The murids: Surveillance and collaboration

Journal of African History

Volumn 40, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 193-213

  Robinson, David ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0346096964     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853799007446     Document Type: Article

References (113)

1. The tentative title of my forthcoming manuscript, Paths to accommodation: Muslim communities, colonial authorities and civil society in Senegal and Mauritania.
2. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
3. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
4. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
5. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
6. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
7. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
8. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
9. The social scientists have tended to repeat the capsule history of Marty, but no historian has yet explored or interpreted the path to accommodation in the early decades of the movement. Cheikh Anta Mbacké Babou, a doctoral student in history at Michigan State, is doing this exploration now, as the subject of his dissertation. The most important treatments of the Muridiyya are Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince (Paris, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris, 1980); Lucy Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba, 1850-1927', in J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies on the History of Islam in West Africa, 1 (London, 1979); Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, 1971) and Saints and Politicians (Cambridge, 1975); Momar Coumba Diop, 'La littérature mouride. Essai d'analyse thématique', Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (BIFAN), Séries B, 1979; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, 1969). All of these scholars go back to the work of Paul Marty (especially 'Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 1, 217-332, in Etudes sur l'Islam au Sénégal, 2 vols., Paris, 1917). Marty was a French Islamicist who gained his experience in North Africa before coming to the Government General in Dakar a few years before World War I.
10. I compare Bamba and the Murid trajectory to Saad Buh, the champion of a Fadiliyya group based in southwestern Mauritania, Sidiyya Baba, the patron of the Sidiyya order based in Butilimit, and Malik Sy, the architect of a Tijaniyya brotherhood that operated out of Tivaouane in Cayor. See my articles, 'Saad Buh, the Fadiliyya and French colonial authorities', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara 11 (1997), 129-48. 'Shaikh Sidiyya Baba: co-architect of colonial Mauritania', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, forthcoming in 13 (1999), and 'Malik Sy, teacher in the new colonial order', in Triaud and Robinson (eds.), L'ascension d'une confrérie musulmane: La Tijaniyya en Afrique de l'Ouest et du Nord (XIXe-XXe siècles), manuscript under preparation.
11. I compare Bamba and the Murid trajectory to Saad Buh, the champion of a Fadiliyya group based in southwestern Mauritania, Sidiyya Baba, the patron of the Sidiyya order based in Butilimit, and Malik Sy, the architect of a Tijaniyya brotherhood that operated out of Tivaouane in Cayor. See my articles, 'Saad Buh, the Fadiliyya and French colonial authorities', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara 11 (1997), 129-48. 'Shaikh Sidiyya Baba: co-architect of colonial Mauritania', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, forthcoming in 13 (1999), and 'Malik Sy, teacher in the new colonial order', in Triaud and Robinson (eds.), L'ascension d'une confrérie musulmane: La Tijaniyya en Afrique de l'Ouest et du Nord (XIXe-XXe siècles), manuscript under preparation.
12. I compare Bamba and the Murid trajectory to Saad Buh, the champion of a Fadiliyya group based in southwestern Mauritania, Sidiyya Baba, the patron of the Sidiyya order based in Butilimit, and Malik Sy, the architect of a Tijaniyya brotherhood that operated out of Tivaouane in Cayor. See my articles, 'Saad Buh, the Fadiliyya and French colonial authorities', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara 11 (1997), 129-48. 'Shaikh Sidiyya Baba: co-architect of colonial Mauritania', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, forthcoming in 13 (1999), and 'Malik Sy, teacher in the new colonial order', in Triaud and Robinson (eds.), L'ascension d'une confrérie musulmane: La Tijaniyya en Afrique de l'Ouest et du Nord (XIXe-XXe siècles), manuscript under preparation.
13. In the sense employed by Pierre Bourdieu in The Logic of Practice (Stanford, 1990), esp. 80ff.
14. They had obviously had to work with Muslim authorities of some kind over the years, and Faidherbe had helped put in place a set of learned and respected Muslims in St Louis who were of inestimable value of the colonial regime. But they were deeply suspicious of most of the Muslim leaders of the interior, often with good reason, since these leaders expressed hostility to the extension of French and hence 'infidel' authority over land and people who belonged to the Dar al-Islam. See Robinson, 'French "Islamic" policy and practice in late nineteenth-century Senegal', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), 415-35.
15. Like the generation of Muslim reformers of an earlier generation. See Martin Klein, 'Social and economic factors in the Muslim revolution in Senegambia', Journal of African History, 13 (1972), 419-41.
