Early islamic jurisprudence in Egypt: Two scholars and their Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ars

International Journal of Middle East Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 167-182

  Brockopp, Jonathan E ^a  

^a BARD COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0347625352     PISSN: 00207438     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0020743800065855     Document Type: Review

References (132)

1. ci the Master Architect of Islamic Jurisprudence?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 597. Hallaq criticizes Joseph Schacht for glossing over the 9th century. But although this criticism may hold true for Schacht's early works, his later work demonstrates that Schacht was well aware of the significance of 9th century texts; see "Sur quelques manuscrits de la bibliothèque de la mosquée d'al-Qarawiyyīn à Fès," Études d'Orientalisme, 2 vols. (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1962), 1:271-84, and "On Some Manuscripts in the Libraries of Kairouan and Tunis," Arabica 14 (1967): 225-58.
2. ci the Master Architect of Islamic Jurisprudence?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 597. Hallaq criticizes Joseph Schacht for glossing over the 9th century. But although this criticism may hold true for Schacht's early works, his later work demonstrates that Schacht was well aware of the significance of 9th century texts; see "Sur quelques manuscrits de la bibliothèque de la mosquée d'al-Qarawiyyīn à Fès," Études d'Orientalisme, 2 vols. (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1962), 1:271-84, and "On Some Manuscripts in the Libraries of Kairouan and Tunis," Arabica 14 (1967): 225-58.
3. ci the Master Architect of Islamic Jurisprudence?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 597. Hallaq criticizes Joseph Schacht for glossing over the 9th century. But although this criticism may hold true for Schacht's early works, his later work demonstrates that Schacht was well aware of the significance of 9th century texts; see "Sur quelques manuscrits de la bibliothèque de la mosquée d'al-Qarawiyyīn à Fès," Études d'Orientalisme, 2 vols. (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1962), 1:271-84, and "On Some Manuscripts in the Libraries of Kairouan and Tunis," Arabica 14 (1967): 225-58.
4. For his account of the ancient schools, see Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), 26-40.
5. ci's role in the formative period, as well as for some substantive errors in his reading of texts; see his "Rewriting the Timetable of Early Islam," Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995): 453-62. Miklos Muranyi finds that Calder's theory-driven analysis leads him to overlook important evidence in early manuscripts; see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur zwischen Quellenanalyse und Fiktion," Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): 224-41. For another position somewhat between Schacht's and Calder's, see Gregor Schoeler, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mündlichen Überlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam," Der Islam 62 (1985): 201-30.
6. ci's role in the formative period, as well as for some substantive errors in his reading of texts; see his "Rewriting the Timetable of Early Islam," Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995): 453-62. Miklos Muranyi finds that Calder's theory-driven analysis leads him to overlook important evidence in early manuscripts; see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur zwischen Quellenanalyse und Fiktion," Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): 224-41. For another position somewhat between Schacht's and Calder's, see Gregor Schoeler, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mündlichen Überlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam," Der Islam 62 (1985): 201-30.
7. ci's role in the formative period, as well as for some substantive errors in his reading of texts; see his "Rewriting the Timetable of Early Islam," Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995): 453-62. Miklos Muranyi finds that Calder's theory-driven analysis leads him to overlook important evidence in early manuscripts; see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur zwischen Quellenanalyse und Fiktion," Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): 224-41. For another position somewhat between Schacht's and Calder's, see Gregor Schoeler, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mündlichen Überlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam," Der Islam 62 (1985): 201-30.
8. ci's role in the formative period, as well as for some substantive errors in his reading of texts; see his "Rewriting the Timetable of Early Islam," Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995): 453-62. Miklos Muranyi finds that Calder's theory-driven analysis leads him to overlook important evidence in early manuscripts; see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur zwischen Quellenanalyse und Fiktion," Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): 224-41. For another position somewhat between Schacht's and Calder's, see Gregor Schoeler, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mündlichen Überlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam," Der Islam 62 (1985): 201-30.
