Bruno Bettelheim and the concentration camps

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences

Volumn 33, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 1-37

  Fleck, Christian ^b   Müller, Albert ^a  

^a LUDWIG BOLTZMANN INSTITUTE FOR LUNG VASCULAR RESEARCH   (Austria)

^b NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0345910336     PISSN: 00225061     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1002/(SICI)1520-6696(199724)33:1<1::AID-JHBS1>3.0.CO;2-Y     Document Type: Article

References (266)

1. Simon Wiesenthal, The Murderers Among Us: The Simon Wiesenthal Memoirs, ed. Joseph Wechsberg (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1967), p. 334.
2. Bruno Bettelheim, The Informed Heart: Autonomy in a Mass Age (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1960).
3. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
4. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
5. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
6. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
7. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
8. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS- Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
9. From the body of Western literature see, for example, Benedikt Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte. Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse aus sieben Jahren in deutschen Konzentrationslagern (Zürich: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1946); Ernst Federn, "Essai sur la Psychologie de la Terreur," Syntheses 1 (1946): 81-108; David Rousset, The Other Kingdom [L'univers concentrationnaire], trans. Ramon Guthrie (NY: Reynal & Hitchock, 1947); Ernst Federn, "The Terror as a System: The Concentration Camp (Buchenwald as it was)," Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 22 (1948): 52-86; Ella Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of Fear (London: Gollancz, 1948); Hermann Langbein, Die Stärkeren. Ein Bericht aus Auschwitz und anderen Konzentrationslagern (1949; reprint, Köln: Bund, 1982): Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System Behind Them [Der SS-Staat], trans. Heinz Norden (London: Secker & Warburg, 1950);
10. Paul Neurath, "Social Life in the German Concentration Camps Dachau and Buchenwald" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1951); Viktor E. Frankl, From Death-Camp to Existentialism. A Psychiatrist's Path to a New Therapy, trans. Ilse Lasch (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959); Hermann Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz (Wien: Europa, 1972).
11. Paul Neurath, "Social Life in the German Concentration Camps Dachau and Buchenwald" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1951); Viktor E. Frankl, From Death-Camp to Existentialism. A Psychiatrist's Path to a New Therapy, trans. Ilse Lasch (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959); Hermann Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz (Wien: Europa, 1972).
12. Paul Neurath, "Social Life in the German Concentration Camps Dachau and Buchenwald" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1951); Viktor E. Frankl, From Death-Camp to Existentialism. A Psychiatrist's Path to a New Therapy, trans. Ilse Lasch (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959); Hermann Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz (Wien: Europa, 1972).
13. Most of the early studies of concentration camps were produced by former inmates. Hannah Arendt, who was not interned in a camp herself, is a prominent exception.
14. See, for example, Bruno Bettelheim (interviewed by David J. Fisher), "Last Thoughts on Therapy," Society 28 (1991): 63ff.
15. Michael Pollak, Die Grenzen des Sagbaren. Lebensgeschichten von KZ-Überlebenden als Augenzeugenberichte und Identitätsarbeit (Frankfurt: Campus, 1988), p. 167.
16. See, as an example for this style of criticism, Paul Roazen, "The Rise and Fall of Bruno Bettelheim," The Psychohistory Review 20 (1992): 221-250.
17. For more on this and what follows, see Bruno Bettelheim, Freud's Vienna and other Essays (NY: Knopf, 1990), pp. 24ff, 95ff.
18. Bettelheim himself regarded it as typical, in fact; see Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 10ff.
19. The city is frequently celebrated today as one of the cradles of modern ideas; see Allan Janik and Stephen E. Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1973); Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (NY: Knopf, 1979); Michael Pollak, Vienne 1900. Une identité blessée (Paris: Gallimard, 1984); Jacques Le Rider, Modernity and Crises of Identity: Culture and Society in fin-de-siecle Vienna, trans. Rosemary Morris (NY: Continuum, 1993).
20. The city is frequently celebrated today as one of the cradles of modern ideas; see Allan Janik and Stephen E. Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1973); Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (NY: Knopf, 1979); Michael Pollak, Vienne 1900. Une identité blessée (Paris: Gallimard, 1984); Jacques Le Rider, Modernity and Crises of Identity: Culture and Society in fin-de-siecle Vienna, trans. Rosemary Morris (NY: Continuum, 1993).