16. I tended to use the conventional periodization in my previous article on Bamba. See Robinson, 'Beyond resistance and collaboration: Amadu Bamba and the Muridiyya of Senegal', Journal of Religion in Africa, 21 (1991), 149-71.
17. I elaborate on this in somewhat greater detail in 'Beyond resistance and collaboration', 150-160.
18. Barry, Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge 1998, English edition from 1988 French edition), 196ff.; he relies heavily on Klein, Islam and Imperialism in Senegal. Sine-Saloum, 1847-1914 (Edinburgh, 1968), 636ff.
19. Barry, Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge 1998, English edition from 1988 French edition), 196ff.; he relies heavily on Klein, Islam and Imperialism in Senegal. Sine-Saloum, 1847-1914 (Edinburgh, 1968), 636ff.
20. Even less than Al Hajj Umar. See Robinson, Holy War, ch. 9. For Bamba's implicit criticisms of Ma Ba and his movement, see Babou, 'Autour de la genèse du Mouridisme', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, 11 (1997), 5-38.
21. Even less than Al Hajj Umar. See Robinson, Holy War, ch. 9. For Bamba's implicit criticisms of Ma Ba and his movement, see Babou, 'Autour de la genèse du Mouridisme', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, 11 (1997), 5-38.
22. See Mbacke, Les bienfaits de l'éternel ou la biographie de Cheikh Amadou Bamba Mbacké (translation of Khadim Mbacke) (Dakar, 1995), especially 28-30. Abdullay Niasse, the founder of the Niasse order based in Kaolack, apparently came to the same critique after some time spent in the entourage of Saër Maty, Ma Ba's son. See Christopher Gray, 'The rise of the Niassene Tijaniyya, 1875 to the present', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, 2 (1988), 35-6.
23. See Mbacke, Les bienfaits de l'éternel ou la biographie de Cheikh Amadou Bamba Mbacké (translation of Khadim Mbacke) (Dakar, 1995), especially 28-30. Abdullay Niasse, the founder of the Niasse order based in Kaolack, apparently came to the same critique after some time spent in the entourage of Saër Maty, Ma Ba's son. See Christopher Gray, 'The rise of the Niassene Tijaniyya, 1875 to the present', Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, 2 (1988), 35-6.
24. See Mamadou Diouf, Le Kajoor au XIXe siècle: Pouvoir ceddo et conquête coloniale (Paris, 1990), ch. 16ff. Bamba and his followers certainly played up the traditional Islamic leader's aversion to official power and his distance from the courts, but there is no reason to doubt that he developed a negative experience of the exercise of power.
25. Perhaps the most neglected of the important Islamic movements of this time and place. Hamme Ba, a scholar and Sufi who grew up near Podor in the early nineteenth century, formulated a critique of the Islamic regime of Futa Toro in the 1820s. He took the name of Mahdi, the 'rightly guided one' who comes at the end of time, and actually carried through with the sacrifice of his son in imitation of the act which Ibrahim was willing to perform with Ishaq. He was banished from Futa, lived in exile in western Senegal, and established close ties with the family of the Serigne Coki in Ndiambur. One treatment, of the father and sons, is Robinson, Chiefs and Clerics: Abdul Bokar Kan and the History of Futa Toro, 1853 to 1891 (Oxford, 1975), ch. 4-5.
26. During this same period Lat Dior handed over a dissident chief, Sidia of Walo, to the governor, signalling his willingness to work with the administration in St Louis. Diouf, Kajoor, 253-4.
27. See Martin Klein, Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa (Cambridge, 1998); and Amar Samb, Essai sur la contribution du Sénégal à la littérature d'expression arabe (Dakar, IFAN, 1972), 427-30.
28. See Martin Klein, Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa (Cambridge, 1998); and Amar Samb, Essai sur la contribution du Sénégal à la littérature d'expression arabe (Dakar, IFAN, 1972), 427-30.
29. Bamba did not break off relations with Ma Diakhate, it would seem; the archives report his amicable contact with the old qadi in Ndiambur in 1889. See Archives Nationales du Sénégal (hereafter ANS), 1G 136.
