Workers, Space, and Labor Geography

International Labor and Working-Class History

Volumn , Issue 64, 2003, Pages 112-138

  Herod, Andrew ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0347577846     PISSN: 01475479     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s014754790300022x     Document Type: Article

References (78)

1. Edward Soja, Postmodem Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (New York, 1989).
2. Bradon Ellem and John Shields, "Rethinking 'regional industrial relations': Space, place and the social relations of work," Journal of Industrial Relations 41.4 (1999):536-60; and Susan McGrath-Champ, "Integrating industrial geography and industrial relations: A literature review and case study of the Australian coal industry," Tijdschrift Voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 85.3 (1994):195-208.
3. Bradon Ellem and John Shields, "Rethinking 'regional industrial relations': Space, place and the social relations of work," Journal of Industrial Relations 41.4 (1999):536-60; and Susan McGrath-Champ, "Integrating industrial geography and industrial relations: A literature review and case study of the Australian coal industry," Tijdschrift Voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 85.3 (1994):195-208.
4. See Andrew Herod, Labor Geographies: Workers and the Landscapes of Capitalism (New York, 2002).
5. For other examples of such interest, see Andrew Herod (ed.), Organizing the Land-scape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism (Minneapolis, 1998) ; Peter Waterman and Jane Wills (eds.), Place, Space and the New Labour Internationalisms, (Oxford, 2001); Labour and Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work Volume 13.2 (2002), special issue on "Industrial relations meets human geography: Spatialising the social relations of work"; and Peter Ackers and Adrian Wilkinson (eds.), Understanding Work and Employment: Industrial Relations in Transition (Oxford, 2003).
6. For other examples of such interest, see Andrew Herod (ed.), Organizing the Land-scape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism (Minneapolis, 1998) ; Peter Waterman and Jane Wills (eds.), Place, Space and the New Labour Internationalisms, (Oxford, 2001); Labour and Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work Volume 13.2 (2002), special issue on "Industrial relations meets human geography: Spatialising the social relations of work"; and Peter Ackers and Adrian Wilkinson (eds.), Understanding Work and Employment: Industrial Relations in Transition (Oxford, 2003).
7. For other examples of such interest, see Andrew Herod (ed.), Organizing the Land-scape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism (Minneapolis, 1998) ; Peter Waterman and Jane Wills (eds.), Place, Space and the New Labour Internationalisms, (Oxford, 2001); Labour and Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work Volume 13.2 (2002), special issue on "Industrial relations meets human geography: Spatialising the social relations of work"; and Peter Ackers and Adrian Wilkinson (eds.), Understanding Work and Employment: Industrial Relations in Transition (Oxford, 2003).
8. For other examples of such interest, see Andrew Herod (ed.), Organizing the Land-scape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism (Minneapolis, 1998) ; Peter Waterman and Jane Wills (eds.), Place, Space and the New Labour Internationalisms, (Oxford, 2001); Labour and Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work Volume 13.2 (2002), special issue on "Industrial relations meets human geography: Spatialising the social relations of work"; and Peter Ackers and Adrian Wilkinson (eds.), Understanding Work and Employment: Industrial Relations in Transition (Oxford, 2003).
9. A second goal of such work was to Marxify human geography. For more on the disciplinary history of human geography's radicalization, see Richard Peet, Modern Geographical Thought (Oxford, 1998).
10. For a useful discussion of different conceptions of space, see Michael Curry, "On space and spatial practice in contemporary geography," in Concepts in Human Geography, eds. Carville Earle, Kent Mathewson, and Martin Kenzer (Lanham, MD, 1996), 3-32.
11. Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (New York, 1973), 539; and Karl Marx, Capital (New York, 1967).
12. Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (New York, 1973), 539; and Karl Marx, Capital (New York, 1967).
13. Vladimir Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York, 1939); and Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New Haven, 1951).
14. Vladimir Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York, 1939); and Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New Haven, 1951).
15. Henri Lefebvre, The Survival of Capitalism: Reproduction of the Relations of Production (London, 1976); and Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, 1991).
16. Henri Lefebvre, The Survival of Capitalism: Reproduction of the Relations of Production (London, 1976); and Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, 1991).