21. The city is frequently celebrated today as one of the cradles of modern ideas; see Allan Janik and Stephen E. Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1973); Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (NY: Knopf, 1979); Michael Pollak, Vienne 1900. Une identité blessée (Paris: Gallimard, 1984); Jacques Le Rider, Modernity and Crises of Identity: Culture and Society in fin-de-siecle Vienna, trans. Rosemary Morris (NY: Continuum, 1993).
22. The city is frequently celebrated today as one of the cradles of modern ideas; see Allan Janik and Stephen E. Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1973); Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (NY: Knopf, 1979); Michael Pollak, Vienne 1900. Une identité blessée (Paris: Gallimard, 1984); Jacques Le Rider, Modernity and Crises of Identity: Culture and Society in fin-de-siecle Vienna, trans. Rosemary Morris (NY: Continuum, 1993).
23. Bettelheim, Freud's Vienna, p. 25f.
24. Ibid., p. 39ff.; also Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 68. With this step Bettelheim established himself as a practicing (quasi-)therapist. In the main body of literature on the history of psychoanalysis in Austria during the First Republic, Bettelheim is mentioned either not at all or only as a marginal figure, despite his later renown, because he was not a candidate of the Psychoanalytic Society. See, for example, Wolfgang Huber, Psychoanalyse in Österreich seit 1933 (Wien: Geyer-Edition, 1977): Johannes Reichmayr, Spurensuche in der Geschichte der Psychoanalyse (Frankfurt: Nexus, 1990); and also Patrick D. Zimmerman, "The Clinical Thought of Bruno Bettelheim: A Critical Historical Review," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 14 (1991): 685-721.
25. Ibid., p. 39ff.; also Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 68. With this step Bettelheim established himself as a practicing (quasi-)therapist. In the main body of literature on the history of psychoanalysis in Austria during the First Republic, Bettelheim is mentioned either not at all or only as a marginal figure, despite his later renown, because he was not a candidate of the Psychoanalytic Society. See, for example, Wolfgang Huber, Psychoanalyse in Österreich seit 1933 (Wien: Geyer-Edition, 1977): Johannes Reichmayr, Spurensuche in der Geschichte der Psychoanalyse (Frankfurt: Nexus, 1990); and also Patrick D. Zimmerman, "The Clinical Thought of Bruno Bettelheim: A Critical Historical Review," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 14 (1991): 685-721.
26. Ibid., p. 39ff.; also Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 68. With this step Bettelheim established himself as a practicing (quasi-)therapist. In the main body of literature on the history of psychoanalysis in Austria during the First Republic, Bettelheim is mentioned either not at all or only as a marginal figure, despite his later renown, because he was not a candidate of the Psychoanalytic Society. See, for example, Wolfgang Huber, Psychoanalyse in Österreich seit 1933 (Wien: Geyer-Edition, 1977): Johannes Reichmayr, Spurensuche in der Geschichte der Psychoanalyse (Frankfurt: Nexus, 1990); and also Patrick D. Zimmerman, "The Clinical Thought of Bruno Bettelheim: A Critical Historical Review," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 14 (1991): 685-721.
27. Ibid., p. 39ff.; also Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 68. With this step Bettelheim established himself as a practicing (quasi-)therapist. In the main body of literature on the history of psychoanalysis in Austria during the First Republic, Bettelheim is mentioned either not at all or only as a marginal figure, despite his later renown, because he was not a candidate of the Psychoanalytic Society. See, for example, Wolfgang Huber, Psychoanalyse in Österreich seit 1933 (Wien: Geyer-Edition, 1977): Johannes Reichmayr, Spurensuche in der Geschichte der Psychoanalyse (Frankfurt: Nexus, 1990); and also Patrick D. Zimmerman, "The Clinical Thought of Bruno Bettelheim: A Critical Historical Review," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 14 (1991): 685-721.
28. Ibid., p. 39ff.; also Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 68. With this step Bettelheim established himself as a practicing (quasi-)therapist. In the main body of literature on the history of psychoanalysis in Austria during the First Republic, Bettelheim is mentioned either not at all or only as a marginal figure, despite his later renown, because he was not a candidate of the Psychoanalytic Society. See, for example, Wolfgang Huber, Psychoanalyse in Österreich seit 1933 (Wien: Geyer-Edition, 1977): Johannes Reichmayr, Spurensuche in der Geschichte der Psychoanalyse (Frankfurt: Nexus, 1990); and also Patrick D. Zimmerman, "The Clinical Thought of Bruno Bettelheim: A Critical Historical Review," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 14 (1991): 685-721.