30. The debate probably increased his criticism of his father, who appears to have been more compromised in the matter. His father served as counselor to Lat Dior during much of the 1870s, and Bamba apparently persuaded him to leave the court for the village of Mbacke Cayor before Momar's death in 1883. A. B. Diop, 'Lat Dior', 525-6; Samb, Essai, 429. Bamba took a position in many ways similar to that of al-Kanemi in the much better known debate between the Sokoto leaders and Bornu about the legitimacy of jihad east of Hausaland. He esteemed that the Madiyanke had sinned but not lost their identity as Muslims. See Louis Brenner, 'The jihad debate between Sokoto and Borno: an historical analysis of Islamic political discourse in Nigeria', in J. F. Ade Ajayi and J. D. Y. Peel (eds.), Peoples and Empires in African History: Essays in Memory of Michael Crowder (London, 1992), 21-43.
31. The debate probably increased his criticism of his father, who appears to have been more compromised in the matter. His father served as counselor to Lat Dior during much of the 1870s, and Bamba apparently persuaded him to leave the court for the village of Mbacke Cayor before Momar's death in 1883. A. B. Diop, 'Lat Dior', 525-6; Samb, Essai, 429. Bamba took a position in many ways similar to that of al-Kanemi in the much better known debate between the Sokoto leaders and Bornu about the legitimacy of jihad east of Hausaland. He esteemed that the Madiyanke had sinned but not lost their identity as Muslims. See Louis Brenner, 'The jihad debate between Sokoto and Borno: an historical analysis of Islamic political discourse in Nigeria', in J. F. Ade Ajayi and J. D. Y. Peel (eds.), Peoples and Empires in African History: Essays in Memory of Michael Crowder (London, 1992), 21-43.
32. The debate probably increased his criticism of his father, who appears to have been more compromised in the matter. His father served as counselor to Lat Dior during much of the 1870s, and Bamba apparently persuaded him to leave the court for the village of Mbacke Cayor before Momar's death in 1883. A. B. Diop, 'Lat Dior', 525-6; Samb, Essai, 429. Bamba took a position in many ways similar to that of al-Kanemi in the much better known debate between the Sokoto leaders and Bornu about the legitimacy of jihad east of Hausaland. He esteemed that the Madiyanke had sinned but not lost their identity as Muslims. See Louis Brenner, 'The jihad debate between Sokoto and Borno: an historical analysis of Islamic political discourse in Nigeria', in J. F. Ade Ajayi and J. D. Y. Peel (eds.), Peoples and Empires in African History: Essays in Memory of Michael Crowder (London, 1992), 21-43.
33. Klein, Slavery, ch. 4.
34. According to these sources, Lat Dior may have come for an endorsement, that would help him rally a credible following in what would undoubtedly be his last stand, or he may have simply sought a blessing, in thinking of the possibility of an after-life after his 'checkered' career. See, for example, A. Marokhaya Samb, Cadior Demb (Dakar, 1964), 54. Cruise O'Brien (Mourides, 11-13, 37ff.) relies on Marokhaya Samb in his account . Marty considered Bamba to be a part of the entourage of Lat Dior ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 223-4).
35. According to these sources, Lat Dior may have come for an endorsement, that would help him rally a credible following in what would undoubtedly be his last stand, or he may have simply sought a blessing, in thinking of the possibility of an after-life after his 'checkered' career. See, for example, A. Marokhaya Samb, Cadior Demb (Dakar, 1964), 54. Cruise O'Brien (Mourides, 11-13, 37ff.) relies on Marokhaya Samb in his account . Marty considered Bamba to be a part of the entourage of Lat Dior ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 223-4).
36. According to these sources, Lat Dior may have come for an endorsement, that would help him rally a credible following in what would undoubtedly be his last stand, or he may have simply sought a blessing, in thinking of the possibility of an after-life after his 'checkered' career. See, for example, A. Marokhaya Samb, Cadior Demb (Dakar, 1964), 54. Cruise O'Brien (Mourides, 11-13, 37ff.) relies on Marokhaya Samb in his account . Marty considered Bamba to be a part of the entourage of Lat Dior ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 223-4).
37. See Babou, 'Genèse'. According to A. B. Diop, Lat Dior had offered slaves to Bamba in the early 1880s in exchange for a blessing for a male heir. Bamba refused the slaves but made the invocation, and the next year a son, Mbakhane (the father of A. B. Diop), was born. 'Lat Dior', 526.
38. This dimension is especially stressed by Babou in 'Genèse'. Said Bousbina has made the same observation about Malik Sy, who sought enlightenment throughout his life but primarily within the framework of the Tijaniyya. See his article, 'Al-Hajj Malik Sy: sa chaîne spirituelle dans la Tijaniyya et sa position à l'égard de la présence française au Sénégal', in Robinson and Triaud (eds.), Le Temps des Marabouts (Paris, 1997).
