mark. The monetary reform of 1625 set 1 rigsdaler (rixdollar) to 6 marks or 96 skillings. Just prior to this reform the daily wages of an unskilled labourer in Copenhagen would have been between 7 and 10 skillings, Ladewig Petersen, op. cit., note 6 above, p. 147.
117. F V Mansa, 'Pesten i Kjøbenhavn', appeared in vols 1, 3, 4 of Historisk Tidsskrift, 1840-43, for Helsingør, see 1840, vol. 1, p. 411.
118. Thomsen, op. cit., note 43 above, p. 294.
119. However, the early minutes of the town council of Helsingør, extant from 1549 to 1565, appear to make no mention of plague, though the town suffered two or three major outbreaks in this period. See E Kroman (ed.), Helsingør Stadsbog, 3 vols, Copenhagen, 1971-81.
120. KB (1571-75), pp. 234-5. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 1, pp. 196, 207.
121. KB (1571-75), pp. 234-5. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 1, pp. 196, 207.
122. KB (1584-88), p. 311.
123. KB (1603-8), pp. 97, 112, 169, 178, 210; (1609-15), p. 197; (1621-23), p. 2.
124. KB (1603-8), pp. 97, 112, 169, 178, 210; (1609-15), p. 197; (1621-23), p. 2.
125. KB (1603-8), pp. 97, 112, 169, 178, 210; (1609-15), p. 197; (1621-23), p. 2.
126. KD, vol. 5, pp. 384, 386, 393, 396.
127. For example, English regulations of 1371 and 1388, R Horrox (trans. and ed.), The black death, Manchester University Press. 1994, pp. 203-6. M R McVaugh, Medicine before the plague: practitioners and their patients in the Crown of Aragon, 1285-1345. Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 226; on the banning of pigs, see also van Schevensteen, op. cit., note 9 above, vol. 1, pp. 200, 206, 314 (Antwerp), Benassar, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 47 (Spain); F P Wilson, The plague in Shakespeare's London, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1927, pp. 26-31.
128. For example, English regulations of 1371 and 1388, R Horrox (trans. and ed.), The black death, Manchester University Press. 1994, pp. 203-6. M R McVaugh, Medicine before the plague: practitioners and their patients in the Crown of Aragon, 1285-1345. Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 226; on the banning of pigs, see also van Schevensteen, op. cit., note 9 above, vol. 1, pp. 200, 206, 314 (Antwerp), Benassar, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 47 (Spain); F P Wilson, The plague in Shakespeare's London, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1927, pp. 26-31.
129. For example, English regulations of 1371 and 1388, R Horrox (trans. and ed.), The black death, Manchester University Press. 1994, pp. 203-6. M R McVaugh, Medicine before the plague: practitioners and their patients in the Crown of Aragon, 1285-1345. Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 226; on the banning of pigs, see also van Schevensteen, op. cit., note 9 above, vol. 1, pp. 200, 206, 314 (Antwerp), Benassar, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 47 (Spain); F P Wilson, The plague in Shakespeare's London, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1927, pp. 26-31.
130. For example, English regulations of 1371 and 1388, R Horrox (trans. and ed.), The black death, Manchester University Press. 1994, pp. 203-6. M R McVaugh, Medicine before the plague: practitioners and their patients in the Crown of Aragon, 1285-1345. Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 226; on the banning of pigs, see also van Schevensteen, op. cit., note 9 above, vol. 1, pp. 200, 206, 314 (Antwerp), Benassar, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 47 (Spain); F P Wilson, The plague in Shakespeare's London, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1927, pp. 26-31.
131. For example, English regulations of 1371 and 1388, R Horrox (trans. and ed.), The black death, Manchester University Press. 1994, pp. 203-6. M R McVaugh, Medicine before the plague: practitioners and their patients in the Crown of Aragon, 1285-1345. Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 226; on the banning of pigs, see also van Schevensteen, op. cit., note 9 above, vol. 1, pp. 200, 206, 314 (Antwerp), Benassar, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 47 (Spain); F P Wilson, The plague in Shakespeare's London, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1927, pp. 26-31.
132. See the ordinances of Pistoia (1348) and the Milanese regulations of 1374, Horrox, op. cit., note 76 above, pp. 194-203. Even before the plague, Italian cities had employed professional doctors to diagnose leprosy and for forensic examinations, see McVaugh, op. cit., note 76 above, p. 222 and note 122.
133. See the ordinances of Pistoia (1348) and the Milanese regulations of 1374, Horrox, op. cit., note 76 above, pp. 194-203. Even before the plague, Italian cities had employed professional doctors to diagnose leprosy and for forensic examinations, see McVaugh, op. cit., note 76 above, p. 222 and note 122.
134. J Revel, 'Autour d'une épidémie ancienne: la peste de 1666-1760', Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 1970, 17- 954-83; on Nuremberg, see C Porzelt, Die Peste in Nürnberg. Leben und Herrschen in Pestzeiten in der Reichsstadt Nürnberg (1562-1713), St Ottilien, EOS, 2000.