17. Lefebvre argued that "every society produces a space, its own space." Hence, medieval European feudal society produced a panorama in which "manors, monasteries, [and] cathedrals ... were the strong points anchoring the network of lanes and main roads to a landscape transformed by peasant communities," whereas capitalist society is characterized by landscapes in which the space of everyday living "is founded on the vast network of banks, business centres and major productive entities, as also on motorways, airports and information lattices" (Lefebvre, The Production of Space, page 53).
18. Lefebvre, The Survival of Capitalism, p. 21, emphasis in original.
19. David Harvey, "Revolutionary and counter revolutionary theory in geography and the problem of ghetto formation," Antipode 4 (1972):1-13; David Harvey, Social Justice and the City (London, 1973); David Harvey, "Labor, capital, and class struggle around the built environment in advanced capitalist societies," Politics and Society, 6.3 (1976);265-95; and David Harvey, "The urban process under capitalism: A framework for analysis," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 2 (1978):101-31.
20. David Harvey, "Revolutionary and counter revolutionary theory in geography and the problem of ghetto formation," Antipode 4 (1972):1-13; David Harvey, Social Justice and the City (London, 1973); David Harvey, "Labor, capital, and class struggle around the built environment in advanced capitalist societies," Politics and Society, 6.3 (1976);265-95; and David Harvey, "The urban process under capitalism: A framework for analysis," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 2 (1978):101-31.
21. David Harvey, "Revolutionary and counter revolutionary theory in geography and the problem of ghetto formation," Antipode 4 (1972):1-13; David Harvey, Social Justice and the City (London, 1973); David Harvey, "Labor, capital, and class struggle around the built environment in advanced capitalist societies," Politics and Society, 6.3 (1976);265-95; and David Harvey, "The urban process under capitalism: A framework for analysis," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 2 (1978):101-31.
22. David Harvey, "Revolutionary and counter revolutionary theory in geography and the problem of ghetto formation," Antipode 4 (1972):1-13; David Harvey, Social Justice and the City (London, 1973); David Harvey, "Labor, capital, and class struggle around the built environment in advanced capitalist societies," Politics and Society, 6.3 (1976);265-95; and David Harvey, "The urban process under capitalism: A framework for analysis," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 2 (1978):101-31.
23. Harvey, "The urban process."
24. Ibid, page 124.
25. David Harvey, The Limits to Capital (Oxford, 1982).
26. Ibid, page 426.
27. Richard Walker, "A theory of suburbanization: Capitalism and the construction of urban space in the United States," in Urbanization and Urban Planning in Capitalist Society, eds. Michael Dear and Allan Scott (London, 1982), 383-429.
28. Encouraging suburbanization stimulated real estate markets, the building industry, consumer durables industries, the automobile industrial complex, and the banking system.
29. Neil Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford, 1990). Smith argued that whilst patterns of uneven development may initially have been the result of the accidents of history and geography which gave particular places certain resources such as coal or good farming land, over time the productive forces of capitalism have developed such that, for instance, food may now be grown in regions which, without the application of capital in the form of irrigation, would be unsuitable for agriculture or that manufacturing can take place in regions that are thousands of miles away from the sources of their raw materials. Consequently, the uneven geographical development which is the hallmark of capitalism comes, over time, to be explained less by the natural distribution of the Earth's resources and more by the machinations of the accumulation process.
30. Ibid., page xiii.
31. Doreen Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour: Social Structures and the Geography of Production (London, 1995); see also Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, The Anatomy of Job Loss: The How, Why and Where of Employment Decline (London, 1982); and Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, Politics and Method (New York, 1985).
32. Doreen Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour: Social Structures and the Geography of Production (London, 1995); see also Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, The Anatomy of Job Loss: The How, Why and Where of Employment Decline (London, 1982); and Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, Politics and Method (New York, 1985).
33. Doreen Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour: Social Structures and the Geography of Production (London, 1995); see also Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, The Anatomy of Job Loss: The How, Why and Where of Employment Decline (London, 1982); and Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan, Politics and Method (New York, 1985).
34. Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour, page x.
35. Lefebvre, The Survival of Capitalism.
36. Harvey, "The urban process," page 124.
37. Just as, I am sure, most capitalists do not think of their locational strategies in terms of how they are creating a particular geography of capitalism, even though that is precisely what they are doing.
38. Kevin Cox and Andrew Mair have explored how social actors' "local dependence" may make them more likely to form boosterist coalitions to stimulate investment in their communities. See Kevin Cox and Andrew Mair, "Locality and community in the politics of local economic development," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78 (1988):307-25.