39. In the 1880s, the most likely time for his travel(s) to Trarza, he undoubtedly met Sidiyya Baba, who did not establish his intimate relationship with the French until the turn of the century. He was not able to meet Sidi Muhammad (d. 1869), Baba's father and the son of Sidiyya al-Kabir, the founder of the Sidiyya lineage, despite the affirmation of some sources.
40. Another brother, Shaikh Anta, may have begun at this time to establish the network of relationships across western Senegal which would allow him to be an effective ambassador for the new order. For Ibra Fati and Ibra Fall, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 43, 52-5, 141-8, and Robinson, 'Beyond resistance', 158-9.
41. Another brother, Shaikh Anta, may have begun at this time to establish the network of relationships across western Senegal which would allow him to be an effective ambassador for the new order. For Ibra Fati and Ibra Fall, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 43, 52-5, 141-8, and Robinson, 'Beyond resistance', 158-9.
42. In 1890, the French invaded Jolof, drove Albury Ndiaye into exile, and ended the last viable and independent ancien régime of the Wolof region. Many of the Jolof who did not emigrate to the east with Albury moved into Bamba's circle.
43. This is suggested in Klein, Slavery, ch. 12, especially 200-02.
44. What is not clear is when the 'Bu Kunta model' of insertion into the colonial economy was adopted by the Murids and the Tijaniyya community of Malik Sy, who settled in Tivaouane in 1902, very close to the Bu Kunta capital of Ndiassane. In 1913, Bu Kunta gave one of his daughters in marriage to Mamadu Mustapha, the oldest son of Bamba, and many of the Bu Kunta community moved into the Murid community on the death of their leader in 1913. See Toba Haidara/Diagne, 'Contribution a l'étude de l'Islam au Sénégal: la confrérie Kuntiyu de Njaasaan, 1884-1914' (Mémoire de maîtrise, Université de Dakar, 1984-5). See also Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, 333-64. I would like to thank Mohamed Mbodj of Columbia University for drawing my attention to the Bu Kunta example.
45. What is not clear is when the 'Bu Kunta model' of insertion into the colonial economy was adopted by the Murids and the Tijaniyya community of Malik Sy, who settled in Tivaouane in 1902, very close to the Bu Kunta capital of Ndiassane. In 1913, Bu Kunta gave one of his daughters in marriage to Mamadu Mustapha, the oldest son of Bamba, and many of the Bu Kunta community moved into the Murid community on the death of their leader in 1913. See Toba Haidara/Diagne, 'Contribution a l'étude de l'Islam au Sénégal: la confrérie Kuntiyu de Njaasaan, 1884-1914' (Mémoire de maîtrise, Université de Dakar, 1984-5). See also Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, 333-64. I would like to thank Mohamed Mbodj of Columbia University for drawing my attention to the Bu Kunta example.
46. Muhammad began receiving his revelations from God in 6IOCE, when he was 40 years old. If Bamba was born in 1853, he would have had the same age in the early 1890s. Touba is usually correlated with the Arabic tauba, 'repentance'. Touba became the location of Bamba's tomb and the towering Murid mosque in the twentieth century. For the works created during this period, see Dumont, Pensée, 1-50, and Samb, Essai, 421-82. See also Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 41.
47. In fact, Babou puts it even earlier, in the mid-1880s, after Bamba's departure from Cayor for Baol. 'Genèse', 10ff.
48. The governor in question was Genouille. See Diouf, Kajoor, 275. For the medical problems of the 1880s, see Kalala Ngalamulume, 'Urban growth and health problems, St Louis from the mid-nineteenth century to World War I' (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1995), ch. 5.
49. The governor in question was Genouille. See Diouf, Kajoor, 275. For the medical problems of the 1880s, see Kalala Ngalamulume, 'Urban growth and health problems, St Louis from the mid-nineteenth century to World War I' (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1995), ch. 5.
50. The Devès clan in particular embarrassed the administration on numerous occasions, including the elimination of Lat Dior and the Cayorian opposition in 1886. See Diouf, Kajoor, ch. 19.
51. The best example of this occurred in 1890-1, when Paris gave unstinting support to both governors when they were challenged by the Devès and other Saint Louisians about the summary executions on French territory of the alleged assassins of administrator Abel Jeandet. François Manchuelle, 'Métis et colons: la famille Devès et l'émergence politique des Africains au Sénégal', Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 24 (1984), 477-504. The papers of Governor Henri de Lamothe, deposited at the Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer (hereafter CAOM), in Aix-en-Provence, bear this out as well.
