Hybrid discourse and textual practice: Sinology and natural history in the nineteenth century

History of Science

Volumn 38, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 25-56

  Fan, Fa Ti ^a  

^a MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE   (Germany)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0346444694     PISSN: 00732753     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/007327530003800102     Document Type: Article

References (250)

1. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
2. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
3. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
4. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
5. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
6. The essays in Ming Wilson and John Cayley (eds), Europe studies China (London, 1995) together provide a panoramic survey of the history of sinology in Europe. See, also, Herbert Franke, Sinology in German universities (Wiesbaden, 1968), 1-11; T. H. Barrett, Singular listlessness: A short history of Chinese books and British scholars (London, 1989), 19-75: J. J. L. Duyvendak, Holland's contribution to Chinese studies (London, 1950), 3-23; Ch'en Yao-sheng and Paul S. Y. Hsiao, Sinology in the United Kingdom and Germany (Honolulu, 1967); Edward Schafer, What and how is sinology? Inaugural lecture for the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, University of Colorado, Boulder (Boulder, 1982), 1-7.
7. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York, 1978); Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe's rediscovery of India and the East, 1680-1880 (New York, 1984).
8. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York, 1978); Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe's rediscovery of India and the East, 1680-1880 (New York, 1984).
9. This essay addresses the same historical issue as do many works in postcolonial studies: How was Western knowledge about other parts of the world produced? My focus differs from theirs in that I directly engage in the current discussion among historians of science on the practice of science and the cultural history of natural history.
10. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
11. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
12. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
13. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
14. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
15. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
16. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth-century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
17. Many of the essays in N. Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1996) and Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997) concern the practice of natural history. On fieldwork, see, for example, Henrika Kuklick and Robert Kohler (eds), "Science in the field", Osiris, n.s., xi (1996); Jane Camirini, "Remains of the day: Early Victorians in the field", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context, 354-77. On the natural history museum, see, for example, Mary Winsor, Reading the shape of nature: Comparative zoology at the Agassiz Museum (Chicago, 1991); Sally G. Kohlstedt, "Museums: Revisiting sites in the history of the natural sciences", Journal of the history of biology, xxviii (1995), 151-66; Sophie Forgan, "The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth- century Britain", History of science, xxiii (1994), 139-62; Timothy Lenoir and Cheryl Lynn Ross, "The naturalized history museum", in Peter Galison and David Stump (eds), The Disunity of science: Boundaries, contexts, and power (Stanford, 1996), 370-97.
18. William Ashworth's "Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance", in Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 17-37, takes the mid-seventeenth century as the turning point. On the other hand, some see Buffon and Linnaeus as pivotal figures. See Rhoda Rappaport, When geologists were historians, 1665-1750 (Ithaca, 1997), chap. 3; Phillip Sloan and John Lynn, From natural history to the history of nature: Readings from Buffon and his critics (Notre Dame, 1981), chap. 1;
19. William Ashworth's "Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance", in Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 17-37, takes the mid-seventeenth century as the turning point. On the other hand, some see Buffon and Linnaeus as pivotal figures. See Rhoda Rappaport, When geologists were historians, 1665-1750 (Ithaca, 1997), chap. 3; Phillip Sloan and John Lynn, From natural history to the history of nature: Readings from Buffon and his critics (Notre Dame, 1981), chap. 1;
20. William Ashworth's "Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance", in Jardine et al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 17-37, takes the mid-seventeenth century as the turning point. On the other hand, some see Buffon and Linnaeus as pivotal figures. See Rhoda Rappaport, When geologists were historians, 1665-1750 (Ithaca, 1997), chap. 3; Phillip Sloan and John Lynn, From natural history to the history of nature: Readings from Buffon and his critics (Notre Dame, 1981), chap. 1;
21. Sten Lindroth, "Two faces of Linnaeus", in Tore Frängsmyr (ed.), Linnaeus: The man and his work (Canton, Mass., 1994), 1-62.
22. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
23. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
24. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
25. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
26. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
27. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
28. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
29. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
30. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
31. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
32. Several scholars have pointed out the connections between humanism and natural history during an earlier period. E.g. Barbara Shapiro, "History and natural history in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England: An essay on the relationship between humanism and science", in Barbara Shapiro and Robert Frank, English scientific virtuosi in the 16th and 17th centuries (Los Angeles, 1979), 3-55; Paula Findlen, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994). William Ashworth suggests the importance of antiquarianism in natural history, see his "Natural history and the emblematic world view", in David Lindberg and Robert Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 1990), 303-32. Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, science, and satire in Augustan England (Ithaca, 1977); idem, "Natural history and the new philosophy: Bacon, Harvey, and the two cultures", Humanism and history (Ithaca, 1987), 123-54; Paolo Rossi, The dark abyss of time: The history of the Earth and the history of nations from Hooke to Vico (Chicago, 1984), part 2, 3; Ann Blair, "Humanist methods in natural philosophy: The common place book", Journal of the history of ideas, liii (1992), 541-51; Jerome Bylebyl, "The School of Padua: Humanistic medicine in the sixteenth century", in Charles Webster (ed.), Health, medicine and morality in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979), 335-70; Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the rise of natural science (Cambridge, 1998). Anthony Grafton has emphasized the broad and lasting influence of humanist scholarship in a different context. See, for example, his Defenders of the text: The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge, 1991) and Forgers and critics: Creativity and duplicity in Western scholarship (Princeton, 1990).
33. E.g. Jacques Gernet, China and the Christian impact (Cambridge, 1987), esp. 238-47; Alain Peyrefitte, The immobile empire (New York, 1992).
34. E.g. Jacques Gernet, China and the Christian impact (Cambridge, 1987), esp. 238-47; Alain Peyrefitte, The immobile empire (New York, 1992).
35. Benjamin Schwartz, "Culture, modernity, and nationalism -Further reflections", Daedalus, no. 122 (Summer 1993), 207-26, esp. pp. 207-8. Schwartz criticizes and modifies this view.
36. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
37. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
38. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
39. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
40. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
41. I have benefited from the insights in a number of otherwise very different works. Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity - China, 1900-1937 (Stanford, 1995), 1-44; James Hevia, Cherishing men from afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, 1995); G. E. R. Lloyd, Demystifying mentalities (New York, 1990). The controversy around Hevia's book concerns to some extent this methodological issue. It seems to me that one does not have to embrace Hevia's interpretation of the Macartney Embassy to appreciate some of his methodological concerns. Joseph Esherick, "Cherishing sources from afar", in Modern China, xxiv (1998), 135-61; James Hevia, "Postpolemical historiography", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 319-27; Joseph Esherick, "Tradutore, traditore", Modern China, xxiv (1998), 328-32.
42. Emil Bretschneider, "Botanicon Sinicum: Notes on Chinese botany from native and Western sources", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (hereafter JNCB), xvi (1882), 18-230, p. 19.
43. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
44. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
45. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
46. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
47. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth-century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
48. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
49. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
50. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
51. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
52. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social
53. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
54. By comparison, the Chinese intellectuals' roles in translating Western science into late Qing China are much better documented and studied. The best survey is Xiong Yuezhi, Xixue dongjian yu wan Qing shehui (Shanghai, 1994). See, also, John Rear-Anderson, The study of change: Chemistry in China 1840-1949 (New York, 1991), chaps. 1 and 2; David Wright, "Careers in Western science in nineteenth-century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3 ser., v (1995), 49-90; idem, "John Fryer and the Shanghai Polytechnic: Making space for science in nineteenth-century China", The British journal for the history of science, xxix (1996), 1-16; idem, "The translation of modern Western science in nineteenth- century China, 1840-1895", Isis, lxxxix (1998), 653-73; Horng Wann-Sheng, "Li Shanlan: The impact of Western mathematics in China during the late nineteenth century" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1991); Zhang Hailin, Wang Tao ping zhuan (Nanjing, 1993); Paul Cohen, Between tradition and modernity: Wang Tao and reform in late Ching China (Cambridge, 1974); James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge, 1983); Sakade Yoshinobu, Chūgoku kindai no shisō to kagaku (Kyoto, 1983), chap. 4; Bridie Andrews, "Tuberculosis and the assimilation of germ theory in China, 1895-1937", Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences, lii (1997), 114-57; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, "From Changshan to a new anti-malarial drug: Re-networking Chinese drugs and excluding Chinese doctors", Social studies of science, xxix (1999), 323-58.
55. The literature on Jesuits in China is legion. See, e.g., Willard Peterson, "Learning from the heaven: The introduction of Christianity and other Western ideas into late Ming China", The Cambridge history of China, viii/2 (Cambridge, 1998), 789-839; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7); Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, East meets West: The Jesuits in China (Chicago, 1988); Jonathan Spence, The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1985). John Young, Confucianism and Christianity: The first encounter (Hong Kong, 1983).
56. The literature on Jesuits in China is legion. See, e.g., Willard Peterson, "Learning from the heaven: The introduction of Christianity and other Western ideas into late Ming China", The Cambridge history of China, viii/2 (Cambridge, 1998), 789-839; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7); Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, East meets West: The Jesuits in China (Chicago, 1988); Jonathan Spence, The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1985). John Young, Confucianism and Christianity: The first encounter (Hong Kong, 1983).
57. The literature on Jesuits in China is legion. See, e.g., Willard Peterson, "Learning from the heaven: The introduction of Christianity and other Western ideas into late Ming China", The Cambridge history of China, viii/2 (Cambridge, 1998), 789-839; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7); Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, East meets West: The Jesuits in China (Chicago, 1988); Jonathan Spence, The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1985). John Young, Confucianism and Christianity: The first encounter (Hong Kong, 1983).
58. The literature on Jesuits in China is legion. See, e.g., Willard Peterson, "Learning from the heaven: The introduction of Christianity and other Western ideas into late Ming China", The Cambridge history of China, viii/2 (Cambridge, 1998), 789-839; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7); Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, East meets West: The Jesuits in China (Chicago, 1988); Jonathan Spence, The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1985). John Young, Confucianism and Christianity: The first encounter (Hong Kong, 1983).
59. The literature on Jesuits in China is legion. See, e.g., Willard Peterson, "Learning from the heaven: The introduction of Christianity and other Western ideas into late Ming China", The Cambridge history of China, viii/2 (Cambridge, 1998), 789-839; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7); Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, East meets West: The Jesuits in China (Chicago, 1988); Jonathan Spence, The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1985). John Young, Confucianism and Christianity: The first encounter (Hong Kong, 1983).
60. Matthew Ricci, China in the 16th century: The journals of Matthew Ricci, 1583-1610 (New York, 1953), 28.
61. The Chinese interpreters were Catholic converts brought to Europe by the Jesuits. See Barrett, Singular listlessness (ref. 1), 37-38, 49; Jonathan Spence, "The Paris years of Arcadio Huang", in his China roundabout (New York, 1992), 11-24; idem, The question of Hu (New York, 1989).
62. The Chinese interpreters were Catholic converts brought to Europe by the Jesuits. See Barrett, Singular listlessness (ref. 1), 37-38, 49; Jonathan Spence, "The Paris years of Arcadio Huang", in his China roundabout (New York, 1992), 11-24; idem, The question of Hu (New York, 1989).
63. The Chinese interpreters were Catholic converts brought to Europe by the Jesuits. See Barrett, Singular listlessness (ref. 1), 37-38, 49; Jonathan Spence, "The Paris years of Arcadio Huang", in his China roundabout (New York, 1992), 11-24; idem, The question of Hu (New York, 1989).
64. E.g. Knud Lundbaek, T. S. Bayer (1694-1738), pioneer sinologist (London, 1986), 31-140.
65. John Bold, "John Webb: Composite capitals and the Chinese language", Oxford art journal, iv (1981), 9-17. Rossi, The dark abyss of time (ref. 6), 137-44. David Mungello, Curious land: Jesuit accommodation and the origins of sinology (Stuttgart, 1985), chaps. 4-6.
66. John Bold, "John Webb: Composite capitals and the Chinese language", Oxford art journal, iv (1981), 9-17. Rossi, The dark abyss of time (ref. 6), 137-44. David Mungello, Curious land: Jesuit accommodation and the origins of sinology (Stuttgart, 1985), chaps. 4-6.
67. John Bold, "John Webb: Composite capitals and the Chinese language", Oxford art journal, iv (1981), 9-17. Rossi, The dark abyss of time (ref. 6), 137-44. David Mungello, Curious land: Jesuit accommodation and the origins of sinology (Stuttgart, 1985), chaps. 4-6.
68. Antonello Gerbi, The dispute of the New World: The history of a polemic, 1750-1900 (Pittsburgh, 1973), 150-4.
69. Mary Slaughter, Universal languages and scientific taxonomy in the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1982), 112-13; James Knowlson, Universal language schemes in England and France, 1600-1800 (Toronto, 1975), 25-27; David Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The search for accord (Honolulu, 1977), 43-65; idem, Curious land (ref. 16), chap. 6.
70. Mary Slaughter, Universal languages and scientific taxonomy in the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1982), 112-13; James Knowlson, Universal language schemes in England and France, 1600-1800 (Toronto, 1975), 25-27; David Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The search for accord (Honolulu, 1977), 43-65; idem, Curious land (ref. 16), chap. 6.
71. Mary Slaughter, Universal languages and scientific taxonomy in the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1982), 112-13; James Knowlson, Universal language schemes in England and France, 1600-1800 (Toronto, 1975), 25-27; David Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The search for accord (Honolulu, 1977), 43-65; idem, Curious land (ref. 16), chap. 6.
72. Mary Slaughter, Universal languages and scientific taxonomy in the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1982), 112-13; James Knowlson, Universal language schemes in England and France, 1600-1800 (Toronto, 1975), 25-27; David Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The search for accord (Honolulu, 1977), 43-65; idem, Curious land (ref. 16), chap. 6.
73. C. A. Wells, The origin of language: Aspects of the discussion from Condillac to Wundt (Le Salle, Ill., 1987), 61-62.