135. J Revel, 'Autour d'une épidémie ancienne: la peste de 1666-1760', Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 1970, 17- 954-83; on Nuremberg, see C Porzelt, Die Peste in Nürnberg. Leben und Herrschen in Pestzeiten in der Reichsstadt Nürnberg (1562-1713), St Ottilien, EOS, 2000.
136. Lebrun, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 40.
137. J Alexander, Bubonic plague in early modern Russia: public health and urban disaster, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980, pp. 14-28; R Hakluyt, The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques & discoveries of the English nation, 8 vols, London, J M Dent & Sons, 1907, vol. 2, pp. 63, 137, vol. 5, p. 326; The travel diary of Robert Bargrave, Levant merchant (1647-1656), ed. M G Brennan, London, Hakluyt Society, 1999, pp. 134-6.
138. J Alexander, Bubonic plague in early modern Russia: public health and urban disaster, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980, pp. 14-28; R Hakluyt, The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques & discoveries of the English nation, 8 vols, London, J M Dent & Sons, 1907, vol. 2, pp. 63, 137, vol. 5, p. 326; The travel diary of Robert Bargrave, Levant merchant (1647-1656), ed. M G Brennan, London, Hakluyt Society, 1999, pp. 134-6.
139. J Alexander, Bubonic plague in early modern Russia: public health and urban disaster, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980, pp. 14-28; R Hakluyt, The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques & discoveries of the English nation, 8 vols, London, J M Dent & Sons, 1907, vol. 2, pp. 63, 137, vol. 5, p. 326; The travel diary of Robert Bargrave, Levant merchant (1647-1656), ed. M G Brennan, London, Hakluyt Society, 1999, pp. 134-6.
140. According to Slack, op. cit., note 20 above, p 201.
141. Except London, which kept its separate rules. The 1583 version of the London regulations can be found in W P Barrett (ed.), Present remedies against the plague, etc., [London], published for the Shakespeare Association by H Milford, Oxford University Press, 1933, pp. viii-xiii. They were not very different from the general orders.
142. The general orders were revised on several occasions. The 1592 version is printed in Barrett. ibid.
143. Slack, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 319.
144. Revel, op. cit., note 78 above, pp. 966-73.
145. D Bourgois, 'Les Provinces Unies, les measures contre la peste et le commerce dans la région baltique, 1709-1715', W G Heeres et al. (eds), From Dunkirk to Danzig shipping and trade in the North Sea and the Baltic, 1350-1850, Hilversum, Verloren. 1988, pp. 191-202.
146. E Kroman, Danmarks gamle Købstadlovgivning, 5 vols, Copenhagen, Rosenkilde og Bagger, 1951-61.
147. V Nutton, "The seeds of disease: an explanation of contagion and infection from the Greeks to the Renaissance', Med. Hist. 1983, 27: 1-34; A G Carmichael, 'Contagion theory and contagion practice in fifteenth-century Milan', Renaissance Q., 1991, 44: 213-56; J Henderson, 'The black death in Florence: medical and communal responses', in S Bassett (ed.), Death in towns: urban responses to the dying and the dead. 100-1600, Leicester University Press, 1992, pp. 136-50.
148. V Nutton, "The seeds of disease: an explanation of contagion and infection from the Greeks to the Renaissance', Med. Hist. 1983, 27: 1-34; A G Carmichael, 'Contagion theory and contagion practice in fifteenth-century Milan', Renaissance Q., 1991, 44: 213-56; J Henderson, 'The black death in Florence: medical and communal responses', in S Bassett (ed.), Death in towns: urban responses to the dying and the dead. 100-1600, Leicester University Press, 1992, pp. 136-50.
149. V Nutton, "The seeds of disease: an explanation of contagion and infection from the Greeks to the Renaissance', Med. Hist. 1983, 27: 1-34; A G Carmichael, 'Contagion theory and contagion practice in fifteenth-century Milan', Renaissance Q., 1991, 44: 213-56; J Henderson, 'The black death in Florence: medical and communal responses', in S Bassett (ed.), Death in towns: urban responses to the dying and the dead. 100-1600, Leicester University Press, 1992, pp. 136-50.
150. According to his own statements. Christen Morsing had spent twenty-three years studying abroad before returning home to become the first professor of medicine at the reorganized Lutheran University of Copenhagen. When plague broke out in the city in 1546, he composed a small treatise on the disease, which he dedicated to the chancellor Johan Friis. In this treatise-which like the majority of similar plague treatises lacked any great originality-Morsing described the "signs", that is, the symptoms, discussed the causes of the disease and recommended various remedies. All solidly based on miasmatic theory. Prophylaxis was a matter for the individual and Morsing did not suggest any collective measures. See Morsing, op. cit., note 64 above. Johan Friis was a key figure in the consolidation of post-reformation government
151. Nye Danske Magazin, 1794, 1: 318.1 am unable to say what "the common disease'", "den meenige plage", might be. A guess would be syphilis.