52. Especially from the areas under Samori's influence in the Upper Niger and Senegal valleys. Bernard Moitt has chronicled this in 'Peanut production and social change in the Dakar hinterland: Kajoor and Baol, 1840-1940' (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1984), especially 238-43. Demba War served as President of the Confederation of Cayor from 1886 until his death in 1902; he had some of his sons recruited into the colonial training institute, the Ecole des Fils de Chefs et Interprètes, in St Louis, where they were prepared to become colonial chiefs in their own right. For this and the following paragraph, see Robinson, 'Brokers and hegemony in Senegal', paper given to the symposium on 'New perspectives on colonial Africa', held at the University of Illinois Champaign-Urbana, in 1987.
53. See CAOM SEN IV 127, reports of 10 Jul., 15 and 29 Aug. 1895; Marty, 'Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 225-7; Sy, Confrérie, 111. Marty says that Bamba went to St Louis and gave the governor a list of his most 'compromised' disciples ('Mourides', 224-5).
54. See CAOM SEN IV 127, reports of 10 Jul., 15 and 29 Aug. 1895; Marty, 'Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 225-7; Sy, Confrérie, 111. Marty says that Bamba went to St Louis and gave the governor a list of his most 'compromised' disciples ('Mourides', 224-5).
55. They also arrested the Burba, Samba Laobe Penda, who had been put in place of Albury in 1890. They had been preparing the young son of Albury, Buna, to take over as chief of Jolof and put him in place in 1895. See n. 33.
56. It is impossible to know whether Bamba thought of the exercise of French colonial power, as exemplified in the column which arrested him, in the same way that he conceived of the coercion of Ma Ba, the Madiyanke, or the court of Cayor.
57. Merlin was interim governor between de Lamothe and Chaudié, who came in as the first governor-general. See James Searing, 'Accommodation and resistance: chiefs, Muslim leaders and politicians in colonial Senegal, 1890-1934' (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1985). Searing makes a good case for the assertion of central administration control of affairs in Senegal, beginning with Governor Clément-Thomas in 1889.
58. CAOM SEN IV 127, minutes of the Conseil Privé of 16 Sept. 1895. All of the documents in the SEN IV 127 file, relative to Amadu Bamba and sent by the governor to the ministry to justify his actions, can be found in Oumar Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba face aux autorités coloniales (Dakar, 1982), 29-71. See also Robinson, 'French "Islamic" policy'. For Bamba's version of his arrest, see Vincent Monteil, Esquisses sénégalaises, 164. It is not surprising that Merlin invoked Ma Ba and the Madiyanke, as leaders of 'similar' movements, to make his case against Bamba.
59. CAOM SEN IV 127, minutes of the Conseil Privé of 16 Sept. 1895. All of the documents in the SEN IV 127 file, relative to Amadu Bamba and sent by the governor to the ministry to justify his actions, can be found in Oumar Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba face aux autorités coloniales (Dakar, 1982), 29-71. See also Robinson, 'French "Islamic" policy'. For Bamba's version of his arrest, see Vincent Monteil, Esquisses sénégalaises, 164. It is not surprising that Merlin invoked Ma Ba and the Madiyanke, as leaders of 'similar' movements, to make his case against Bamba.
60. CAOM SEN IV 127, minutes of the Conseil Privé of 16 Sept. 1895. All of the documents in the SEN IV 127 file, relative to Amadu Bamba and sent by the governor to the ministry to justify his actions, can be found in Oumar Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba face aux autorités coloniales (Dakar, 1982), 29-71. See also Robinson, 'French "Islamic" policy'. For Bamba's version of his arrest, see Vincent Monteil, Esquisses sénégalaises, 164. It is not surprising that Merlin invoked Ma Ba and the Madiyanke, as leaders of 'similar' movements, to make his case against Bamba.
61. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
62. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
63. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
64. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
65. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
66. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
67. For example, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, passim; and [no author listed], L'exile au Gabon, période coloniale, 1895-1902: Sur les traces de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (Dakar, 1985). Bamba had a few visits during the exile in Gabon. His brother Balla came in 1899, while Biaise Diagne, the future deputy of Senegal, attended to his needs during a stint in Gabon as customs officer in 1897-8. Bamba corresponded with Ibra Fati and other members of his family. Ba, Ahmadou Bamba, 90-1; Coulon, Marabout, 86; Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, p. 227; Samb, Essai, 457-60. For a study of the aura surrounding Bamba and his exile, see Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts, 'L'aura d'Amadou Bamba: photographie et fabulation dans le Sénégal urbain', Anthropologie et Sociétés, 22 (1998).