39. The spatial mismatch hypothesis was first put forward in John Kain, "Housing segregation, Negro employment, and metropolitan decentralization," Quarterly Journal of Economics 82 (1968):175-97. For more on how local labor markets are structured spatially, see Jamie Peck, Work-Place: The Social Regulation of Labor Markets (New York, 1996).
40. The spatial mismatch hypothesis was first put forward in John Kain, "Housing segregation, Negro employment, and metropolitan decentralization," Quarterly Journal of Economics 82 (1968):175-97. For more on how local labor markets are structured spatially, see Jamie Peck, Work-Place: The Social Regulation of Labor Markets (New York, 1996).
41. In the case of Atlanta, Georgia the inability of some businesses in suburban malls to attract sufficient labor from the suburbs has forced them to offer higher wages than they otherwise would wish to do, a situation which has led some to agitate for better public transport links between the largely black and Latino inner-city neighborhoods (perceived as potential suppliers of low-wage labor) and the more affluent, largely white, suburbs. This, however, has generated resistance from many suburbanites worried about what an influx of such inner-city residents may augur for their communities. For more details, see Jason Henderson, "Contesting the Spaces of the Automobile: The Politics of Mobility and the Sprawl Debate in Atlanta, Georgia" (Ph.D. diss., Dept. of Geography, University of Georgia, 2002).
42. For a real world example of how one union went about trying to address such geographical variations, see Andrew Herod, "Labor's spatial praxis and the geography of contract bargaining in the US east coast longshore industry, 1953-89," Political Geography 16.2 (1997):145-69.
43. Herod, "Labor's spatial praxis."
44. Rebecca Johns, "Bridging the gap between class and space: U.S. worker solidarity with Guatemala," Economic Geography 74.3 (1998):252-71.
45. By "space-economy" I mean the way in which the economy is organized spatially.
46. Johns, "Bridging the gap," page 256.
47. For more details, see Andrew Herod, "Implications of Just-in-Time production for union strategy: Lessons from the 1998 General Motors-United Auto Workers dispute," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 90.3 (2000):521-47 (publisher's erratum for figures published in Annals of the Association of American Geographers 91.1 (2001):200-02.)
48. The network sees as one of its primary tasks mapping "the changing contours of this supply chain, from vehicle assembly plants, to in-house suppliers of major components including drive trains, to outside suppliers responsible for the manufacture of integrated systems, to commodity suppliers and job shops contracted to deliver parts and small components to other plants in the chain" (www.irnetwork.wayne.edu/ourresearch.html).
49. I explore this argument more fully in Andrew Herod, "Workers and workplaces in a neoliberal global economy," Environment and Planning A 32.10 (2000):1781-90.
50. Benjamin Barber, Jihad vs. McWorld (New York, 1995).
51. By "friction of distance" I mean the ways in which interaction between places tends to diminish the more distant they are, much like friction will eventually cause a ball rolling across a smooth surface to come to rest. It is important, though, to not conceive of distance solely in absolute terms (i.e., miles) but also in relative terms (measured as time or cost to travel between two points, or as the amount of interaction between them) which can change as, for instance, transportation technology develops. Thus, in terms of the global financial system, New York and London are very close together in relative space (given the amount of transactions between them), whereas smaller places at the bottom of the financial hierarchy (e.g., a family-owned bank in a small village in upstate New York) may be close to New York in terms of mileage but will be organizationally quite distant from the city, due to the relative lack of interaction between them.
52. Michel Foucault, "Of other spaces," Diacritics 16.1 (1986):22-7, page 22.
53. Ben Agger, Fast Capitalism (Urbana, II, 1989).
54. The notion of using space to hide social consequences from us may at first glance appear strange. However, it relates precisely to Marx's notion of the "fetishization of the commodity," wherein the conditions of production of particular commodities are effectively hidden from us by the spatial distance between us and the workers who make or grow what we consume. Given our spatial separation from the places of origin of such commodities, it is usually difficult for us to have much of an idea about the conditions under which they are produced. Whilst the active manipulation of spatial relations, then, can be used to enhance such fetishization - corporations, for instance, may deliberately lengthen the production chain so as to make it difficult for consumers to interact with the producers of what we consume - tracing the geographical connections between places of production and of consumption can facilitate the defetishization of commodities by shedding light on the socio-spatial environment within which such commodities were originally produced.