9. ci's role in the formative period, as well as for some substantive errors in his reading of texts; see his "Rewriting the Timetable of Early Islam," Journal of the American Oriental Society 115 (1995): 453-62. Miklos Muranyi finds that Calder's theory-driven analysis leads him to overlook important evidence in early manuscripts; see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur zwischen Quellenanalyse und Fiktion," Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): 224-41. For another position somewhat between Schacht's and Calder's, see Gregor Schoeler, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mündlichen Überlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam," Der Islam 62 (1985): 201-30.
10. ci's Risala [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961], 41), but then he continues to say that "after its fundamental ideas and arguments had been reformulated in Egypt, it represented a systematic and critical study of all the sources of the law" (ibid.).
11. ci's Risala [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961], 41), but then he continues to say that "after its fundamental ideas and arguments had been reformulated in Egypt, it represented a systematic and critical study of all the sources of the law" (ibid.).
12. ci's Risala [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961], 41), but then he continues to say that "after its fundamental ideas and arguments had been reformulated in Egypt, it represented a systematic and critical study of all the sources of the law" (ibid.).
13. ci's Risala [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961], 41), but then he continues to say that "after its fundamental ideas and arguments had been reformulated in Egypt, it represented a systematic and critical study of all the sources of the law" (ibid.).
14. cî's Risâla," Studia Islamica 58 (1983): (combining dot below) 67.
15. cite school in Dutch, and the Hanafite school in English. These 19th-century scholars chose a few key texts for study and commentary, thereby instigating a tradition that has had enormous influence in academia.
16. To the works by Calder and Hallaq mentioned earlier, add Christopher Melchert, "The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law, ninth-tenth centuries, C.E." (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1992).
17. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
18. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
19. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
20. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
21. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
22. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
23. cAbd al-Malik b. H + (combine dot below)abīb (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994). For bibliographical information and analysis of other recently published Malikite texts, see Jonathan Brockopp, "Rereading the History of Early Mālikī Jurisprudence," Journal of the American Oriental Society 118 (1998). Some scholars believe it may be possible to recover texts from the 8th century, as well. Sezgin's arguments to this effect are well known (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-]), but see also Harald Motzki, Die Anfänge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1991).
24. For elaboration of this argument, see Muranyi, "Die frühe Rechtsliteratur."
25. cAbd al-Hakam's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar is edited and translated in Brockopp, "Slavery."
26. cAbd al-Hakam's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar is edited and translated in Brockopp, "Slavery."
27. cAbd al-Aziz (d. 819) may challenge this view if their dependence on Egyptian sources proves to be significant.
28. cAbd al-Aziz (d. 819) may challenge this view if their dependence on Egyptian sources proves to be significant.
29. A similar problem obtains for the published version of al-Muzanī's Muktas + (combine dot below)ar and for many other published texts from this period.
30. For a list of these recensions, see Brockopp, "Rereading the History."
31. Brockopp, "Slavery," 114 ff.
32. cAbd al-Hakam. Although this work suggests that Calder's conclusions are premature, they do not mean that his approach is wrong-headed. In fact, he is correct in privileging the interpretive framework over positivist constructions of texts. It seems to me, however, that in order for such a framework to be able to make sense of a textual tradition, the individual components of that tradition must first be accounted for; therefore, the task of editing and analyzing the manuscript base is primary.
33. cAbd al-Hakam. Although this work suggests that Calder's conclusions are premature, they do not mean that his approach is wrong-headed. In fact, he is correct in privileging the interpretive framework over positivist constructions of texts. It seems to me, however, that in order for such a framework to be able to make sense of a textual tradition, the individual components of that tradition must first be accounted for; therefore, the task of editing and analyzing the manuscript base is primary.
34. cAbd al-Hakam. Although this work suggests that Calder's conclusions are premature, they do not mean that his approach is wrong-headed. In fact, he is correct in privileging the interpretive framework over positivist constructions of texts. It seems to me, however, that in order for such a framework to be able to make sense of a textual tradition, the individual components of that tradition must first be accounted for; therefore, the task of editing and analyzing the manuscript base is primary.