29. From the winter semester of 1923-24 to the summer semester of 1937 (with an interruption in his eight semester); see Phil. Rig. Prot. Ph. 59.41, Archives of the University of Vienna.
30. Bruno Bettelheim, "Das Problem des Naturschönen und die moderne Ästhetik" (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1937).
31. This is according to information Bettelheim provided in a statement to the authorities made on July 10, 1945: Bruno Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," in U.S. Department of State and Public Institutions, Office of United States Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. A Collection of Documentary Evidence Prepared by the American and British Prosecution Staffs (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), vol. 7, p. 819.
32. Bettelheim described his life at that time in a public lecture in Vienna entitled "How I Learned About Psychoanalysis" on 20 October 1987. This lecture, given under the auspices of the Sigmund Freud Society, went into greater detail than the essay published under the same title in Bettelheim, Freud's Vienna, pp. 24-38.
33. Bettelheim described his life at that time in a public lecture in Vienna entitled "How I Learned About Psychoanalysis" on 20 October 1987. This lecture, given under the auspices of the Sigmund Freud Society, went into greater detail than the essay published under the same title in Bettelheim, Freud's Vienna, pp. 24-38.
34. Bettelheim, Freud's Vienna, p. 24.
35. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," p. 819. Federn recalled (in a letter to the authors, 3 June 1993) that Bettelheim was not interned at Dachau until the end of May. Neurath is also of the opinion that Bettelheim could only have arrived with one of the later transports (letter to the authors, 20 June 1993). In the section of Neurath's dissertation headed "The Austrian Invasion" the following transports are listed: First and second transport (150 Jewish and non-Jewish prisoners) in April and May, 1938; third transport (500 Jewish prisoners) on May 27th; fourth transport (600 Jewish prisoners) on June 3rd; further mass transports in the next three weeks. "All told about 3,300 Austrians, 2,000 of them Jews, were added to 2,500 Germans of whom only 300 were Jews" (Neurath, "Social Life," p. 365f).
36. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," p. 819. Federn recalled (in a letter to the authors, 3 June 1993) that Bettelheim was not interned at Dachau until the end of May. Neurath is also of the opinion that Bettelheim could only have arrived with one of the later transports (letter to the authors, 20 June 1993). In the section of Neurath's dissertation headed "The Austrian Invasion" the following transports are listed: First and second transport (150 Jewish and non-Jewish prisoners) in April and May, 1938; third transport (500 Jewish prisoners) on May 27th; fourth transport (600 Jewish prisoners) on June 3rd; further mass transports in the next three weeks. "All told about 3,300 Austrians, 2,000 of them Jews, were added to 2,500 Germans of whom only 300 were Jews" (Neurath, "Social Life," p. 365f).
37. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," p. 819.
38. Federn, Witnessing Psychoanalysis: From Vienna back to Vienna via Buchenwald and the USA (London: Karnac Books, 1990), p. 3.
39. Proceedings of the Academic Senate for the academic year 1939-40, GZ 1501, Archives of the University of Vienna, with the stigmatizing addition to his name Bruno Israel Bettelheim.
40. On the so-called "Schober List," see Gerhard Botz, Wien vom "Anschluß" zum Krieg. Nationalsozialistische Machtübernahme und politisch-soziale Umgestaltung am Beispiel der Stadt Wien 1938/39 (Wien: Jugend & Volk, 1978), p. 57.
41. Harald Leupold-Löwenthal informs us that Bettelheim mentioned this connection to him in conversation. Telephone conversation with Christian Fleck, 1 June 1993.
42. Clifford Geertz, Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 5-8.
43. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior in Extreme Situations," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 38 (1943): 417.
44. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 109.
45. Bettelheim,Freud's Vienna, p. 109. If appears problematic, for instance, when Bettelheim's arrest and the "deportation" of others after the Anschluss are presented solely as measures taken against "Jewish citizens," Joachim Mehlhausen, Leben lernen. Gedenken an Bruno Bettelheim (Tübingen: Mohr, 1991), p. 26ff.
46. Bettelheim,Freud's Vienna, p. 109. If appears problematic, for instance, when Bettelheim's arrest and the "deportation" of others after the Anschluss are presented solely as measures taken against "Jewish citizens," Joachim Mehlhausen, Leben lernen. Gedenken an Bruno Bettelheim (Tübingen: Mohr, 1991), p. 26ff.