68. See, for example, Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 43-4.
69. The headquarters were temporarily on Gorée Island while administrative buildings were being constructed in Dakar. Government offices in Dakar were completed by 1904. For the argument that follows, I rely to a considerable degree on Searing, 'Accommodation and resistance', ch. 2-4, and Alice Conklin, 'A mission to civilize: ideology and imperialism in French West Africa, 1895-1930' (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1989), ch. 1.
70. The headquarters were temporarily on Gorée Island while administrative buildings were being constructed in Dakar. Government offices in Dakar were completed by 1904. For the argument that follows, I rely to a considerable degree on Searing, 'Accommodation and resistance', ch. 2-4, and Alice Conklin, 'A mission to civilize: ideology and imperialism in French West Africa, 1895-1930' (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1989), ch. 1.
71. The Muslim Affairs service was created in 1906, when Arnaud was 'freed' up by the assassination of his colleague Coppolani in 1905 and the halt in the French advance into Mauritania. He began to conduct research and missions for the Government General, including one to Morocco in 1906-7. Arnaud wrote a biography of Coppolani (Un Corse d'Algérie chez les hommes bleus: Xavier Coppolani, le pacificateur [Algiers, 1939]), under the pseudonym Robert Randau. For the bureau, see Coulon, Marabout, 160-1, and Christopher Harrison, France and Islam in West Africa, 1860-1960 (Cambridge, 1988), especially 42ff.
72. The Muslim Affairs service was created in 1906, when Arnaud was 'freed' up by the assassination of his colleague Coppolani in 1905 and the halt in the French advance into Mauritania. He began to conduct research and missions for the Government General, including one to Morocco in 1906-7. Arnaud wrote a biography of Coppolani (Un Corse d'Algérie chez les hommes bleus: Xavier Coppolani, le pacificateur [Algiers, 1939]), under the pseudonym Robert Randau. For the bureau, see Coulon, Marabout, 160-1, and Christopher Harrison, France and Islam in West Africa, 1860-1960 (Cambridge, 1988), especially 42ff.
73. The Muslim Affairs service was created in 1906, when Arnaud was 'freed' up by the assassination of his colleague Coppolani in 1905 and the halt in the French advance into Mauritania. He began to conduct research and missions for the Government General, including one to Morocco in 1906-7. Arnaud wrote a biography of Coppolani (Un Corse d'Algérie chez les hommes bleus: Xavier Coppolani, le pacificateur [Algiers, 1939]), under the pseudonym Robert Randau. For the bureau, see Coulon, Marabout, 160-1, and Christopher Harrison, France and Islam in West Africa, 1860-1960 (Cambridge, 1988), especially 42ff.
74. Roume helped Coppolani obtain and retain the necessary support from the Ministry of Colonies, against considerable opposition in the metropole and in the old colonial center of St Louis. See Cécile Frébourg, 'Le Corse en Mauritanie. Xavier Coppolani (1866-1905). L'Islam au Service de la France' (Mémoire de maîtrise d'histoire, Université de Paris VII, Sept. 1990).
75. In 1908-9, the French renewed their commitment to his plan, but this time with closer relations to the emiral or warrior families, and took the central tier of today's Mauritania. This provided a somewhat stable territory which was integrated into French West Africa.
76. I explore this briefly in 'An emerging pattern of cooperation' in Robinson and Triaud (eds.), Le Temps des Marabouts, 1997. In making this argument I am acknowledging the emphasis of Donal Cruise O'Brien, 'Towards an "Islamic policy" in French West Africa', in the Journal of African History, 8 (1967), 303-16, which I criticized in my own article, 'French "Islamic" policy'.
77. I explore this briefly in 'An emerging pattern of cooperation' in Robinson and Triaud (eds.), Le Temps des Marabouts, 1997. In making this argument I am acknowledging the emphasis of Donal Cruise O'Brien, 'Towards an "Islamic policy" in French West Africa', in the Journal of African History, 8 (1967), 303-16, which I criticized in my own article, 'French "Islamic" policy'.
78. See Robinson, 'French "Islamic" policy'.
79. The list would include Almamy Abdul Kader of Futa Toto, al-hajj Umar of Futa and Mamadu Lamine Drame of the Upper Senegal, all of whom tend to be treated as heroes in Barry, Senegambia, and other works of some Senegalese historians.