152. KD, vol. IV, p. 519.
153. KB (1561-65), pp. 516, 518, 520.
154. KB (1576-79), p. 732.
155. KD, vol. 4, pp. 665-6, see also pp. 519-20; KB (1584-88), pp. 143, 199.
156. KD, vol. 4, pp. 665-6, see also pp. 519-20; KB (1584-88), pp. 143, 199.
157. KB (1584-88), p. 143.
158. Prins Christian (V.)s breve, op. cit., note 31 above, vol. 1, p. 380.
159. For example, in late November 1553 Christian III ordered his master watchmaker to leave Copenhagen because of plague (KD, vol. 4, p. 551). In September 1564 the university was closed (KB (1561-65), p. 504). Orders for safeguarding the navy were issued the same year, see KB (1561-65). pp. 507-8, 519; (1580-83), pp. 718-19. The university was closed again in September 1578 "as several students had already died from the prevailing disease" (KB (1576-79), pp. 477-8).
160. For example, in late November 1553 Christian III ordered his master watchmaker to leave Copenhagen because of plague (KD, vol. 4, p. 551). In September 1564 the university was closed (KB (1561-65), p. 504). Orders for safeguarding the navy were issued the same year, see KB (1561-65). pp. 507-8, 519; (1580-83), pp. 718-19. The university was closed again in September 1578 "as several students had already died from the prevailing disease" (KB (1576-79), pp. 477-8).
161. For example, in late November 1553 Christian III ordered his master watchmaker to leave Copenhagen because of plague (KD, vol. 4, p. 551). In September 1564 the university was closed (KB (1561-65), p. 504). Orders for safeguarding the navy were issued the same year, see KB (1561-65). pp. 507-8, 519; (1580-83), pp. 718-19. The university was closed again in September 1578 "as several students had already died from the prevailing disease" (KB (1576-79), pp. 477-8).
162. For example, in late November 1553 Christian III ordered his master watchmaker to leave Copenhagen because of plague (KD, vol. 4, p. 551). In September 1564 the university was closed (KB (1561-65), p. 504). Orders for safeguarding the navy were issued the same year, see KB (1561-65). pp. 507-8, 519; (1580-83), pp. 718-19. The university was closed again in September 1578 "as several students had already died from the prevailing disease" (KB (1576-79), pp. 477-8).
163. For example, in late November 1553 Christian III ordered his master watchmaker to leave Copenhagen because of plague (KD, vol. 4, p. 551). In September 1564 the university was closed (KB (1561-65), p. 504). Orders for safeguarding the navy were issued the same year, see KB (1561-65). pp. 507-8, 519; (1580-83), pp. 718-19. The university was closed again in September 1578 "as several students had already died from the prevailing disease" (KB (1576-79), pp. 477-8).
164. Gyldenstjerne, op. cit., note 10 above, vol. 2, p. 450.
165. Ibid., pp. 550-1.
166. KB (1580-83), p. 703.
167. KB (1616-20), pp. 538-9, 676-7.
168. For example, in 1583 and 1584, KB (1580-83), pp. 724-5, KB (1584-88), p. 201. Contemporaries took the idea of God being the ultimate source of plague seriously. In Protestant Europe especially, printing and the Reformation had made vernacular translations of the Bible easily available so people could see for themselves that in the past pestilences had been among God's preferred visitations. In an age of eschatological speculation recurring plagues could be and indeed were interpreted as a sign that the Last Days were near, though I suspect that in Denmark apocalyptic expectations and preaching were considerably less widespread than in England or Germany. On apocalyptic expectations in general, see A Cunningham and O P Grell, The four horsemen of the Apocalypse: religion, war, famine and death in Reformation Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2000.
169. For example, in 1583 and 1584, KB (1580-83), pp. 724-5, KB (1584-88), p. 201. Contemporaries took the idea of God being the ultimate source of plague seriously. In Protestant Europe especially, printing and the Reformation had made vernacular translations of the Bible easily available so people could see for themselves that in the past pestilences had been among God's preferred visitations. In an age of eschatological speculation recurring plagues could be and indeed were interpreted as a sign that the Last Days were near, though I suspect that in Denmark apocalyptic expectations and preaching were considerably less widespread than in England or Germany. On apocalyptic expectations in general, see A Cunningham and O P Grell, The four horsemen of the Apocalypse: religion, war, famine and death in Reformation Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2000.
170. For example, in 1583 and 1584, KB (1580-83), pp. 724-5, KB (1584-88), p. 201. Contemporaries took the idea of God being the ultimate source of plague seriously. In Protestant Europe especially, printing and the Reformation had made vernacular translations of the Bible easily available so people could see for themselves that in the past pestilences had been among God's preferred visitations. In an age of eschatological speculation recurring plagues could be and indeed were interpreted as a sign that the Last Days were near, though I suspect that in Denmark apocalyptic expectations and preaching were considerably less widespread than in England or Germany. On apocalyptic expectations in general, see A Cunningham and O P Grell, The four horsemen of the Apocalypse: religion, war, famine and death in Reformation Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2000.
171. KB (1584-88), p. 232.
172. For example, KD, vol. 4 , p. 575 (1562); vol. 5, p. 33 (1600); CCD, vol. 1. pp. 181-3 (1562), 611-12 (1574), vol. 3, p 129 (1619).