47. His readiness to make a clear distinction between political prisoners and Stalinists, which is particularly noticeable in his review of the books by Kautsky (Teufel) and Kogon (Theory), for example, could be seen in this context. At one place he recalls "that any nation by virtue of German attack automatically became a 'democratic and peace loving' state, however dictatorial its government may have been." Bettelheim, "The Concentration Camp as a Class State," Modern Review 1 (1947): 629.
48. Bettelheim discusses his identity as a Jew in Freud's Vienna, p. 243ff.
49. The situation immediately following the Anschluss was characterized by random and arbitrary arrests and short periods of detention combined with humiliating treatment, as well as other excesses typical of pogroms.
50. See the summary in Gudrun Schwarz, Die nationalsozialistischen Lager (Frankfurt: Campus, 1990) p. 154ff.
51. Raoul Hilberg, The Destruction of European Jews (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961).
52. For more on this see Kogon, Theory, and also Erich Fein and Karl Flanner, Rot-weiß-rot in Buchenwald. Die österreichischen politischen Häftlinge im Konzentrationslager am Ettersherg bei Weimar (Wien: Europa, 1987), p. 183ff., for the Austrians interned there in particular. It produces a problematic picture of conditions there, however, when it is claimed - as Bettelheim does in Informed Heart, p. 109n - that in 1938-39 "all camps were a combination of what were later separated into Type II and Type III [extermination] camps."
53. For more on this see Kogon, Theory, and also Erich Fein and Karl Flanner, Rot-weiß-rot in Buchenwald. Die österreichischen politischen Häftlinge im Konzentrationslager am Ettersherg bei Weimar (Wien: Europa, 1987), p. 183ff., for the Austrians interned there in particular. It produces a problematic picture of conditions there, however, when it is claimed - as Bettelheim does in Informed Heart, p. 109n - that in 1938-39 "all camps were a combination of what were later separated into Type II and Type III [extermination] camps."
54. For more on this see Kogon, Theory, and also Erich Fein and Karl Flanner, Rot-weiß-rot in Buchenwald. Die österreichischen politischen Häftlinge im Konzentrationslager am Ettersherg bei Weimar (Wien: Europa, 1987), p. 183ff., for the Austrians interned there in particular. It produces a problematic picture of conditions there, however, when it is claimed - as Bettelheim does in Informed Heart, p. 109n - that in 1938-39 "all camps were a combination of what were later separated into Type II and Type III [extermination] camps."
55. See the detailed account in Zimmerman, "Clinical Thought," p. 691f., which indicates that his first job was financed by the Rockefeller Foundation and arranged through the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars. See also Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73"; Morris Janowitz, "Bruno Bettelheim" in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences Biographical Supplement, ed. David L. Sills (NY: Free Press, 1979), pp. 59-63; Lewis A. Coser, Refugee Scholars in America. Their Impact and their Experiences (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 63-68.
56. See the detailed account in Zimmerman, "Clinical Thought," p. 691f., which indicates that his first job was financed by the Rockefeller Foundation and arranged through the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars. See also Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73"; Morris Janowitz, "Bruno Bettelheim" in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences Biographical Supplement, ed. David L. Sills (NY: Free Press, 1979), pp. 59-63; Lewis A. Coser, Refugee Scholars in America. Their Impact and their Experiences (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 63-68.
57. See the detailed account in Zimmerman, "Clinical Thought," p. 691f., which indicates that his first job was financed by the Rockefeller Foundation and arranged through the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars. See also Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73"; Morris Janowitz, "Bruno Bettelheim" in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences Biographical Supplement, ed. David L. Sills (NY: Free Press, 1979), pp. 59-63; Lewis A. Coser, Refugee Scholars in America. Their Impact and their Experiences (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 63-68.
58. See the detailed account in Zimmerman, "Clinical Thought," p. 691f., which indicates that his first job was financed by the Rockefeller Foundation and arranged through the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars. See also Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73"; Morris Janowitz, "Bruno Bettelheim" in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences Biographical Supplement, ed. David L. Sills (NY: Free Press, 1979), pp. 59-63; Lewis A. Coser, Refugee Scholars in America. Their Impact and their Experiences (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 63-68.