74. Emil Bretschneider, History of European botanical discoveries in China (2 vols, Leipzig, 1962 [1898]), i, 8-20.
75. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
76. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
77. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
78. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
79. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
80. L. C. Goodrich, "Boym and Boymiae", T'oung Pao, lvii (1971), 135; J. Roi, "Les missionnaires de Chine et la botanique", Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis in Sinis, xi (1938), 695-706; Edward Kajdnski, "Receptarum Sinensium Liber of Michael Boym", Janus, lxxiii (1990), 105-24; Paul Pelliot, "Michael Boym", T'oung Pao, xxx (1933), 95-151. Robert Chabrie, Michel Boym: Jésuite polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (Paris, 1933) remains the fullest account of his life. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (Hong Kong, 1993), 479.
81. For the musk deer, see Timothy James Billing, "Illustrating China: Emblematic autopsy and the catachresis of Cathay" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1997), 243-65; Martha Baldwin, "The snakestone experiments: An early modern medical debate", Isis, lxxxvi (1995), 394-418.
82. For the musk deer, see Timothy James Billing, "Illustrating China: Emblematic autopsy and the catachresis of Cathay" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1997), 243-65; Martha Baldwin, "The snakestone experiments: An early modern medical debate", Isis, lxxxvi (1995), 394-418.
83. Clifford Foust, Rhubarb: The wondrous drug (Princeton, 1992); Daniel Carey, "Compiling nature's history: Travellers and travel narratives in the early Royal Society", Annals of science, liv (1997), 269-92, esp. p. 281. Denis Leigh, "Medicine, the city and China", Medical history, xviii (1974), 51-67.
84. Clifford Foust, Rhubarb: The wondrous drug (Princeton, 1992); Daniel Carey, "Compiling nature's history: Travellers and travel narratives in the early Royal Society", Annals of science, liv (1997), 269-92, esp. p. 281. Denis Leigh, "Medicine, the city and China", Medical history, xviii (1974), 51-67.
85. Clifford Foust, Rhubarb: The wondrous drug (Princeton, 1992); Daniel Carey, "Compiling nature's history: Travellers and travel narratives in the early Royal Society", Annals of science, liv (1997), 269-92, esp. p. 281. Denis Leigh, "Medicine, the city and China", Medical history, xviii (1974), 51-67.
86. Lisbet Koerner, "Nature and nation in Linnaean travel" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1993), 203-7, 224-34, 253-8.
87. J.-B. du Halde, Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique … etc. etc. (4 vols, Paris, 1735).
88. Wilson and Caley, Europe studies China (ref. 1), 13-14.
89. Frederic Wakeman, "The Canton trade and the Opium War", in John Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge histoty of China, x/1 (Cambridge, 1978), 163-212; Jonathan Spence, The search for modern China (New York, 1990), 117-64.
90. Frederic Wakeman, "The Canton trade and the Opium War", in John Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge histoty of China, x/1 (Cambridge, 1978), 163-212; Jonathan Spence, The search for modern China (New York, 1990), 117-64.
91. The dramatic increase of British contributions to Western research into China's natural history is documented in Bretschneider, History of European botanical discoveries in China (ref. 20).
92. Barrett, Singular listlessness (ref. 1), 29-57.
93. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, "The first British sinologists: Sir George Staunton and the Reverend Robert Morrison", in F. S. Drake and Wolfran Eberhard (eds), Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on South China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong, 1967), 247-59; Susan Stifler, "The language students of the East India Company's Canton factory", JNCB, lxix (1938), 46-82.
94. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, "The first British sinologists: Sir George Staunton and the Reverend Robert Morrison", in F. S. Drake and Wolfran Eberhard (eds), Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on South China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong, 1967), 247-59; Susan Stifler, "The language students of the East India Company's Canton factory", JNCB, lxix (1938), 46-82.
95. Chinese repository, v (1836-37), 119. Postcolonial critics often emphasize the discursive liaisons between the objectifying vision of Europeans and a (gendered) Orient, between a desiring gaze and a (projected) seductively veiled body. There is ample evidence in the naturalists' writings to confirm this view. And few will deny that imperial imagination and aggressive cognition were inscribed in the discourse of nineteenth-century natural history. Our job here is not to dwell on these well-explored points, but to discover the strategies the naturalists developed to overcome the "obstacles" to their natural historical research.
96. Chinese repository, v (1836-37), 119.
97. Yen P'ing Hao, The comprador in nineteenth-century China: Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, 1970).
98. See P. D. Coates, The China Consul (Hong Kong, 1988), 81-86.
99. Stanley Wright, Robert Hart and the Chinese customs (Belfast, 1950), 277.
100. One can easily come up with a list of British missionary- and diplomat-sinologists: Robert Morrison, James Legge, Thomas Wade, Joseph Edkins, Herbert Giles, to name only the best known.
101. See Fa-ti Fan, "British naturalists in China, 1760-1910" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1999), chap. 3.
102. Linda Cooke Johnson, Shanghai from market town to treaty ports, 1074-1858 (Stanford, 1995), chaps. 7-12.
103. For an account of the early days of the Society, see JNCB, xxxv (1903-1904), pp. i-xx.
104. E. C. Bridgman, "Inaugural address", Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 1 (1858), 1-16, p. 6. Bridgman was an American missionary.
105. There are as yet no general accounts of these journals. But see Frank King, The China Coast newspaper project of the Center for Research Libraries and the Center for East Asian Studies (Lawrence, n.d.) focuses on newspapers, but it gives a general idea of the busy publishing scene in Western communities in China. Both the Chinese repository and the Chinese recorder were founded by American missionaries. On the Chinese repository, see Murray A. Rubinstein, "The wars they wanted: American missionaries' use of The Chinese repository before the Opium War", in The American neptune, xlviii/1 (1988), 271-82.
106. There are as yet no general accounts of these journals. But see Frank King, The China Coast newspaper project of the Center for Research Libraries and the Center for East Asian Studies (Lawrence, n.d.) focuses on newspapers, but it gives a general idea of the busy publishing scene in Western communities in China. Both the Chinese repository and the Chinese recorder were founded by American missionaries. On the Chinese repository, see Murray A. Rubinstein, "The wars they wanted: American missionaries' use of The Chinese repository before the Opium War", in The American neptune, xlviii/1 (1988), 271-82.
107. British academic sinology never caught up with its Continental counterpart. But the large British population in China and their facilities made possible the growth of a wide range of areas of interest, including natural history.
108. Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 1 (1858), "Preface". Emil Bretschneider made the same point in the preface to his On the study and value of Chinese botanical works, with notes on the history of plants and geographical botany from Chinese sources (Foochow [Fuzhou], 1871). The work first appeared in several parts in Chinese recorder, iii (1870).
109. Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 1 (1858), "Preface". Emil Bretschneider made the same point in the preface to his On the study and value of Chinese botanical works, with notes on the history of plants and geographical botany from Chinese sources (Foochow [Fuzhou], 1871). The work first appeared in several parts in Chinese recorder, iii (1870).
110. Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 1 (1858), "Preface". Emil Bretschneider made the same point in the preface to his On the study and value of Chinese botanical works, with notes on the history of plants and geographical botany from Chinese sources (Foochow [Fuzhou], 1871). The work first appeared in several parts in Chinese recorder, iii (1870).
111. W. F. Mayers, "On the introduction of maize into China", The pharmaceutical journal and transactions, 3rd ser., i (1870-71), 522-5.
112. For the general importance of nomenclature in nineteenth-century natural history, see Harriet Ritvo, The platypus and the mermaid, and other figments of the classifying imagination (Cambridge, 1997), chaps. 1 and 2.
113. Robert Swinhoe, "The small Chinese lark", JNCB, no. 3 (1859), 288.
114. Robert Swinhoe, "On a new rat from Formosa", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1864, 185-7.
115. Swinhoe to Newton, 23 Nov. 1869, in Cambridge University Library MSS, Alfred Newton papers. Swinhoe writes, "Soo Tungpo is a good classical Chinese name, and Science might well admit such worthy names. However, as it offends you…."
116. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 110.
117. Heude's taxonomic work would, however, prove to be controversial because of his anti-Darwinian point of view. He was also an important scientific traveller and field naturalist in China. See Mémoires concernant l'histoire naturelle de l'empire chinois, v/2 (Shanghai, 1906), 1-29; P. Fournier, Voyages et découvertes scientifiques des missionnaires naturalistes français (Paris, 1932), 36-42.
118. Heude's taxonomic work would, however, prove to be controversial because of his anti-Darwinian point of view. He was also an important scientific traveller and field naturalist in China. See Mémoires concernant l'histoire naturelle de l'empire chinois, v/2 (Shanghai, 1906), 1-29; P. Fournier, Voyages et découvertes scientifiques des missionnaires naturalistes français (Paris, 1932), 36-42.
119. Fournier, Voyages et découvert scientifiques, 67-91; Emmanuel Boutan, Le nuage et la vitrine: Un vie de Monsieur David (Bayonne, 1993) is a biography based on David's correspondence.
120. Fournier, Voyages et découvert scientifiques, 67-91; Emmanuel Boutan, Le nuage et la vitrine: Un vie de Monsieur David (Bayonne, 1993) is a biography based on David's correspondence.
121. Peter Galison, Image and logic: A material culture of microphysics (Chicago, 1997), chap. 1.
122. Similar issues have been discussed in colonial context. See, for example, Satpal Sangwan, "From gentlemen amateurs to professionals: Reassessing the natural science tradition in colonial India 1780-1840", in Richard Grove et. al. (eds), Nature and the Orient: The environmental history of South and Southeast Asia (Dehli, 1998), 210-29; Nathan Reingold and Marc Rothenberg, Scientific colonialism: A cross-cultural comparison (Washington, D.C., 1987).
123. Similar issues have been discussed in colonial context. See, for example, Satpal Sangwan, "From gentlemen amateurs to professionals: Reassessing the natural science tradition in colonial India 1780-1840", in Richard Grove et. al. (eds), Nature and the Orient: The environmental history of South and Southeast Asia (Dehli, 1998), 210-29; Nathan Reingold and Marc Rothenberg, Scientific colonialism: A cross-cultural comparison (Washington, D.C., 1987).
124. There are as yet no adequate studies of the Chinese literature about their natural environment or the Chinese attitudes towards the living world. Joseph Needham, Science and civilization in China, vi/1; Biology (Cambridge, 1986) is the closest thing we have despite its tendency to impose modern scientific categories on Chinese knowledge traditions.
125. Theophilus Sampson, Botanical and other writings on China, 1867-1870, ed. by H. Walravens (Hamburg, 1984), 19.
126. T. Watters, "Chinese notions about pigeons and doves", JNCB, n.s., iv (1867), 225-41; idem, "Chinese fox-myths", JNCB, n.s., viii (1873), 47-49.
127. T. Watters, "Chinese notions about pigeons and doves", JNCB, n.s., iv (1867), 225-41; idem, "Chinese fox-myths", JNCB, n.s., viii (1873), 47-49.
128. The British were highly interested in Chinese medicine and medicinals. See Denis Leigh, "Medicine, the City and China"; Roberta Bivins, "The needle and the lancet: British acupuncture and the cross-cultural transmission of medical knowledge" (Ph.D. diss., MIT, 1997).
129. The British were highly interested in Chinese medicine and medicinals. See Denis Leigh, "Medicine, the City and China"; Roberta Bivins, "The needle and the lancet: British acupuncture and the cross-cultural transmission of medical knowledge" (Ph.D. diss., MIT, 1997).
130. Daniel Hanbury, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", collected in his Science papers (London, 1876). He corresponded with Henry Hance, William Lockhart, and F. Porter Smith. The latter two were missionary doctors. See Royal Pharmaceutical Society of London (hereafter RPS): Hanbury Papers, P273 [8], [62]; Hanbury Miscellaneous Letters, P300 [39]; P301 [34], P313 [1], etc. Most of the letters were replies to Hanbury's questions about certain Chinese drugs.
131. Daniel Hanbury, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", collected in his Science papers (London, 1876). He corresponded with Henry Hance, William Lockhart, and F. Porter Smith. The latter two were missionary doctors. See Royal Pharmaceutical Society of London (hereafter RPS): Hanbury Papers, P273 [8], [62]; Hanbury Miscellaneous Letters, P300 [39]; P301 [34], P313 [1], etc. Most of the letters were replies to Hanbury's questions about certain Chinese drugs.
132. Daniel Hanbury, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", collected in his Science papers (London, 1876). He corresponded with Henry Hance, William Lockhart, and F. Porter Smith. The latter two were missionary doctors. See Royal Pharmaceutical Society of London (hereafter RPS): Hanbury Papers, P273 [8], [62]; Hanbury Miscellaneous Letters, P300 [39]; P301 [34], P313 [1], etc. Most of the letters were replies to Hanbury's questions about certain Chinese drugs.
133. F. Porter Smith, Contributions towards the materia medica and natural history of China, for the use of medical missionaries and native medical students (Shanghai, 1871). There was also a potential audience in Europe, and Hanbury helped to find a London publisher for the work. RPS: Hanbury Miscellaneous Letters 1871, P302 [72], [73].
134. List of Chinese medicines, China Imperial Maritime Customs, III, Miscellaneous series, no. 17 (Shanghai, 1889).
135. National Botanical Gardens (Glasnevin, Ireland): Augustine Henry Papers, 581.634, "Pharmac. Notes". Augustine Henry, "Vegetable productions, central China", Bulletin of miscellaneous information (Royal Gardens, Kew), no. 33 (1889), 225-7; idem, Notes on economic botany of China (Kilkenny, Ireland, 1986 [1893]), and "Chinese drugs and medicinal plants", Pharmaceutical journal, lxviii (1902), 316-19, 322-4.