55. Richard Hyman, "An Emerging Agenda for Trade Unions?" (Discussion paper DP/98/1999 published by the Labour and Society Programme, International Labour Organisation, Geneva, Switzerland), page 3 [copy available at www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/inst/papers/1999/dp98/].
56. Andrew Herod, "Homework and the fragmentation of space: Challenges for the labor movement," Geoforum 22.2 (1991):173-83.
57. In the case of Mexican migrant workers, for example, it is quite common for workers to spend several months in the United States and then return to Mexico for several months, with this cycle being repeated for many years.
58. For more on how men's and women's domestic responsibilities affect their work and commuting patterns, see Susan Hanson and Ibipo Johnston, "Gender differences in work-trip length: Explanations and implications," Urban Geography 6 (1985):193-219; and Susan Hanson and Geraldine Pratt, Gender, Work, and Space (New York, 1995). Such variations, though, can be affected by race. On the whole, black and Hispanic women, at least in the Buffalo, NY and New York City metropolitan areas, spend as much time commuting as do black and Hispanic men, and spend more time so doing than do either white males or white females: see Ibipo Johnston-Anumonwo, "Racial differences in the commuting behavior of women in Buffalo, 1980-1990," Urban Geography 16 (1995):23-45; Valerie Preston et al., "The impact of family status on black, white, and Hispanic women's commuting," Urban Geography 14 (1993):228-50; and Sara McLafferty and Valerie Preston, "Gender, race and commuting among service sector workers," The Professional Geographer, 43 (1991):1-15.
59. For more on how men's and women's domestic responsibilities affect their work and commuting patterns, see Susan Hanson and Ibipo Johnston, "Gender differences in work-trip length: Explanations and implications," Urban Geography 6 (1985):193-219; and Susan Hanson and Geraldine Pratt, Gender, Work, and Space (New York, 1995). Such variations, though, can be affected by race. On the whole, black and Hispanic women, at least in the Buffalo, NY and New York City metropolitan areas, spend as much time commuting as do black and Hispanic men, and spend more time so doing than do either white males or white females: see Ibipo Johnston-Anumonwo, "Racial differences in the commuting behavior of women in Buffalo, 1980-1990," Urban Geography 16 (1995):23-45; Valerie Preston et al., "The impact of family status on black, white, and Hispanic women's commuting," Urban Geography 14 (1993):228-50; and Sara McLafferty and Valerie Preston, "Gender, race and commuting among service sector workers," The Professional Geographer, 43 (1991):1-15.
60. For more on how men's and women's domestic responsibilities affect their work and commuting patterns, see Susan Hanson and Ibipo Johnston, "Gender differences in work-trip length: Explanations and implications," Urban Geography 6 (1985):193-219; and Susan Hanson and Geraldine Pratt, Gender, Work, and Space (New York, 1995). Such variations, though, can be affected by race. On the whole, black and Hispanic women, at least in the Buffalo, NY and New York City metropolitan areas, spend as much time commuting as do black and Hispanic men, and spend more time so doing than do either white males or white females: see Ibipo Johnston-Anumonwo, "Racial differences in the commuting behavior of women in Buffalo, 1980-1990," Urban Geography 16 (1995):23-45; Valerie Preston et al., "The impact of family status on black, white, and Hispanic women's commuting," Urban Geography 14 (1993):228-50; and Sara McLafferty and Valerie Preston, "Gender, race and commuting among service sector workers," The Professional Geographer, 43 (1991):1-15.
61. For more on how men's and women's domestic responsibilities affect their work and commuting patterns, see Susan Hanson and Ibipo Johnston, "Gender differences in work-trip length: Explanations and implications," Urban Geography 6 (1985):193-219; and Susan Hanson and Geraldine Pratt, Gender, Work, and Space (New York, 1995). Such variations, though, can be affected by race. On the whole, black and Hispanic women, at least in the Buffalo, NY and New York City metropolitan areas, spend as much time commuting as do black and Hispanic men, and spend more time so doing than do either white males or white females: see Ibipo Johnston-Anumonwo, "Racial differences in the commuting behavior of women in Buffalo, 1980-1990," Urban Geography 16 (1995):23-45; Valerie Preston et al., "The impact of family status on black, white, and Hispanic women's commuting," Urban Geography 14 (1993):228-50; and Sara McLafferty and Valerie Preston, "Gender, race and commuting among service sector workers," The Professional Geographer, 43 (1991):1-15.