59. Bettelheim made his own small contribution to this shift in perspective. In 1943 he reported in a footnote that "contrary to widespread opinion, only a small minority of them [i.e., prisoners] were Jews" ("Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 418, note 4). In 1960, by contrast, he speaks of "inmates, especially Jewish." This no longer gives the impression of a small minority.
60. See Kogon, Theory, and Bettelheim, Surviving and other Essays (NY: Knopf, 1979), p. 14n.
61. See Kogon, Theory, and Bettelheim, Surviving and other Essays (NY: Knopf, 1979), p. 14n.
62. Jonny Moser, "Österreich," in Dimensionen des Völkermords. Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Wolfgang Benz (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1991), pp. 67-93.
63. Cases that may serve as typical examples are those of Robert Danneberg, see Leo Kane, Robert Danneberg. Ein pragmatischer Idealist (Vienna: Europa, 1980), p. 184f.; and Käthe Leichter, see Leichter, Leben und Werk, ed. Herbert Steiner (Vienna: Europa, 1973), p. 206ff.
64. Cases that may serve as typical examples are those of Robert Danneberg, see Leo Kane, Robert Danneberg. Ein pragmatischer Idealist (Vienna: Europa, 1980), p. 184f.; and Käthe Leichter, see Leichter, Leben und Werk, ed. Herbert Steiner (Vienna: Europa, 1973), p. 206ff.
65. Bettelheim reports (Informed Heart, p. 150) that he was summoned three times and told he was about to be released; by the third time he no longer believed it would actually happen.
66. Janowitz ("Bettelheim") believes (followed by Coser, Refugee Scholars) that Bettelheim's career was helped by the fact that he settled in Chicago, where few emigrants were living at the time. Bettelheim's career in Chicago was also clearly furthered by Franz Alexander, who accepted him despite his lay status (Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 67). Alexander is considered to have been somewhat more liberal on the question of lay analysis than the APA, see Edith Kurzweil, The Freudians: A Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).
67. Janowitz ("Bettelheim") believes (followed by Coser, Refugee Scholars) that Bettelheim's career was helped by the fact that he settled in Chicago, where few emigrants were living at the time. Bettelheim's career in Chicago was also clearly furthered by Franz Alexander, who accepted him despite his lay status (Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 67). Alexander is considered to have been somewhat more liberal on the question of lay analysis than the APA, see Edith Kurzweil, The Freudians: A Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).
68. Janowitz ("Bettelheim") believes (followed by Coser, Refugee Scholars) that Bettelheim's career was helped by the fact that he settled in Chicago, where few emigrants were living at the time. Bettelheim's career in Chicago was also clearly furthered by Franz Alexander, who accepted him despite his lay status (Bettelheim, "Last Thoughts," p. 67). Alexander is considered to have been somewhat more liberal on the question of lay analysis than the APA, see Edith Kurzweil, The Freudians: A Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).
69. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 118.
70. Bettelheim, "Kulturtransfer von Österreich nach Amerika, illustriert am Beispiel der Psychoanalyse," in Vertriebene Vernunft II. Emigration und Exil österreichischer Wissenschaft, ed. Friedrich Stadler (Vienna: Jugend & Volk, 1988), p. 217.
71. Ibid.
72. Disbelief in the contents of the report, the impossibility of confirming it, unwillingness to subject readers to such a harrowing account, and the lack of field notes are among the reasons for the article's rejection mentioned by Bettelheim in various places (Informed Heart, p. 118; Surviving, pp. 14-15), with a tone of understandable bitterness. John Galliher, "The Protection of Human Subjects: A Reexamination of the Professional Code of Ethics," The American Sociologist 8 (1973): 93, offers an example, at a relatively late date, that such absurd objections really can be raised: "In reading Bettelheim's well-known study of Jews [sic!] in German concentration camps one gets the impression that he obtained neither the permission of his fellow prisoners nor of the prison [!] staff, and that the latter was most certainly not aware of his research." The sentence that follows, "Obviously, such secrecy was required," does not much alter the generally condemnatory stance.