173. For example, KD, vol. 4 , p. 575 (1562); vol. 5, p. 33 (1600); CCD, vol. 1. pp. 181-3 (1562), 611-12 (1574), vol. 3, p 129 (1619).
174. For example, KD, vol. 4 , p. 575 (1562); vol. 5, p. 33 (1600); CCD, vol. 1. pp. 181-3 (1562), 611-12 (1574), vol. 3, p 129 (1619).
175. KB (1584-88), p. 760.
176. KD, vol. 5. p. 194.
177. KB (1576-79), pp 28. (1576), 147 (1577); (1584-88), p. 105 (1584); KD, vol. 5, pp. 33 (1619), 369 (1654).
178. KB (1576-79), pp 28. (1576), 147 (1577); (1584-88), p. 105 (1584); KD, vol. 5, pp. 33 (1619), 369 (1654).
179. KB (1576-79), pp 28. (1576), 147 (1577); (1584-88), p. 105 (1584); KD, vol. 5, pp. 33 (1619), 369 (1654).
180. KB (1576-79), p. 478
181. KB (1580-83), p. 682.
182. CCD, vol. 3, p. 588.
183. Prins Christian (V.)s breve, op. cit., note 31 above, vol. 1, p. 374.
184. See the English orders, para. 13 in Barrett, op. cit., note 82 above.
185. KB (1588-92), pp. 711-12.
186. Being situated outside the city it was destroyed in the siege of 1658-9 but subsequently re-established at Kalvebod Strand in 1665: O Nielsen, Kjøbenhavns historie og beskrivelse, 4 vols, Copenhagen, Gad, 1887-92, vol. 3, pp. 340-3.
187. CCD, vol. 4, p. 118.
188. KD, vol. 5, p. 70. There are indications that isolation of the sick in their own houses was practised as early as the 1580s, see KB (1580-83), p. 731.
189. KD, vol. 5, p. 70. There are indications that isolation of the sick in their own houses was practised as early as the 1580s, see KB (1580-83), p. 731.
190. KB (1621-23). pp. 490-1; plague had in fact broken out in Sweden in the summer of 1622, P-G Ottosson, 'Fighting the plague in 17th- and 18th-century Sweden', in A Brändström and L-G Tedebrand (eds.), Society, health and population during the demographic transition, Stockholm. Almqvist and Wiksell, 1988, pp. 309-22, p. 314.
191. KB (1621-23). pp. 490-1; plague had in fact broken out in Sweden in the summer of 1622, P-G Ottosson, 'Fighting the plague in 17th- and 18th-century Sweden', in A Brändström and L-G Tedebrand (eds.), Society, health and population during the demographic transition, Stockholm. Almqvist and Wiksell, 1988, pp. 309-22, p. 314.
192. KB (1621-23), pp. 641, 646-7.
193. Ibid., p. 680: CCD, vol. 4, p. 118.
194. Ibid., p. 680: CCD, vol. 4, p. 118.
195. KB (1621-23), p. 715.
196. CCD, vol. 4, pp. 329-30; KD, vol. 5, p. 87.
197. CCD, vol. 4, pp. 329-30; KD, vol. 5, p. 87.
198. CCD, vol. 4, pp. 352-3.
199. Forordning om, hvorledes der skal forholdes under pest, blodsot og sådanne smitsomme sygers tid, in CCD, vol. 4, pp. 186-93. I am unable to say whether Christian IV may have taken the English orders as a model. Usually, England is not considered to have influenced Denmark to any marked degree in the seventeenth century. On the other hand, Christian IV's sister Anna had married James I of England in 1589 and the king visited England in 1606 and in 1614 Another indication of the close links with England in this period is that among several prominent musicians and composers called to the Danish court were the Englishmen John Dowland and William Brade.
200. Recess in Danish meant a collection of passed laws. The relevant chapters of the 1643 recess dealing with plague are in CCD, vol. 5, pp. 245-52.
201. See, for example, KB (1624-26), p. 477.
202. KB (1635-36), p 761; KD, vol. 5, pp. 195-7.
203. KB (1635-36), p 761; KD, vol. 5, pp. 195-7.
204. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
205. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
206. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
207. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
208. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
209. KD, vol. 3, pp. 402-3; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 101-2. It was clearly identified as blodsot (bloody flux) and violent fevers, KB (1652), pp. 218, 221, 322-3, An extant death count (Vor Frue parish with eight cemeteries), covering the years from 1649 to 1653, shows a marked mortality increase in 1652 and 1653 compared to previous years, see J A Fridericia, 'Studier over Kjøbenhavns befolkningsforhold i det 17. Aarhundrede', Historisk Tidsskrift, 6th series, 1889-90, 2: 219-63, p. 230. The figures indicate a weekly mortality rate of around 25 in normal times. Extant Zealand parish registers indicate that the outbreak became fairly widespread, Fussing, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 291; Højrup, op. cit., note 61 above, pp. 27-9.
210. CCD, vol. 6, p. 143.
211. Worm, vol. 3, p. 508; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 156-7; KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-30.