136. National Botanical Gardens (Glasnevin, Ireland): Augustine Henry Papers, 581.634, "Pharmac. Notes". Augustine Henry, "Vegetable productions, central China", Bulletin of miscellaneous information (Royal Gardens, Kew), no. 33 (1889), 225-7; idem, Notes on economic botany of China (Kilkenny, Ireland, 1986 [1893]), and "Chinese drugs and medicinal plants", Pharmaceutical journal, lxviii (1902), 316-19, 322-4.
137. National Botanical Gardens (Glasnevin, Ireland): Augustine Henry Papers, 581.634, "Pharmac. Notes". Augustine Henry, "Vegetable productions, central China", Bulletin of miscellaneous information (Royal Gardens, Kew), no. 33 (1889), 225-7; idem, Notes on economic botany of China (Kilkenny, Ireland, 1986 [1893]), and "Chinese drugs and medicinal plants", Pharmaceutical journal, lxviii (1902), 316-19, 322-4.
138. Charles Ford, Ho Kai and William Edward Crow, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", China review, xv (1886-87), 214-20, 274-6, 345-7; xvi (1887-88), 1-19, 65-73, 137-61. Ford evidently took pride in this enterprise. See his letters to Thistleton-Dyer, Kew Gardens: Chinese and Japanese Letters, 150 (310), (322), (323), (356).
139. Charles Ford, Ho Kai and William Edward Crow, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", China review, xv (1886-87), 214-20, 274-6, 345-7; xvi (1887-88), 1-19, 65-73, 137-61. Ford evidently took pride in this enterprise. See his letters to Thistleton-Dyer, Kew Gardens: Chinese and Japanese Letters, 150 (310), (322), (323), (356).
140. Charles Ford, Ho Kai and William Edward Crow, "Notes on Chinese materia medica", China review, xv (1886-87), 214-20, 274-6, 345-7; xvi (1887-88), 1-19, 65-73, 137-61. Ford evidently took pride in this enterprise. See his letters to Thistleton-Dyer, Kew Gardens: Chinese and Japanese Letters, 150 (310), (322), (323), (356).
141. Janet Browne, The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983); idem, "Biogeography and empire", in Jardine et. al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 305-21; Michael Dettelbach, "Humboldtian science", ibid., 287-304; Philip Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: Themes in early nineteenth-century British biology (Madison, 1984), Part 2; Malcom Nicolson, "Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation", in Andrew Cunningham and Nicolas Jardine (eds), Romanticism and the sciences (Cambridge, 1990), 169-85.
142. Janet Browne, The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983); idem, "Biogeography and empire", in Jardine et. al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 305-21; Michael Dettelbach, "Humboldtian science", ibid., 287-304; Philip Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: Themes in early nineteenth-century British biology (Madison, 1984), Part 2; Malcom Nicolson, "Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation", in Andrew Cunningham and Nicolas Jardine (eds), Romanticism and the sciences (Cambridge, 1990), 169-85.
143. Janet Browne, The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983); idem, "Biogeography and empire", in Jardine et. al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 305-21; Michael Dettelbach, "Humboldtian science", ibid., 287-304; Philip Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: Themes in early nineteenth-century British biology (Madison, 1984), Part 2; Malcom Nicolson, "Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation", in Andrew Cunningham and Nicolas Jardine (eds), Romanticism and the sciences (Cambridge, 1990), 169-85.
144. Janet Browne, The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983); idem, "Biogeography and empire", in Jardine et. al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 305-21; Michael Dettelbach, "Humboldtian science", ibid., 287-304; Philip Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: Themes in early nineteenth-century British biology (Madison, 1984), Part 2; Malcom Nicolson, "Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation", in Andrew Cunningham and Nicolas Jardine (eds), Romanticism and the sciences (Cambridge, 1990), 169-85.
145. Janet Browne, The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983); idem, "Biogeography and empire", in Jardine et. al. (eds), Cultures of natural history (ref. 4), 305-21; Michael Dettelbach, "Humboldtian science", ibid., 287-304; Philip Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: Themes in early nineteenth-century British biology (Madison, 1984), Part 2; Malcom Nicolson, "Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation", in Andrew Cunningham and Nicolas Jardine (eds), Romanticism and the sciences (Cambridge, 1990), 169-85.
146. E.g. T. W. Kingsmill's presidential address, "Border lands of geology and history", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 1-31.
147. Alphonse de Candolle, Géographie botanique raisonnée, ou exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l'époque actuelle (2 vols, Paris, 1855), ii, chap. 9; idem, Origin of cultivated plants (New York, 1967 [1886]), chap. 2.
148. Alphonse de Candolle, Géographie botanique raisonnée, ou exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l'époque actuelle (2 vols, Paris, 1855), ii, chap. 9; idem, Origin of cultivated plants (New York, 1967 [1886]), chap. 2.
149. De Candolle, Géographie botainique raissonnée (ref. 65), ii, 979-80.
150. Bretschneider, On the study and value of Chinese botanical works (ref. 43), 6-7; idem, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 20-21.
151. Bretschneider, On the study and value of Chinese botanical works (ref. 43), 6-7; idem, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 20-21.
152. References are numerous and can be found in Berthold Laufer, Sino-Iranica: Chinese contributions to the history of civilization in ancient Iran, with special reference to the history of cultivated plants and products (Chicago, 1919), passim. Most of the disagreements were about if a particular plant was introduced by Zhang Qian. Few, if any, questioned the story that Zhang Qian brought back some exotic plants from central Asia.
153. Bretschneider, On the study and value of chinese botanical works (ref. 43), 7.
154. Bretschneider, "Fu-sang, or who discovered America?", Chinese recorder, iii (1870-71), 114-20; Sampson, "Buddhist priests in America", in his Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 30-31.
155. Bretschneider, "Fu-sang, or who discovered America?", Chinese recorder, iii (1870-71), 114-20; Sampson, "Buddhist priests in America", in his Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 30-31.
156. Anthony Pagden, European encounters with the New World (New Haven, 1993), chap. 1.
157. Georges Métailié, "La création lexicale dans le premier traité de botanique occidentale publié en chinois (1858)", Documents pour l'histoire du vocabulaire scientifique, ii (1981), 65-73; Pan Jixing, "Tan 'Zhiwuxue' yi ci zai Zhongguo he Riben de youlai", Daziran tansuo, iii (1984), 167-72; Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi (Beijing, 1994), 122-3. The term zhiwu means the plant, and xue means an organized body of learning. Xue was frequently adopted by the translators to denote Western or Western-styled disciplines of learning. Bowu is "a wide range of things". The Chinese did have a genre called bowu zhi, "records of a wide range of things", whose catholic inclusion of natural things must have reminded the Western translators of Pliny's Natural history and other similar works, hence the rendition of natural history into bowu xue. However, bowu did not have the connotation that it referred only to natural objects until it was associated with xue in the neologism. Similarly, zhiwu was a traditional term. It had been used to denote the plant, for example, in Wu Qijun's Zhiwu mingshi tukao (1848), which might be translated as "the pictorial study of the names and natures of plants".