62. For more on how men's and women's domestic responsibilities affect their work and commuting patterns, see Susan Hanson and Ibipo Johnston, "Gender differences in work-trip length: Explanations and implications," Urban Geography 6 (1985):193-219; and Susan Hanson and Geraldine Pratt, Gender, Work, and Space (New York, 1995). Such variations, though, can be affected by race. On the whole, black and Hispanic women, at least in the Buffalo, NY and New York City metropolitan areas, spend as much time commuting as do black and Hispanic men, and spend more time so doing than do either white males or white females: see Ibipo Johnston-Anumonwo, "Racial differences in the commuting behavior of women in Buffalo, 1980-1990," Urban Geography 16 (1995):23-45; Valerie Preston et al., "The impact of family status on black, white, and Hispanic women's commuting," Urban Geography 14 (1993):228-50; and Sara McLafferty and Valerie Preston, "Gender, race and commuting among service sector workers," The Professional Geographer, 43 (1991):1-15.
63. One way of visualizing such spatial and temporal constraints is through the imagery developed during the 1970s by practitioners of "time geography." Such an approach tracks people's movements in "time-space" to see where and when their "time-space pathways" intersect - sometimes individuals' space-time paths cross to form "interactive bundles" (i.e., they are in the same place at the same time) whereas on other occasions they remain separate (i.e., people may occupy the same spaces but at different times, or are in different places at the same time). In the case of women's and men's abilities to attend union meetings, men may not be so tied to particular spatial locations by their domestic obligations as are women, such that they can move more easily through space and time to attend meetings at work. If men have an hour of spare time to drive to a meeting but, due to domestic obligations, women only have half an hour, women will not be able to access spatially any union meeting that is held forty-five minutes' drive away from their homes, for instance. Such ideas about "space-time bundles" are more fully explored in Torsten Hägerstrand, "What about people in regional science?," Papers of the Regional Science Association 24 (1970):7-21. For a good overview to such an approach see also Don Parkes and Nigel Thrift, Times, Spaces and Places: A Chronogeographic Perspective (Chichester, 1980).
64. One way of visualizing such spatial and temporal constraints is through the imagery developed during the 1970s by practitioners of "time geography." Such an approach tracks people's movements in "time-space" to see where and when their "time-space pathways" intersect - sometimes individuals' space-time paths cross to form "interactive bundles" (i.e., they are in the same place at the same time) whereas on other occasions they remain separate (i.e., people may occupy the same spaces but at different times, or are in different places at the same time). In the case of women's and men's abilities to attend union meetings, men may not be so tied to particular spatial locations by their domestic obligations as are women, such that they can move more easily through space and time to attend meetings at work. If men have an hour of spare time to drive to a meeting but, due to domestic obligations, women only have half an hour, women will not be able to access spatially any union meeting that is held forty-five minutes' drive away from their homes, for instance. Such ideas about "space-time bundles" are more fully explored in Torsten Hägerstrand, "What about people in regional science?," Papers of the Regional Science Association 24 (1970):7-21. For a good overview to such an approach see also Don Parkes and Nigel Thrift, Times, Spaces and Places: A Chronogeographic Perspective (Chichester, 1980).
65. Nigel Haworth and Harvie Ramsay, "Grasping the nettle: Problems in the theory of international labour solidarity," in For a New Labour Internationalism: A Set of Reprints and Working Papers, ed. Peter Waterman (The Hague, 1984), 59-85.
66. James Green and Chris Tilly, "Service unionism: Directions for organizing," Labor Law Journal 38 (August 1987):486-95.
67. See Olivier Zunz, Making America Corporate, 1870-1920 (Chicago, 1990) for more on how corporate America designed the physical spaces of offices at the beginning of the twentieth century so as to facilitate the enhanced control of clerical workers.
68. See, amongst others, Kate Bronfenbrenner, "Seeds of Resurgence: Successful Union Strategies for Winning Certification Elections and First Contracts in the 1980s and Beyond" (Ph.D. diss., School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, 1993); Lydia Savage, "Geographies of organizing: Justice for Janitors in Los Angeles," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 225-52; and Lee Lucas Berman, "In your face, in your space: Spatial strategies in organizing clerical workers at Yale," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 203-24.