212. Worm, vol. 3, p. 508; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 156-7; KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-30.
213. Worm, vol. 3, p. 508; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 156-7; KD, vol. 3, pp. 429-30.
214. KD, vol. 5, pp. 374-5; CCD, vol. 6, p 164.
215. KD, vol. 5, pp. 374-5; CCD, vol. 6, p 164.
216. KD, vol. 5, p. 369; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 164-5, 171-3.
217. KD, vol. 5, p. 369; CCD, vol. 6, pp. 164-5, 171-3.
218. KD, vol. 5, p. 376.
219. Ibid., p. 376. During the great plagues in London in 1563, 1603, 1625 and 1665 bonfires were lit in the streets for the same reason (Wilson, op. cit., note 76 above, p. 31); fires were also lit in the streets of Moscow in 1770-1 (Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, p. 123).
220. Ibid., p. 376. During the great plagues in London in 1563, 1603, 1625 and 1665 bonfires were lit in the streets for the same reason (Wilson, op. cit., note 76 above, p. 31); fires were also lit in the streets of Moscow in 1770-1 (Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, p. 123).
221. Ibid., p. 376. During the great plagues in London in 1563, 1603, 1625 and 1665 bonfires were lit in the streets for the same reason (Wilson, op. cit., note 76 above, p. 31); fires were also lit in the streets of Moscow in 1770-1 (Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, p. 123).
222. Worm, vol. 3, pp. 512, 515, 517, 519-22.
223. P W Becker (ed.). Samlinger til Danmarks historie under Kong Frederik den Tredies Regiering af udenlandske Archiver, 2 voli, Copenhagen, J Deichmanns, 1947-57, vol. 1, pp. 56-7.
224. Fridericia, op. cit., note 127 above, p. 230.
225. As we have seen, Swedish intelligence had reported 30 to 40 dead a week in late December though the plague "was still present on a small scale". In February 1655 the plague was officially declared to have ended and we may assume therefore that mortality had by then returned to normal levels, that is, less than 30 a week.
226. See F Hammerich, 'Præesident Haris Nansen den ældre', Historisk Tidsskrifi, 1858-49, 3rd series. 1: 131-260, p. 191 in particular. The source for the total death count was the famous physician Thomas Bartholin, who had fled Copenhagen in 1654. Whether the figure is supposed to include all deaths occurring in 1654 or just the plague victims is not clear. Hammerich's calculation methods have been criticized by M Rubin, 'Bidrag til Kjøbenhavns Befolkningsstatistik i Hundredåret 1630-1730', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1881-82, 5th series, 3: 487-549. In any case, the figures are plausible and fit with the estimates of seventeenth-century mortality made by R Mols (R Mols, Introduction àla démographie historique des villes d'Europe du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle, 3 vols, Gembloux, J Duculot, 1954-56).
227. See F Hammerich, 'Præesident Haris Nansen den ældre', Historisk Tidsskrifi, 1858-49, 3rd series. 1: 131-260, p. 191 in particular. The source for the total death count was the famous physician Thomas Bartholin, who had fled Copenhagen in 1654. Whether the figure is supposed to include all deaths occurring in 1654 or just the plague victims is not clear. Hammerich's calculation methods have been criticized by M Rubin, 'Bidrag til Kjøbenhavns Befolkningsstatistik i Hundredåret 1630-1730', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1881-82, 5th series, 3: 487-549. In any case, the figures are plausible and fit with the estimates of seventeenth-century mortality made by R Mols (R Mols, Introduction àla démographie historique des villes d'Europe du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle, 3 vols, Gembloux, J Duculot, 1954-56).
228. See F Hammerich, 'Præesident Haris Nansen den ældre', Historisk Tidsskrifi, 1858-49, 3rd series. 1: 131-260, p. 191 in particular. The source for the total death count was the famous physician Thomas Bartholin, who had fled Copenhagen in 1654. Whether the figure is supposed to include all deaths occurring in 1654 or just the plague victims is not clear. Hammerich's calculation methods have been criticized by M Rubin, 'Bidrag til Kjøbenhavns Befolkningsstatistik i Hundredåret 1630-1730', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1881-82, 5th series, 3: 487-549. In any case, the figures are plausible and fit with the estimates of seventeenth-century mortality made by R Mols (R Mols, Introduction àla démographie historique des villes d'Europe du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle, 3 vols, Gembloux, J Duculot, 1954-56).