80. On these two men and their constituencies, see Robinson, 'Saad Buh' and 'Shaikh Sidiyya Baba'.
81. There was, however, a considerable shift away from exclusive reliance on the chiefs during this period. Demba War Sall, President of the Confederation of Cayor, died in 1902 and was not replaced; his subordinates, at the canton level, continued to function. The same was true for the Bur Sin and other 'super' chiefs of considerable sway during the 1890s. This was because the French had greater knowledge and control of the situation and the chiefs, having exercised considerable authority during a time of 'transition', had become less popular. But it was also because the chiefs were less able to incorporate the lower strata of pre-colonial Senegalese society than were the marabouts, who were not in the direct chain of command and who were thereby less subject to blame for the demands of the new colonial order. For reflections on this process, see Robinson, 'Brokers and hegemony'; and Searing, 'Accommodation', especially 549-57.
82. See Robinson, 'Malik Sy', a forthcoming article cited in n. 4.
83. Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 119-22; Dumont, Pensée, 57-8; Mbacké, Bienfaits, 87-8. Marty puts great emphasis on the intercession of Baba in the return of Bamba, and of the role of Baba's son-in-law in the second arrest ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 227).
84. Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 119-22; Dumont, Pensée, 57-8; Mbacké, Bienfaits, 87-8. Marty puts great emphasis on the intercession of Baba in the return of Bamba, and of the role of Baba's son-in-law in the second arrest ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 227).
85. Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 119-22; Dumont, Pensée, 57-8; Mbacké, Bienfaits, 87-8. Marty puts great emphasis on the intercession of Baba in the return of Bamba, and of the role of Baba's son-in-law in the second arrest ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 227).
86. Allys, born in 1849, served in the French colonial administration of Senegal for most of the years from 1867 to his retirement in 1907. He spoke fluent Wolof and probably some Pular, and was often found in difficult 'frontier' situations as the French established their new regime. See CAOM EEII 721 (personnel record) and Oumar Bâ, La pénétration française au Cayor, Vol. 1 (Dakar, 1976), 166-70.
87. Mbakhane Diop was one of the chiefs who complained. For Mbakhane's career, see ANS 2 G1 122 (January 1901); Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 188-90; Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 67-8; Sy, Confrérie, 118-9. For the 1903 situation in general, see ANS 2D 14, 5 and 2G4, 49, and Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 97-122 .
88. Mbakhane Diop was one of the chiefs who complained. For Mbakhane's career, see ANS 2 G1 122 (January 1901); Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 188-90; Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 67-8; Sy, Confrérie, 118-9. For the 1903 situation in general, see ANS 2D 14, 5 and 2G4, 49, and Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 97-122 .
89. Mbakhane Diop was one of the chiefs who complained. For Mbakhane's career, see ANS 2 G1 122 (January 1901); Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 188-90; Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 67-8; Sy, Confrérie, 118-9. For the 1903 situation in general, see ANS 2D 14, 5 and 2G4, 49, and Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 97-122 .
90. Mbakhane Diop was one of the chiefs who complained. For Mbakhane's career, see ANS 2 G1 122 (January 1901); Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 188-90; Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 67-8; Sy, Confrérie, 118-9. For the 1903 situation in general, see ANS 2D 14, 5 and 2G4, 49, and Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 97-122 .
91. er trimestre 1907.
92. Allys' next sentence, 'It's an indication that their marabouts demand a lot of money', reflected a widespread French assumption about marabouts and brotherhoods in general. This comes from ANS 2G 4, 49, report of 4 July 1904. On attitudes towards Murid farmers in general, see Sy, Confrérie, 122-3.
93. Klein, Slavery, ch. 12.
94. The four commissions were first, to consult Ibra Fati if they wished to learn; second, to see Shaikh Anta if they wished to work without learning; third, to see Ibra Fati if they wished to do both; finally, to leave the community if they wished to do neither. I am citing the French translation of 23 June 1903, from the Dossier Amadou Bamba, contained in Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 123-4. Bâ claims that the letter never reached Bamba's brother. This may be the case, but Murid traditions suggest that Bamba communicated this counsel many times during his months in the peanut basin in 1902-3. The six months which Bamba spent in Senegal demonstrated to him that his movement could survive and indeed thrive under French control, and thereby prepared him for the close surveillance which would characterize the rest of his life. Personal observation from Cheikh Babou, 28 Dec. 1998.
95. After the assassination of Coppolani in 1905, the French did not resume their advance into Mauritania until 1909.
96. For example, Mbacke, Les bienfaits, 82-9.
97. The best English language treatment of Ma El Ainin is still B. G. Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge, 1976), ch. 5.