69. See, amongst others, Kate Bronfenbrenner, "Seeds of Resurgence: Successful Union Strategies for Winning Certification Elections and First Contracts in the 1980s and Beyond" (Ph.D. diss., School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, 1993); Lydia Savage, "Geographies of organizing: Justice for Janitors in Los Angeles," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 225-52; and Lee Lucas Berman, "In your face, in your space: Spatial strategies in organizing clerical workers at Yale," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 203-24.
70. See, amongst others, Kate Bronfenbrenner, "Seeds of Resurgence: Successful Union Strategies for Winning Certification Elections and First Contracts in the 1980s and Beyond" (Ph.D. diss., School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, 1993); Lydia Savage, "Geographies of organizing: Justice for Janitors in Los Angeles," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 225-52; and Lee Lucas Berman, "In your face, in your space: Spatial strategies in organizing clerical workers at Yale," in Organizing the Landscape: Geographical Perspectives on Labor Unionism, ed. Andrew Herod (Minneapolis, 1998), 203-24.
71. For more on the concept of "geographical unionism," see Howard Wial, "New bargaining structures for new forms of business organization," in Restoring the Promise of American Labor Law, eds, Sheldon Friedman et al. (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 303-313. For more on "social movement unionism," see Peter Waterman, "The new social unionism: A new union model for a new world order," in Labour Worldwide in the Era of Globalization, eds. Ronaldo Munck and Peter Waterman (London, 1998), 247-64; and Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms (London, 1999).
72. For more on the concept of "geographical unionism," see Howard Wial, "New bargaining structures for new forms of business organization," in Restoring the Promise of American Labor Law, eds, Sheldon Friedman et al. (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 303-313. For more on "social movement unionism," see Peter Waterman, "The new social unionism: A new union model for a new world order," in Labour Worldwide in the Era of Globalization, eds. Ronaldo Munck and Peter Waterman (London, 1998), 247-64; and Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms (London, 1999).
73. For more on the concept of "geographical unionism," see Howard Wial, "New bargaining structures for new forms of business organization," in Restoring the Promise of American Labor Law, eds, Sheldon Friedman et al. (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 303-313. For more on "social movement unionism," see Peter Waterman, "The new social unionism: A new union model for a new world order," in Labour Worldwide in the Era of Globalization, eds. Ronaldo Munck and Peter Waterman (London, 1998), 247-64; and Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms (London, 1999).
74. In the United States, the model of unionism adopted after the passage of the 1935 Wagner Act has basically assumed that unions should remain focused upon the spaces of the workplace and "bread and butter" issues thereof.
75. Obviously, different office markets cater to different industries in Los Angeles and have different local character. Thus, whereas in the Downtown there are numerous janitorial contractors in the local office market, in Century City a single employer has historically dominated the market. Equally, whereas Downtown is an area used to seeing street demonstrations and large-scale protests, other office market areas are more insular and unused to such activities, a fact that has elicited quite different responses to the union's tactics. See Savage, "Geographies of organizing"; and Roger Waldinger et al., "Helots no More: Case Study of the Justice for Janitors Campaign in Los Angeles," Working Paper #15, The Lewis Center for Regional Policy Studies, School of Public Policy and Social Research, UCLA, Los Angeles, April 1996.
76. Obviously, different office markets cater to different industries in Los Angeles and have different local character. Thus, whereas in the Downtown there are numerous janitorial contractors in the local office market, in Century City a single employer has historically dominated the market. Equally, whereas Downtown is an area used to seeing street demonstrations and large-scale protests, other office market areas are more insular and unused to such activities, a fact that has elicited quite different responses to the union's tactics. See Savage, "Geographies of organizing"; and Roger Waldinger et al., "Helots no More: Case Study of the Justice for Janitors Campaign in Los Angeles," Working Paper #15, The Lewis Center for Regional Policy Studies, School of Public Policy and Social Research, UCLA, Los Angeles, April 1996.
77. On the history of waitress unionism, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, Dishing it Out; Waitresses and Their Unions in the Twentieth Century (Urbana, 1991); on the lessons that this history might offer for contemporary organizing, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Organizing the postindustrial work force: Lessons from the history of waitress unionism," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 44.3 (1991): 419-36.
78. On the history of waitress unionism, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, Dishing it Out; Waitresses and Their Unions in the Twentieth Century (Urbana, 1991); on the lessons that this history might offer for contemporary organizing, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Organizing the postindustrial work force: Lessons from the history of waitress unionism," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 44.3 (1991): 419-36.