158. Georges Métailié, "La création lexicale dans le premier traité de botanique occidentale publié en chinois (1858)", Documents pour l'histoire du vocabulaire scientifique, ii (1981), 65-73; Pan Jixing, "Tan 'Zhiwuxue' yi ci zai Zhongguo he Riben de youlai", Daziran tansuo, iii (1984), 167-72; Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi (Beijing, 1994), 122-3. The term zhiwu means the plant, and xue means an organized body of learning. Xue was frequently adopted by the translators to denote Western or Western-styled disciplines of learning. Bowu is "a wide range of things". The Chinese did have a genre called bowu zhi, "records of a wide range of things", whose catholic inclusion of natural things must have reminded the Western translators of Pliny's Natural history and other similar works, hence the rendition of natural history into bowu xue. However, bowu did not have the connotation that it referred only to natural objects until it was associated with xue in the neologism. Similarly, zhiwu was a traditional term. It had been used to denote the plant, for example, in Wu Qijun's Zhiwu mingshi tukao (1848), which might be translated as "the pictorial study of the names and natures of plants".
159. Georges Métailié, "La création lexicale dans le premier traité de botanique occidentale publié en chinois (1858)", Documents pour l'histoire du vocabulaire scientifique, ii (1981), 65-73; Pan Jixing, "Tan 'Zhiwuxue' yi ci zai Zhongguo he Riben de youlai", Daziran tansuo, iii (1984), 167-72; Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi (Beijing, 1994), 122-3. The term zhiwu means the plant, and xue means an organized body of learning. Xue was frequently adopted by the translators to denote Western or Western-styled disciplines of learning. Bowu is "a wide range of things". The Chinese did have a genre called bowu zhi, "records of a wide range of things", whose catholic inclusion of natural things must have reminded the Western translators of Pliny's Natural history and other similar works, hence the rendition of natural history into bowu xue. However, bowu did not have the connotation that it referred only to natural objects until it was associated with xue in the neologism. Similarly, zhiwu was a traditional term. It had been used to denote the plant, for example, in Wu Qijun's Zhiwu mingshi tukao (1848), which might be translated as "the pictorial study of the names and natures of plants".
160. Georges Métailié, "La création lexicale dans le premier traité de botanique occidentale publié en chinois (1858)", Documents pour l'histoire du vocabulaire scientifique, ii (1981), 65-73; Pan Jixing, "Tan 'Zhiwuxue' yi ci zai Zhongguo he Riben de youlai", Daziran tansuo, iii (1984), 167-72; Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi (Beijing, 1994), 122-3. The term zhiwu means the plant, and xue means an organized body of learning. Xue was frequently adopted by the translators to denote Western or Western-styled disciplines of learning. Bowu is "a wide range of things". The Chinese did have a genre called bowu zhi, "records of a wide range of things", whose catholic inclusion of natural things must have reminded the Western translators of Pliny's Natural history and other similar works, hence the rendition of natural history into bowu xue. However, bowu did not have the connotation that it referred only to natural objects until it was associated with xue in the neologism. Similarly, zhiwu was a traditional term. It had been used to denote the plant, for example, in Wu Qijun's Zhiwu mingshi tukao (1848), which might be translated as "the pictorial study of the names and natures of plants".
161. Jack Goody, The cultures of flowers (Cambridge, 1993); Craig Clunas, Fruitful sites: Garden culture in Ming Dynasty China (London, 1996); Wang Yi, Yuanlin yu Zhongguo wenhua (Shanghai, 1990).
162. Jack Goody, The cultures of flowers (Cambridge, 1993); Craig Clunas, Fruitful sites: Garden culture in Ming Dynasty China (London, 1996); Wang Yi, Yuanlin yu Zhongguo wenhua (Shanghai, 1990).
163. Jack Goody, The cultures of flowers (Cambridge, 1993); Craig Clunas, Fruitful sites: Garden culture in Ming Dynasty China (London, 1996); Wang Yi, Yuanlin yu Zhongguo wenhua (Shanghai, 1990).
164. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
165. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
166. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
167. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
168. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
169. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
170. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
171. O. F. von Möllendorff, "The vertebrata of the province of Chili with notes on Chinese zoological nomenclature", JNCB, n.s., xi (1877), 41-111, p. 44. For a concise introduction to Bencao gangmu, see Paul Unschuld, Medicine in China: A history of pharmaceutics (Berkeley, 1986), 145-64; Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 308-21. For Li Shizhen, see Nathan Sivin's essay in Dictionary of scientific biography, viii, 390-8. See also Zhongguo zhiwu xuehui (ed.), Zhongguo zhiwu xueshi, 69-81; Li Shizhen yanjiu lunwen ji (Wuhan, 1985); Georges Métailié, "Des plantes et des mots dans le Bencao gangmu de Li Shizhen", Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, x (1988), 27-43. Pan Jixing discusses the transmission of the Bencao to Europe in his Zhongwai kexue zhi jiaoliu (ref. 21), 206-14.
172. S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom (2 vols, New York, 1913 [1882]), i, 372.
173. Williams, The Middle Kingdom, i, 370.
174. e siècle", Revue d'histoire des sciences, xlii/4 (1989), 353-74. He argues that there are significant similarities between the botanical knowledge in the two works, though one can probably question his grounds for comparison.
175. e siècle", Revue d'histoire des sciences, xlii/4 (1989), 353-74. He argues that there are significant similarities between the botanical knowledge in the two works, though one can probably question his grounds for comparison.
176. Möllendorff, "The vertebrata" (ref. 74), 42.
177. Needham, op. cit. (ref. 54), 22-23.
178. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 66.
179. Ibid., 66-67.
180. Ibid., 65.
181. Richard Rudolph, "Illustrated botanical works in China and Japan", in Thomas Buckman (ed.), Bibliography and natural history (Lawrence, 1966); André Georges Haudricourt and Georges Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine", Études chinoises, xiii (1994), 381-416.
182. Richard Rudolph, "Illustrated botanical works in China and Japan", in Thomas Buckman (ed.), Bibliography and natural history (Lawrence, 1966); André Georges Haudricourt and Georges Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine", Études chinoises, xiii (1994), 381-416.
183. JNCB, n.s., xxv (1890-91), 403.
184. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 50. Haudricourt and Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine" (ref. 84) compare Chinese and Renaissance European herbals and argue that the representations of plants in Chinese herbals, such as Bencao, remained fundamentally verbal. It is a point well taken, though one still wonders why the works included plates at all.
185. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 50. Haudricourt and Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine" (ref. 84) compare Chinese and Renaissance European herbals and argue that the representations of plants in Chinese herbals, such as Bencao, remained fundamentally verbal. It is a point well taken, though one still wonders why the works included plates at all.
186. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 55.
187. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 41.
188. A. A. Fauvel, "Alligators in China", JNCB, n.s., xiii (1878), 1-36.
189. Robert Swinhoe to Richard Owen, 18 Feb 1870, Natural History Museum of London: Owen Correspondence, xxv, ff. 69-70. Möllendorff, "The vertebrata" (ref. 74), 44.