35. See, for instance, the exemplary work of Ossendorf-Conrad, Das "K. al-Wād + (combine dot below)ih + (combine dot below)a," 7-50.
36. To glean this literature solely for facts is to discount much of its content as irrelevant. Calder's call for further analysis of the mythical element in this literature, what he terms "imaginative constructs" (Studies, 1), is a helpful suggestion to begin the process of analyzing these stories for their meaning within a religious context. Such a study could help reclaim the value of this material as didactic and interpretive literature.
37. ci," Hallaq demonstrates that certain books entitled "Us + (combine dot below)ūl al-fiqh" have noting to do with legal theory (pp. 588-90) and suggests that all references to early works of us + (combine dot below)ūl may turn out to be false.
38. This interpretation was first suggested to me by Professor Franz Rosenthal in March 1992.
39. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb.
40. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb.
41. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb.
42. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
43. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
44. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
45. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
46. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
47. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
48. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
49. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
50. cAbd al-Hakam"; Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:467-68.
51. cAbd al-H + (combine dot below)akam, Futūh + (combine dot below) Mis + (combine dot below)r wa-akhbāruhā, ed. C. Torrey (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1922).
52. cAs.
53. cAs.
54. Several of these fragments are quite substantial, including ms. Azhar (fiqh mālikī 1655), which is 544 folios long. See Brockopp, "Slavery," A-2 to A-34.
55. cAbd al-Hakam was an important source for Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani's Kitāb al-nawādir wa-l-ziyādāt. See Mathias von Bredow, Der heilige Krieg (Ǧihād) aus der Sicht der mālikitischen Rechtsschule, Beiruter Texte und Studien 44 (Beirut: Steiner, 1994), 10; and Miklos Murayni, Materialien zur mālikitischen Rechtsliteratur (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1984), 9-12.
56. cAbd al-Hakam was an important source for Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani's Kitāb al-nawādir wa-l-ziyādāt. See Mathias von Bredow, Der heilige Krieg (Ǧihād) aus der Sicht der mālikitischen Rechtsschule, Beiruter Texte und Studien 44 (Beirut: Steiner, 1994), 10; and Miklos Murayni, Materialien zur mālikitischen Rechtsliteratur (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1984), 9-12.
57. cAbd al-Hakam was an important source for Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani's Kitāb al-nawādir wa-l-ziyādāt. See Mathias von Bredow, Der heilige Krieg (Ǧihād) aus der Sicht der mālikitischen Rechtsschule, Beiruter Texte und Studien 44 (Beirut: Steiner, 1994), 10; and Miklos Murayni, Materialien zur mālikitischen Rechtsliteratur (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1984), 9-12.
58. The text of this commentary is preserved in two of the extant manuscripts for al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr, see Brockopp, "Slavery," app. A, for a description of the manuscripts.
59. For the Arabic text, see Brockopp, "Slavery," A-60; for analysis of the umm walad within al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr, see ibid., 221-35.
60. For the Arabic text, see Brockopp, "Slavery," A-60; for analysis of the umm walad within al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr, see ibid., 221-35.
61. cAbd al-Hakam simply did not differentiate between the legal opinions that Malik claims for himself and those Malik derives from others.
62. cite text without backing from the Malikites.
63. inverted c signassasāt al-Risālah, 1992).
64. inverted c signassasāt al-Risālah, 1992).
65. inverted c sign. But it is worth remembering that al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr was presented to an audience that was very familiar with Malik's words and that would have recognized them as such.
66. Melchert coins the term "school consciousness" and suggests that the Malikite school did not fully develop until rather late (Formation, 282 ff.). In his survey, he briefly mentions al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr (p. 305), but ascribes no significant role to the text.
67. Melchert coins the term "school consciousness" and suggests that the Malikite school did not fully develop until rather late (Formation, 282 ff.). In his survey, he briefly mentions al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr (p. 305), but ascribes no significant role to the text.