98. What follows is based on the French translation by Doudou Seek and found in ANS, Dossier Amadou Bamba, treatise of 29 Dec. 1910. Another copy can be found in CAOM AP 15 (Papiers Gaden), carton 1, no. 128. I have not been able to find the Arabic original. It is interesting to note that Oumar Ba, who created the Dossier Amadou Bamba and used it to construct his volume, Ahmadou Bamba, does not include this piece. I have no reason to doubt the authenticity of the document nor its representation of Bamba's public view. Marty, writing in 1913, gave no credence to the rumor that Bamba was assisting resistance in Morocco to the French takeover ('Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', 274-6).
99. See Robinson, 'Saad Buh' and 'Sidiyya Baba'.
100. Although Ma-El-Ainin died in 1910, some of his sons continued to resist the French intrusions into Morocco and the Sahara.
101. On Théveniaut, the most convenient summary is by Jean d'Arbaumont in Hommes et Destins, Vol. 8, 398-405. For his appointment to Diourbel, see Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 139. For his entry into Senegalese commune politics and the election of 1914, see G. Wesley Johnson, The Emergence of Black Politics in Senegal (Stanford, 1971), 160-76. Théveniaut received manuscripts from Saad Buh which were subsequently published by Ismaël Hamet as Chroniques de la Mauritanie sénégalaise: Nacer Eddine (Paris, 1911), see 13ff.
102. On Théveniaut, the most convenient summary is by Jean d'Arbaumont in Hommes et Destins, Vol. 8, 398-405. For his appointment to Diourbel, see Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 139. For his entry into Senegalese commune politics and the election of 1914, see G. Wesley Johnson, The Emergence of Black Politics in Senegal (Stanford, 1971), 160-76. Théveniaut received manuscripts from Saad Buh which were subsequently published by Ismaël Hamet as Chroniques de la Mauritanie sénégalaise: Nacer Eddine (Paris, 1911), see 13ff.
103. On Théveniaut, the most convenient summary is by Jean d'Arbaumont in Hommes et Destins, Vol. 8, 398-405. For his appointment to Diourbel, see Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 139. For his entry into Senegalese commune politics and the election of 1914, see G. Wesley Johnson, The Emergence of Black Politics in Senegal (Stanford, 1971), 160-76. Théveniaut received manuscripts from Saad Buh which were subsequently published by Ismaël Hamet as Chroniques de la Mauritanie sénégalaise: Nacer Eddine (Paris, 1911), see 13ff.
104. On Théveniaut, the most convenient summary is by Jean d'Arbaumont in Hommes et Destins, Vol. 8, 398-405. For his appointment to Diourbel, see Bâ, Ahmadou Bamba, 139. For his entry into Senegalese commune politics and the election of 1914, see G. Wesley Johnson, The Emergence of Black Politics in Senegal (Stanford, 1971), 160-76. Théveniaut received manuscripts from Saad Buh which were subsequently published by Ismaël Hamet as Chroniques de la Mauritanie sénégalaise: Nacer Eddine (Paris, 1911), see 13ff.
105. ANS 2G 13, 7(1), in Coulon, Marabout, 78.
106. See also Marty, Sénégal, Vol. 1, 277.
107. The article, 'Mourides d'Amadou Bamba', referred to in n. 3. For the references to taxes, recruits and the trip to St. Louis, see 279, 294-5.
108. See H12, correspondence of 1914. My thanks to Kalala Ngalamulume for calling this file to my attention. This instance in the health domain corresponds to the reluctance of the French to intervene in the area of education. See Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, ch. 10 and especially 232ff.
109. Marc Michel, L'Appel à l'Afrique: Contributions et réactions à l'effort de guerre en A.O.F., 1914-1919 (Paris, 1982), 380-1. See also 58-61.
110. ANS 2G 17, 5, quoted in Coulon, Marabouts, 177.
111. See Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 58-61, 194-5.
112. See CAOM Affaires Politiques 518, which contains various reports of Baol administrators and Dakar officials on the Murids. For an account of the succession, see Cruise O'Brien, Mourides, 48-9, 61-3.
113. Whereas the leaders of the Tijaniyya of Tivaouane and their interpreters have often felt a need to defend themselves and Malik Sy from accusations of collaboration. See, for example, El Hadji Ravane Mbaye, 'La Pensée et l'action d'El Hadji Malick Sy: un pôle d'attraction entre la Shari'a et la Tariqa. Vie et oeuvre de El Hadji Malick Sy' (Thèse de doctorat d'Etat en sciences humaines, Université de Paris IV, 1993), Vol. 1, ch. 15 and 16.