190. Robert Swinhoe to Richard Owen, 18 Feb 1870, Natural History Museum of London: Owen Correspondence, xxv, ff. 69-70. Möllendorff, "The vertebrata" (ref. 74), 44.
191. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 35.
192. Both Georges Métailié and modern Chinese scholars convincingly argue that Wu Qijun had been influenced by the kaozheng philological methodology popular among Chinese scholars since the late eighteenth century. The kaozheng school emphasized dogged evidential scholarship. Generically speaking, Wu's Zhiwu was more a pictorial dictionary of plants than an herbal. Henan sheng kexue jishu xie hui (ed.), Wu Qijun yanjiu (Zhenzhou, 1991), 55-57; Haudricourt and Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine" (ref. 84). For the kaozheng school, see Benjamin Elman, From philosophy to philology: Intellectual and social aspects of change in late Imperial China (Cambridge, 1984).
193. Both Georges Métailié and modern Chinese scholars convincingly argue that Wu Qijun had been influenced by the kaozheng philological methodology popular among Chinese scholars since the late eighteenth century. The kaozheng school emphasized dogged evidential scholarship. Generically speaking, Wu's Zhiwu was more a pictorial dictionary of plants than an herbal. Henan sheng kexue jishu xie hui (ed.), Wu Qijun yanjiu (Zhenzhou, 1991), 55-57; Haudricourt and Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine" (ref. 84). For the kaozheng school, see Benjamin Elman, From philosophy to philology: Intellectual and social aspects of change in late Imperial China (Cambridge, 1984).
194. Both Georges Métailié and modern Chinese scholars convincingly argue that Wu Qijun had been influenced by the kaozheng philological methodology popular among Chinese scholars since the late eighteenth century. The kaozheng school emphasized dogged evidential scholarship. Generically speaking, Wu's Zhiwu was more a pictorial dictionary of plants than an herbal. Henan sheng kexue jishu xie hui (ed.), Wu Qijun yanjiu (Zhenzhou, 1991), 55-57; Haudricourt and Métailié, "De l'illustration botanique en Chine" (ref. 84). For the kaozheng school, see Benjamin Elman, From philosophy to philology: Intellectual and social aspects of change in late Imperial China (Cambridge, 1984).
195. Bretschneider's On the study and value of Chinese botanical works (ref. 43) includes eight plates from the Zhiwu.
196. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 32.
197. Henry to William Thistleton-Dyer, 13 May 1887. Kew Gardens: Chinese and Japanese Letters 151 (604).
198. For example, E. C. Baber, Travels and researches in Western China: Supplementary papers of the Royal Geographical Society, i (1882); idem, Report by Mr. Baber on the route followed by Mr. Governor's Mission between Talifu and Momein, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 3 (1878); Report by Mr F. S. A. Bourne of a journey in South-Western China, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 1 (1888); Report by Mr. Hosie of a journey through the Provinces of Suu-ch'uan, Yunnan, and Kuei Chou: February 11 to June 14, 1883, Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 2 (1884).
199. For example, E. C. Baber, Travels and researches in Western China: Supplementary papers of the Royal Geographical Society, i (1882); idem, Report by Mr. Baber on the route followed by Mr. Governor's Mission between Talifu and Momein, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 3 (1878); Report by Mr F. S. A. Bourne of a journey in South-Western China, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 1 (1888); Report by Mr. Hosie of a journey through the Provinces of Suu-ch'uan, Yunnan, and Kuei Chou: February 11 to June 14, 1883, Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 2 (1884).
200. For example, E. C. Baber, Travels and researches in Western China: Supplementary papers of the Royal Geographical Society, i (1882); idem, Report by Mr. Baber on the route followed by Mr. Governor's Mission between Talifu and Momein, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 3 (1878); Report by Mr F. S. A. Bourne of a journey in South-Western China, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 1 (1888); Report by Mr. Hosie of a journey through the Provinces of Suu-ch'uan, Yunnan, and Kuei Chou: February 11 to June 14, 1883, Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 2 (1884).
201. For example, E. C. Baber, Travels and researches in Western China: Supplementary papers of the Royal Geographical Society, i (1882); idem, Report by Mr. Baber on the route followed by Mr. Governor's Mission between Talifu and Momein, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 3 (1878); Report by Mr F. S. A. Bourne of a journey in South-Western China, Parliamentary Papers, China no. 1 (1888); Report by Mr. Hosie of a journey through the Provinces of Suu-ch'uan, Yunnan, and Kuei Chou: February 11 to June 14, 1883, Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 2 (1884).
202. See, for example, Robert Swinhoe, "On the mammals of the Island of Formosa (China)", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1862, 347-65; "The ornithology of Formosa, or Taiwan", Ibis, v (1863), 198-219, 250-311, 377-435; "On the mammals of Hainan", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1870, 224-36.
203. See, for example, Robert Swinhoe, "On the mammals of the Island of Formosa (China)", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1862, 347-65; "The ornithology of Formosa, or Taiwan", Ibis, v (1863), 198-219, 250-311, 377-435; "On the mammals of Hainan", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1870, 224-36.
204. See, for example, Robert Swinhoe, "On the mammals of the Island of Formosa (China)", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1862, 347-65; "The ornithology of Formosa, or Taiwan", Ibis, v (1863), 198-219, 250-311, 377-435; "On the mammals of Hainan", Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1870, 224-36.
205. Robert Swinhoe, "Neau-show", JNCB, n.s., ii (1865), 39-52.
206. Möllendorff, "The vertebrata" (ref. 74), 46. See also his "Trouts in China", China review, vii (July 1878-June 1879), 276-8.
207. Möllendorff, "The vertebrata" (ref. 74), 46. See also his "Trouts in China", China review, vii (July 1878-June 1879), 276-8.
208. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 87.
209. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 31-36; Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 92-95.
210. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 31-36; Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 92-95.
211. Alfred Newton, "Abstract of Mr. J. Wolley's researches in Iceland respecting the gare-fowl or the great auk (Alca impennis, Linn.)", Ibis, iii (1861), 375-99; Symington Grieve, The great auk, or garefowl (Alca impennis, Linn.): Its history, archaeology, and remains (London, 1885), passim.
212. Alfred Newton, "Abstract of Mr. J. Wolley's researches in Iceland respecting the gare-fowl or the great auk (Alca impennis, Linn.)", Ibis, iii (1861), 375-99; Symington Grieve, The great auk, or garefowl (Alca impennis, Linn.): Its history, archaeology, and remains (London, 1885), passim.
213. Paul L. Farber, "The type concept in zoology during the first half of the nineteenth century", Journal of the history of biology, xi (1976), 93-119.
214. Hance to Henry, 1 April 1885; 7 June 1885, in National Botanical Gardens (Glasnevin, Ireland): Letters to Henry. (The letters are not numbered.)
215. School of Oriental and African Studies, London: Bowra Papers, MS. English. 201813, Box 2, no. 7, Bowra's 1863 diary, July 18.
216. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 19.