229. CCD, vol. 6, pp. 169-71.
230. Ibid., p. 172; Brahe, op. cit., note 30 above, pp. 120-1.
231. Ibid., p. 172; Brahe, op. cit., note 30 above, pp. 120-1.
232. Kinch, op. cit , note 23 above, p. 396; CCD, vol. 6, pp 175-6; KD, vol. 5, p. 383.
233. Kinch, op. cit , note 23 above, p. 396; CCD, vol. 6, pp 175-6; KD, vol. 5, p. 383.
234. Kinch, op. cit , note 23 above, p. 396; CCD, vol. 6, pp 175-6; KD, vol. 5, p. 383.
235. CCD, vol. 6, pp. 177, 246
236. Ibid., pp. 177-8, 182.
237. Ibid., p. 254.
238. KD, vol. 6, p. 392.
239. Ibid , p. 403.
240. Ibid., p 409. Sweden began adopting quarantine measures in the 1650s, Ottosson, op. cit., note 117 above, p. 315.
241. Ibid., p 409. Sweden began adopting quarantine measures in the 1650s, Ottosson, op. cit., note 117 above, p. 315.
242. KD, vol.6, pp. 744-5.
243. V A Secher and C Støchel (eds), Forarbejderne til Kong Kristian V.s Danske Lov, 2 vols, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G EC Gad, 1891-94, vol. 2, pp. 29, 351, 523). See also I Dübeck, '"alt hvis Politien egentlig vedkommer . . .".: Forholdet mellem Danske Lov og den såkaldte politiforordning', in D Tamm (ed.), Danske og Norske Lov i 300 år, Copenhagen, Jurist- og økonomforbundets Forlag, 1983, pp. 145-78. An early eighteenth-century draft of the police statute has in fact been discovered, but does not refer to plague; H Koch, 'Politimyndighedens oprindelse (1681-1684)', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1982-83, 82: 27-56.
244. V A Secher and C Støchel (eds), Forarbejderne til Kong Kristian V.s Danske Lov, 2 vols, Copenhagen, I Kommission hos G EC Gad, 1891-94, vol. 2, pp. 29, 351, 523). See also I Dübeck, '"alt hvis Politien egentlig vedkommer . . .".: Forholdet mellem Danske Lov og den såkaldte politiforordning', in D Tamm (ed.), Danske og Norske Lov i 300 år, Copenhagen, Jurist- og økonomforbundets Forlag, 1983, pp. 145-78. An early eighteenth-century draft of the police statute has in fact been discovered, but does not refer to plague; H Koch, 'Politimyndighedens oprindelse (1681-1684)', Historisk Tidsskrift, 1982-83, 82: 27-56.
245. Christensen, op. cit., note 8 above.
246. Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1840, vol. 1, pp. 402-3.
247. Christensen, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 52, For example, in Faaborg, Blomberg, op. cit., note 26 above, vol. 1, pp. 361-2.
248. Christensen, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 52, For example, in Faaborg, Blomberg, op. cit., note 26 above, vol. 1, pp. 361-2.
249. Some contemporaries maintained that the Baltic had been the source of infection. According to one account a weaver lately arrived from Stockholm had died in a house in Helsingør and-according to the familiar pattern - two weeks later the other inmates of the house fell sick. Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1840, vol. 1, p. 400.
250. Ibid., pp. 406-7.
251. The scale of the cordon was not impressive. It ran from Villingebæk on the north coast to another fishing village, Espergærde, a few miles south of Helsingør. F V Mansa, 'Pestin i Kjøbenhavn", Historisk Tidsskrift, 1840, vol. 1, pp. 408-10.
252. E Marquard, 'En Statistik fra pestens Aar 1711', Historiske Meddelelser om København, 1924, 2nd series, 1: 397-402, p. 398.
253. KD, vol. 8, pp. 157, 159-79.
254. Ibid., pp. 166-79.
255. O T Hult pesten i Sverige 1710, Särtryck ur Hygienisk Tidskrift Band 8, Stockholm, Kungliga Boktryckeriet, P A Nordstedt & Söner, 1916; Ottosson, op. cit., note 117 above, p. 315
256. O T Hult pesten i Sverige 1710, Särtryck ur Hygienisk Tidskrift Band 8, Stockholm, Kungliga Boktryckeriet, P A Nordstedt & Söner, 1916; Ottosson, op. cit., note 117 above, p. 315
257. C Carrière, M Courdurié. F Rebuffat, Marseille, ville morte. La peste de 1720, Marseilles, M Garçon, 1968, p. 15.
258. D Panzac, Quarantaines et lazarets. L'Europe et la peste d'Orient, XVIIe-XXe siècles, Aix-en-Provence, Edisud, 1986, pp. 180-1.
259. D Panzac, 'Crime ou délit? La Législation sanitaire en Provence au XVIII siècie', Revue Historique, 1986, 275: 39-71. The orders indicate that in one form or another the famous Bureau de Santé was in existence before 1640, the date usually given for the establishment of this institution.
260. Ibid., p. 32.
261. Carrière, et al., op. cit., note 160 above, p. 15.
262. Ibid., p. 302.
263. Panzac, op. cit., note 161 above, p. 88.
264. E Lesky, 'Die österreichische Pestfront an der k.k. Militärgrenze'. Saeculum, 1957, 8: 82-106.
265. Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, pp. 21-60; N K Borodij, 'I.A. Poletika: an outstanding Ukrainian physician and scholar of the eighteenth century', Soviet Studies in History. 1987, 25, 8-15: idem, "The activity of D.S. Samoilovich in the Ukraine', ibid., pp. 16-23; idem, 'The quarantine service and anti-epidemic measures in the Ukraine in the eighteenth century", ibid., pp. 24-32.
266. Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, pp. 21-60; N K Borodij, 'I.A. Poletika: an outstanding Ukrainian physician and scholar of the eighteenth century', Soviet Studies in History. 1987, 25, 8-15: idem, "The activity of D.S. Samoilovich in the Ukraine', ibid., pp. 16-23; idem, 'The quarantine service and anti-epidemic measures in the Ukraine in the eighteenth century", ibid., pp. 24-32.
267. Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, pp. 21-60; N K Borodij, 'I.A. Poletika: an outstanding Ukrainian physician and scholar of the eighteenth century', Soviet Studies in History. 1987, 25, 8-15: idem, "The activity of D.S. Samoilovich in the Ukraine', ibid., pp. 16-23; idem, 'The quarantine service and anti-epidemic measures in the Ukraine in the eighteenth century", ibid., pp. 24-32.
268. Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above, pp. 21-60; N K Borodij, 'I.A. Poletika: an outstanding Ukrainian physician and scholar of the eighteenth century', Soviet Studies in History. 1987, 25, 8-15: idem, "The activity of D.S. Samoilovich in the Ukraine', ibid., pp. 16-23; idem, 'The quarantine service and anti-epidemic measures in the Ukraine in the eighteenth century", ibid., pp. 24-32.
269. This outbreak in many ways paralleled those in Copenhagen in 1711 and Marseilles in 1720. Though plague had been a constant problem in the southern border regions, Moscow had been free of the disease since 1654. Then, in 1768-69 Ottoman troops, operating on the Danube and the Dniester carried the plague to the Principalities, where Russian troops caught it. It spread along the Russian supply system and, because of the wartime dislocations, hastily instituted cordons proved unable to stop it Also, the central government acted slowly, probably not wishing to disrupt the military campaign or, later, to interfere with economic activities in Moscow (Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above). On the Hungarian outbreak, see B lia, "Contribution à l'histoire de la peste en Hongrie au XVIIIe siècle', in H Charbonneau and A Larose (eds), Les grandes mortalités: étude methodologique des crises démographiques dit passé, Liège, Ordina, 1979, pp. 133-8.
270. This outbreak in many ways paralleled those in Copenhagen in 1711 and Marseilles in 1720. Though plague had been a constant problem in the southern border regions, Moscow had been free of the disease since 1654. Then, in 1768-69 Ottoman troops, operating on the Danube and the Dniester carried the plague to the Principalities, where Russian troops caught it. It spread along the Russian supply system and, because of the wartime dislocations, hastily instituted cordons proved unable to stop it Also, the central government acted slowly, probably not wishing to disrupt the military campaign or, later, to interfere with economic activities in Moscow (Alexander, op. cit., note 80 above). On the Hungarian outbreak, see B lia, "Contribution à l'histoire de la peste en Hongrie au XVIIIe siècle', in H Charbonneau and A Larose (eds), Les grandes mortalités: étude methodologique des crises démographiques dit passé, Liège, Ordina, 1979, pp. 133-8.
271. KD, vol. 8, pp. 503-4.
272. Cf. the following dates in L Fogtman (éd.), Kongelige Rescripier, Resolutioner og Collegialbreve, Copenhagen, 1805-21: Sept. 24, 1770; Oct. 27, 1770; May 3 and 25, 1771; Jan. 8, 1785; Sept 19, 1797; Oct. 6, 7, and 11, 1797; Feb. 6 and 10, 1798; May 19, 1798; Sept. 15, 1798; Oct. 13, 1798.
273. A limited outbreak in Cadiz in 1799-1800 caused considerable anxiety in Copenhagen. Cf. Fogtman, op. cit., note 171 above, May 5, 1752; May 3, 1771; Sept. 7 and 11, 1784; Aug. 12, 1797; Sept. 19, 1797, July 6, 1799; March 29, 1800; June 21, 1800; July 8, 1800; Oct. 4, 11, 14 and 18, 1800; Nov 1 and 15, 1800.
274. For example, C F C Volney, Voyage en Egypte et en Syrie, ed. J Gaulmier, Paris, Mouton, 1959, p 143.
275. D Panzac, La peste dans l'empire Ottoman, 1700-1850, Leuven, Editions Peeters, 1985.
276. For an overview of the various explanations, see A B Appleby, 'The disappearance of the plague: a continuing puzzle', Econ Hist. Rev., 1980, 2nd ser., 33: 161-73. He admitted that the quarantine hypothesis was the most attractive, but declared himself unconvinced and preferred the hypothesis of European rat populations developing immunity.
277. Cf. Panzac, op. cit., note 174 above, pp. 509, 512-13; Biraben, op. cit., note 7 above, vol. 1, pp. 18-21
278. Cf. Panzac, op. cit., note 174 above, pp. 509, 512-13; Biraben, op. cit., note 7 above, vol. 1, pp. 18-21
279. Revel, op. cit., note 78 above, p. 971.
280. M Venge, Dansk Toldhistorie, Copenhagen, Toldhistorisk selskab, 1987, vol. 1, pp. 232-4.
281. S Guibert, 'A Chalons-sur-Marne au XVe siècle, un conseil municipal face aux epidémies', Annales, 1968: 1283-300, p. 1296;
282. Lebrun, op. cit., note 65 above, pp. 304-5. Examples are too numerous to cite.
283. Complaints of priests shirking their duties to the sick and dying can be found, however, e.g. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 77-8. On conflicts with the church in Italy, see, for example, C M Cipolla, Public health and the medical profession in the Renaissance, Cambridge University Press, 1976.
