Memory and History: The Discourse of Nation-Building in the Former Yugoslavia

Patterns of Prejudice

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 21-

  Raymond, G G ^a   Bajic Raymond, S ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0347938691     PISSN: 0031322X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.1997.9970211     Document Type: Review

References (24)

1. H. Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism. A Study in Its Origins and Background (New York 1961), 120. For an informative study tracing the development of the idea, see also E. Kamenka (ed.), Nationalism. The Nature and Evolution of an Idea (London 1976).
2. H. Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism. A Study in Its Origins and Background (New York 1961), 120. For an informative study tracing the development of the idea, see also E. Kamenka (ed.), Nationalism. The Nature and Evolution of an Idea (London 1976).
3. P. Alter, Nationalism (London 1989), 10.
4. This is the key condition, according to K. W. Deutsch, 'Nation and world', in I. de Sola Pool (ed.), Contemporary Political Science: Toward Empirical Theory (New York 1967), 207.
5. One of the most cogent observations made by Elie Kedourie on the intellectual roots of nationalism relates to the way the destiny of the morally self-legislating individual is subsumed in the destiny of the morally self-legislating nation, affording nationalist sentiment the kind of independent self-certainty which expresses itself in Manichaean terms while at the same time providing morality and evil with a common root; see E. Kedourie, Nationalism (Oxford 1993), 138.
6. H. Seton-Watson, Nations and States. An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London 1977), 5.
7. In I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (London 1984), 111.
8. The constitution of 1974 gave the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo the attributes, but not the name, of republics. Thus, from that point onwards, they were autonomous of Serbia's control, as opposed to being autonomous under it. The bone of contention exploited by Milošević was that Serbia was denied control of the entire territory of the republic, while at federal level the autonomous provinces could still vote against it. In short, the provinces could interfere in Serbia's affairs but Serbia could not interfere in the affairs of its provinces, and it was therefore argued that Serbia could not have equal status with the other republics in the Yugoslav federation until this anomaly was corrected.
9. S. Milošević, quoted in Politika, 28 June 1989. (Hereafter SM refers to Milošević and FT to Franjo Tudjman; all newspaper extracts of their speeches are translated by S. Bajic-Raymond unless otherwise stated.)
10. SM, quoted in Politika, 8 September 1989.
11. On 16 March 1991 Milošević declared, 'Yugoslavia is finished', that Serbia would no longer be bound by federal bodies; he abandoned the pretence that Serbia's position was one of disinterested Yugoslavism. See L. Silber and A. Little, The Death of Yugoslavia (London 1995), 135.
12. Silber and Little, 88.
13. FT, quoted in Vjesnik, 25 February 1990.
14. FT, quoted in Vjesnik, 28 February 1990.
15. FT, quoted in Vjesnik, 16 April 1990.
16. SM, quoted in Politika, 6 February 1990.
17. This was the Republic reborn, after having dropped the term 'socialist' from its name, and all that was associated with it.
18. FT, quoted in Vjesnik, 26 July 1990.
19. FT, quoted in Vjesnik, 25 August 1990.
20. SM, quoted in Politika, 17 March 1991.
21. Silber and Little, 210.
22. The concept of 'new nationalism' was formulated by L. Snyder in The New Nationalism (New York 1968).
23. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities (London 1991), 6.
24. J. Linz, The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes: Crisis, Breakdown and Reequilibrium (Baltimore 1978), 62.