217. Ibid., 67.
218. Michael Adas, Machines as the measure of men (Ithaca, 1990); J. W. Burrow, Evolution and society: A study in Victorian social theory (Cambridge, 1966), 11-14; George Stocking, Jr, Victorian anthropology (New York, 1987), 174-5; Robert Nisbet, Social change and history: Aspects of the Western theory of development (Oxford, 1969), 189-208.
219. Michael Adas, Machines as the measure of men (Ithaca, 1990); J. W. Burrow, Evolution and society: A study in Victorian social theory (Cambridge, 1966), 11-14; George Stocking, Jr, Victorian anthropology (New York, 1987), 174-5; Robert Nisbet, Social change and history: Aspects of the Western theory of development (Oxford, 1969), 189-208.
220. Michael Adas, Machines as the measure of men (Ithaca, 1990); J. W. Burrow, Evolution and society: A study in Victorian social theory (Cambridge, 1966), 11-14; George Stocking, Jr, Victorian anthropology (New York, 1987), 174-5; Robert Nisbet, Social change and history: Aspects of the Western theory of development (Oxford, 1969), 189-208.
221. Michael Adas, Machines as the measure of men (Ithaca, 1990); J. W. Burrow, Evolution and society: A study in Victorian social theory (Cambridge, 1966), 11-14; George Stocking, Jr, Victorian anthropology (New York, 1987), 174-5; Robert Nisbet, Social change and history: Aspects of the Western theory of development (Oxford, 1969), 189-208.
222. W. H. Medhurst, A dissertation on the theology of the Chinese (Shanghai, 1847); Arthur Wright, "The Chinese language and foreign ideas", in Studies in Chinese thought, ed. by Arthur Wright (Chicago, 1953), 286-303; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7), 238-47.
223. W. H. Medhurst, A dissertation on the theology of the Chinese (Shanghai, 1847); Arthur Wright, "The Chinese language and foreign ideas", in Studies in Chinese thought, ed. by Arthur Wright (Chicago, 1953), 286-303; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7), 238-47.
224. W. H. Medhurst, A dissertation on the theology of the Chinese (Shanghai, 1847); Arthur Wright, "The Chinese language and foreign ideas", in Studies in Chinese thought, ed. by Arthur Wright (Chicago, 1953), 286-303; Gernet, China and the Christian impact (ref. 7), 238-47.
225. "The advisability, or the reverse, of endeavouring to convey Western knowledge to the Chinese through the medium of their language", JNCB, n.s., xxi (1886), 1-21. Some of the opinions resembled to some extent the controversy about education in India earlier in the century. See, e.g., Adas, Machines as the measure of men (ref. 108), 271-92. The uniqueness of the Chinese language, especially its many ideograms, presented new challenges to Western educators in China.
226. "The advisability, or the reverse, of endeavouring to convey Western knowledge to the Chinese through the medium of their language", JNCB, n.s., xxi (1886), 1-21. Some of the opinions resembled to some extent the controversy about education in India earlier in the century. See, e.g., Adas, Machines as the measure of men (ref. 108), 271-92. The uniqueness of the Chinese language, especially its many ideograms, presented new challenges to Western educators in China.
227. Tejaswini Niranjana, Siting translation: History, post-colonialism, and the colonial context (Berkeley, 1992) discusses some theoretical issues about power and translation.
228. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 21.
229. On "trust" in science, see, e.g., Steven Shapin, A social history of truth: Civility and science in seventeenth-century England (Chicago, 1994), esp. 243-66.
230. Robert Swinhoe to Richard Owen, 18 Feb 1870, Natural History Museum of London: Owen Correspondence, xxv, ff. 69-70.
231. Richard Owen, "On fossil remains of mammals found in China", Quarterly journal of the Geological Society of London, xxvi (1870), 417-34.
232. Hance's introductory remarks to W. F. Mayers, "On the introduction of maize into China", The pharmaceutical journal and transactions, 3rd ser., i (1870-71), 522-5.
233. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 17.
234. Harriet Ritvo, "Zoological nomenclature and the empire of Victorian science", in Lightman (ed.), Victorian science in context (ref. 4), 334-53.
235. Fauvel, "Alligators in China" (ref. 89).
236. On the introduction of exotic animals and plants into China, see Laufer, Sino-Iranica (ref. 68); S. A. M. Adshead, China in world history, 2nd edn (London, 1995), passim; Edward Schafer, The golden peaches of Samarkand: A study of T'ang exotics (Berkeley, 1963); Shiu Ying Hu, "History of the introduction of exotic elements into traditional Chinese medicine", Journal of the Arnold Arboretum, lxxi (1990), 487-526.
237. On the introduction of exotic animals and plants into China, see Laufer, Sino-Iranica (ref. 68); S. A. M. Adshead, China in world history, 2nd edn (London, 1995), passim; Edward Schafer, The golden peaches of Samarkand: A study of T'ang exotics (Berkeley, 1963); Shiu Ying Hu, "History of the introduction of exotic elements into traditional Chinese medicine", Journal of the Arnold Arboretum, lxxi (1990), 487-526.
238. On the introduction of exotic animals and plants into China, see Laufer, Sino-Iranica (ref. 68); S. A. M. Adshead, China in world history, 2nd edn (London, 1995), passim; Edward Schafer, The golden peaches of Samarkand: A study of T'ang exotics (Berkeley, 1963); Shiu Ying Hu, "History of the introduction of exotic elements into traditional Chinese medicine", Journal of the Arnold Arboretum, lxxi (1990), 487-526.
239. On the introduction of exotic animals and plants into China, see Laufer, Sino-Iranica (ref. 68); S. A. M. Adshead, China in world history, 2nd edn (London, 1995), passim; Edward Schafer, The golden peaches of Samarkand: A study of T'ang exotics (Berkeley, 1963); Shiu Ying Hu, "History of the introduction of exotic elements into traditional Chinese medicine", Journal of the Arnold Arboretum, lxxi (1990), 487-526.
240. Sampson, Botanical and other writings (ref. 55), 23.
241. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 66; Ernst Faber, "Contribution to the nomenclature of Chinese plants", JNCB, xxxviii (1907), 97-164.
242. Bretschneider, "Botanicon sinicum" (ref. 10), 66; Ernst Faber, "Contribution to the nomenclature of Chinese plants", JNCB, xxxviii (1907), 97-164.
243. Augustine Henry, "Chinese names of plants", JNCB, n.s., xxii (1887), 233-83.
244. Henry to H. B. Morse, 17 June 1893, Kew Gardens: A. Henry letters to H. B. Morse, 3-5.
245. Fauvel, "Alligators in China" (ref. 89), 4.
246. Ibid., 4-5.
247. W. F. Mayers, "The mammoth in Chinese records", China review, vi (July 1877-June 1878), 273-6. The naturalists also obtained fossils by purchasing them from drug stores. The Chinese used them as drugs.
248. Darwin himself used many examples from Chinese texts to support his arguments in natural history. Pan Jixing, Zhongwai kexue zhi jiao liu (ref. 21), chap. 1.
249. De Candolle, Origin of cultivated plants (ref. 65), passim.
250. Fan, "British naturalists in China, 1760-1910" (ref. 37), chaps. 3 and 5.