68. cid, Al-Mudawwana al-kubrā, 16 vols. (Cairo: Bulaq, A.H. 1323). If the stories asserting that Sahnun later added hadith to the Mudawwana are true, then Ibn al-Qasim's original text could have resembled al-Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar al-kabīr more closely in terms of style.
69. Schacht noted this phenomenon in Introduction, 60-61.
70. cUbayd [Cairo, 1927], 17) does not cite authorities for every statement but begins with a list of those scholars on whom the book is based.
71. cUbayd [Cairo, 1927], 17) does not cite authorities for every statement but begins with a list of those scholars on whom the book is based.
72. ciyya al-kubrā 10 vols., ed.
73. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
74. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
75. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
76. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
77. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
78. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
79. cī, seine Schüler und Anhänger bis zum J. 300 d.H., 3 vols. (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1890-91).
80. cī 13 (film 40767); 242 (film 4779); and 268 (film 42922). These manuscripts often deviate from the printed text, demonstrating the need for a critical edition of this work. Al-Muzani also wrote other works, some of which have survived (see Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:488, 492-93).
81. cī 13 (film 40767); 242 (film 4779); and 268 (film 42922). These manuscripts often deviate from the printed text, demonstrating the need for a critical edition of this work. Al-Muzani also wrote other works, some of which have survived (see Sezgin, Geschichte, 1:488, 492-93).
82. cbad ibn Shaddad to this list. My thanks to Christopher Melchert for this reference. Melchert writes (Formation, 164) that al-Muzani read the works of Abu Hanifa, but my comparison of al-Muzani's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar with the books of Abu Hanifa's student al-Shaybani reveals very little agreement in terms of content.
83. Although no study has been made of teaching patterns in this early period, my reading of the biographical sources suggests that it was common for students to begin studies at an early age. By age twenty-three, it seems, al-Muzani should have already begun the apprenticeships that would lead to teaching. Melchert also suggests that in the 9th and 10th centuries, a child would begin memorizing the Qurinverted c signan at age eight and studying hadith at age eleven (private communication, August, 1996). For a study of patterns in 11th-century Nishapur, see Richard Bulliet, "The Age Structure of Medieval Islamic Education," Studia Islamica 57 (1983): 105-17.
84. Muh + (combine dot below)ammad ibn Yūsuf al-Kindī, Kitāb al-wulāh wa-kitāb al-qud + (combine dot below)āh, ed. Rhuvon Guest (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1912), 508. See also Melchert, Formation, 138.
85. Muh + (combine dot below)ammad ibn Yūsuf al-Kindī, Kitāb al-wulāh wa-kitāb al-qud + (combine dot below)āh, ed. Rhuvon Guest (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1912), 508. See also Melchert, Formation, 138.
86. cArab makes no mention of al-Muzani.
87. ci's own definition of knowledge in al-Risāla, ed. Ah + (combine dot below)mad Muh + (combine dot below)ammad Shākir (Cairo: Dār al-Turāth, 1979), 357-60. Calder claims that al-Muzani's introduction must be a later addition (Studies, 88).
88. ci's own definition of knowledge in al-Risāla, ed. Ah + (combine dot below)mad Muh + (combine dot below)ammad Shākir (Cairo: Dār al-Turāth, 1979), 357-60. Calder claims that al-Muzani's introduction must be a later addition (Studies, 88).
89. cAbd al-Hakam's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar and other early legal texts.
90. cAbd al-Hakam's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar and other early legal texts.
91. Importantly, the use of these stylistic devices is consistent in the manuscripts I have consulted in the Egyptian National Library, even though the content of particular legal arguments varies substantially.
92. Al-Muzanī, Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar, 5:274-75. For analysis of the mukātab contract, see Brockopp, "Slavery," 194-205.
93. Al-Muzanī, Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar, 5:274-75. For analysis of the mukātab contract, see Brockopp, "Slavery," 194-205.
94. crifa, 1988), 2:375-76.
95. crifa, 1988), 2:375-76.
96. c" (ibid., 104).
97. c" (ibid., 104).