284. Complaints of priests shirking their duties to the sick and dying can be found, however, e.g. Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 77-8. On conflicts with the church in Italy, see, for example, C M Cipolla, Public health and the medical profession in the Renaissance, Cambridge University Press, 1976.
285. Revel, op. cit., note 78 above, p. 971.
286. Flight is recorded in many local sources, e.g. in Aabenraa in 1582 and 1629 (J Hvidtfeldt and P K Iversen (eds), Åbenrå bys historie, Skrifter udgivet af Historisk Samfund for Sønderjylland no. 25, Aabenraa, n.p. 1961, pp. 164-5; in Flensborg in 1565-66 the town council fled as well (Hjelholt et al. (eds), op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 354-5); C T Engelstoft, Odense byes historie, Odense, Hempelske Boghandel, 1880, pp. 568-9.
287. Flight is recorded in many local sources, e.g. in Aabenraa in 1582 and 1629 (J Hvidtfeldt and P K Iversen (eds), Åbenrå bys historie, Skrifter udgivet af Historisk Samfund for Sønderjylland no. 25, Aabenraa, n.p. 1961, pp. 164-5; in Flensborg in 1565-66 the town council fled as well (Hjelholt et al. (eds), op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 354-5); C T Engelstoft, Odense byes historie, Odense, Hempelske Boghandel, 1880, pp. 568-9.
288. Flight is recorded in many local sources, e.g. in Aabenraa in 1582 and 1629 (J Hvidtfeldt and P K Iversen (eds), Åbenrå bys historie, Skrifter udgivet af Historisk Samfund for Sønderjylland no. 25, Aabenraa, n.p. 1961, pp. 164-5; in Flensborg in 1565-66 the town council fled as well (Hjelholt et al. (eds), op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 354-5); C T Engelstoft, Odense byes historie, Odense, Hempelske Boghandel, 1880, pp. 568-9.
289. Perlestikkerbogen, op. cit., note 27 above, p. 335.
290. He did lose a son, however, to the plague in Copenhagen in 1637, Hübertz, op. cit., note 12 above, vol. 2, pp. 317-18.
291. H F Rørdam, Kjøbenhavns Universitets historie fra 1537 til 1621, 4 vols, Copenhagen, Danske Historiske Forening, 1868-77, vol. 1, quote pp. 222-3; Bruun, op. cit. note 36 above, vol. 1, pp. 73-90, 158-68, 387-96.
292. H F Rørdam, Kjøbenhavns Universitets historie fra 1537 til 1621, 4 vols, Copenhagen, Danske Historiske Forening, 1868-77, vol. 1, quote pp. 222-3; Bruun, op. cit. note 36 above, vol. 1, pp. 73-90, 158-68, 387-96.
293. Barrett, op. cit., note 83 above, para 16.
294. Mansa, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 395
295. Christensen, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 55.
296. KD, vol. 8, pp. 157, 226; Mule (ed.), op. cit , note 8 above, pp. 318, 320; Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol. 4, p. 120.
297. KD, vol. 8, pp. 157, 226; Mule (ed.), op. cit , note 8 above, pp. 318, 320; Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol. 4, p. 120.
298. KD, vol. 8, pp. 157, 226; Mule (ed.), op. cit , note 8 above, pp. 318, 320; Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol. 4, p. 120.
299. Contrary to Mansa's assertion, mortality in Roskilde was severe. Annual burials averaged 50 in normal times, but reached 204 in 1711 according to the parish register, K E Frandsen and C Bjørn, Roskilde bys historie, 1536-1850, Roskilde, Historisk Samfund for Roskilde amt, 1998, pp. 137-9. According to the Copenhagen Health Commission, a baker by the name of Peter Jensen had broken into his deceased sister's house - contrary to all regulations - and brought her clothes and bedlinen with him to Hillerød, Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol 4, p. 124.
300. Contrary to Mansa's assertion, mortality in Roskilde was severe. Annual burials averaged 50 in normal times, but reached 204 in 1711 according to the parish register, K E Frandsen and C Bjørn, Roskilde bys historie, 1536-1850, Roskilde, Historisk Samfund for Roskilde amt, 1998, pp. 137-9. According to the Copenhagen Health Commission, a baker by the name of Peter Jensen had broken into his deceased sister's house - contrary to all regulations - and brought her clothes and bedlinen with him to Hillerød, Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol 4, p. 124.
301. KB (1603-8), pp. 127-8; a woman was eventually executed for the crime.
302. Lebrun, op. cit., note 65 above, p. 305.
303. Mansa, op. cit., note 69 above, 1843, vol. 4, pp. 124-5.