98. c" (ibid., 104).
99. c" (ibid., 104).
100. cindī ghalat + (combine dot below) (this, in my opinion, is an error).
101. On these same issues, al-Muzani's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar is always in agreement with the Kitāb al-umm. See Brockopp, "Slavery," app. B.
102. On these same issues, al-Muzani's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar is always in agreement with the Kitāb al-umm. See Brockopp, "Slavery," app. B.
103. ci's Risāla is that the Risāla actually dates from a later period. Lack of reference to this text is fundamental to Calder's assertion that the Risāla must date from the end of the 9th century (Studies, 224-28). Compare, however, Burton's discussion of this point ("Rewriting the timetable," 460-61), and Brannon Wheeler, Applying the Canon in Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 268.
104. ci's Risāla is that the Risāla actually dates from a later period. Lack of reference to this text is fundamental to Calder's assertion that the Risāla must date from the end of the 9th century (Studies, 224-28). Compare, however, Burton's discussion of this point ("Rewriting the timetable," 460-61), and Brannon Wheeler, Applying the Canon in Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 268.
105. ci's Risāla is that the Risāla actually dates from a later period. Lack of reference to this text is fundamental to Calder's assertion that the Risāla must date from the end of the 9th century (Studies, 224-28). Compare, however, Burton's discussion of this point ("Rewriting the timetable," 460-61), and Brannon Wheeler, Applying the Canon in Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 268.
106. ci's discussion of legal knowledge (al-Risāla, 81-82) and ijtihād (al-Risāla, 487-503).
107. ci's discussion of legal knowledge (al-Risāla, 81-82) and ijtihād (al-Risāla, 487-503).
108. Melchert draws a distinction between commentaries written on the canonical texts of the school and commentaries written by students on their teachers' texts as a type of legal training; see, for instance, the discussion of al-Karkhi's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar in Formation, 234. This latter commentary is, for Melchert, the hallmark of a self-conscious school trying to perpetuate itself. See also Calder, Studies, 246.
109. Melchert draws a distinction between commentaries written on the canonical texts of the school and commentaries written by students on their teachers' texts as a type of legal training; see, for instance, the discussion of al-Karkhi's Mukhtas + (combine dot below)ar in Formation, 234. This latter commentary is, for Melchert, the hallmark of a self-conscious school trying to perpetuate itself. See also Calder, Studies, 246.
110. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb, 1:50-60). All these texts develop rules on the basis of Prophetic hadith.
111. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb, 1:50-60). All these texts develop rules on the basis of Prophetic hadith.
112. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb, 1:50-60). All these texts develop rules on the basis of Prophetic hadith.
113. cAbd Allāh b. Wahb, 1:50-60). All these texts develop rules on the basis of Prophetic hadith.
114. inverted c sign.
115. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
116. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
117. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
118. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
119. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
120. cī's Life and Personality," Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen (Denmark, 1953), 318-26.
121. cAbd al-Hakam.
122. ci, al-Muzani, and al-Tahawi may have been tied to the same political family in Egypt, although this hypothesis needs more proof.
123. cAbd al-Hakam family.
124. cIyad recorded a similar story centuries earlier, substituting Ibn al-Qasim for Ashhab (Madārik, 2:66), although it is not possible that Muhammad learned much from Ibn al-Qasim, who died when Muhammad was nine years old.
125. cIyad recorded a similar story centuries earlier, substituting Ibn al-Qasim for Ashhab (Madārik, 2:66), although it is not possible that Muhammad learned much from Ibn al-Qasim, who died when Muhammad was nine years old.
126. Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt, 4:194.
127. Ibid., 2:291.
128. See, for instance, al-Subkī, T + (combine dot below)abaqāt, 2:94.
129. cIyād + (combine dot below), Madārik, 2:64) is lost.
130. cIyād + (combine dot below), Madārik, 2:64) is lost.
131. Calder provides a useful résumé of these differences (Studies, 89).
132. cAbd al-Hakam's library of Malik's books (Madārik, 1:392).