73. Disbelief in the contents of the report, the impossibility of confirming it, unwillingness to subject readers to such a harrowing account, and the lack of field notes are among the reasons for the article's rejection mentioned by Bettelheim in various places (Informed Heart, p. 118; Surviving, pp. 14-15), with a tone of understandable bitterness. John Galliher, "The Protection of Human Subjects: A Reexamination of the Professional Code of Ethics," The American Sociologist 8 (1973): 93, offers an example, at a relatively late date, that such absurd objections really can be raised: "In reading Bettelheim's well-known study of Jews [sic!] in German concentration camps one gets the impression that he obtained neither the permission of his fellow prisoners nor of the prison [!] staff, and that the latter was most certainly not aware of his research." The sentence that follows, "Obviously, such secrecy was required," does not much alter the generally condemnatory stance.
74. Disbelief in the contents of the report, the impossibility of confirming it, unwillingness to subject readers to such a harrowing account, and the lack of field notes are among the reasons for the article's rejection mentioned by Bettelheim in various places (Informed Heart, p. 118; Surviving, pp. 14-15), with a tone of understandable bitterness. John Galliher, "The Protection of Human Subjects: A Reexamination of the Professional Code of Ethics," The American Sociologist 8 (1973): 93, offers an example, at a relatively late date, that such absurd objections really can be raised: "In reading Bettelheim's well-known study of Jews [sic!] in German concentration camps one gets the impression that he obtained neither the permission of his fellow prisoners nor of the prison [!] staff, and that the latter was most certainly not aware of his research." The sentence that follows, "Obviously, such secrecy was required," does not much alter the generally condemnatory stance.
75. Unfortunately the details surrounding the first publication of the article cannot be reconstructed. The collection of the Gordon W. Allport papers of Harvard contains letters to and from Curt Bondy concerning his article (see note 52), but none to or from Bettelheim (Clark A. Elliott, Harvard University Archives, letter to Christian Fleck, 16 July 1991). Bettelheim told Spalek in 1976 that he burned all his papers when he moved to the West Coast, John M. Spalek, Guide to the Archival Materials of the German-speaking Emigration to the United States after 1933 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1978), p. 95; for more on Bondy see Daten zur Geschichte der deutschen Psychologie, ed. Ulf Geuter (Göttingen: Hogrefe, 1986), Vol. 1, p. 148.
76. Unfortunately the details surrounding the first publication of the article cannot be reconstructed. The collection of the Gordon W. Allport papers of Harvard contains letters to and from Curt Bondy concerning his article (see note 52), but none to or from Bettelheim (Clark A. Elliott, Harvard University Archives, letter to Christian Fleck, 16 July 1991). Bettelheim told Spalek in 1976 that he burned all his papers when he moved to the West Coast, John M. Spalek, Guide to the Archival Materials of the German-speaking Emigration to the United States after 1933 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1978), p. 95; for more on Bondy see Daten zur Geschichte der deutschen Psychologie, ed. Ulf Geuter (Göttingen: Hogrefe, 1986), Vol. 1, p. 148.
77. In 1942 an article on problems of teaching evaluation appeared, with C. W. Harris, P. B. Diederich, and Bettelheim as co-authors; see Franz Josef Krumenacker, "Bibliographie zu dem Werk von Bruno Bettelheim," in Annäherung an Bruno Bettelheim, ed. Roland Kaufhold (Mainz: Matthias-Grunewald Verlag, 1994).
78. Bettelheim, "Behavior in Extreme Situations," Politics 1 (1944): 199-209. Politics was "ajournai of opinion read by an audience interested in general cultural criticism. This . . . brought Bettelheim to the attention of an audience of nonprofessionals"; Coser, Refugee Scholars, p. 65.
79. Bettelheim, "Behavior in Extreme Situations," Politics 1 (1944): 199-209. Politics was "ajournai of opinion read by an audience interested in general cultural criticism. This . . . brought Bettelheim to the attention of an audience of nonprofessionals"; Coser, Refugee Scholars, p. 65.
80. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73."
81. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," reprinted in Readings in Social Psychology, ed. Eleanor E. Maccoby, Theodore M. Newcomb, and Eugene L. Hartley (NY: Holt, 1958), pp. 300-310.
82. It should be added that the translations led to further shifts in meanings and lent support to various possible interpretations.
83. Although no positive proof of this exists, for the reasons already cited, the Allport-Bondy correspondence suggests that this is what occurred: Bondy made extensive revisions to his paper before its publication, Curt Bondy, "Problems of Internment Camps," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 38 (1943): 453-457.
84. Compare the pioneering (and controversial) attempts of the Chicago school to gain acceptance for the genre of "own stories," Rolf Lindner, The Reportage of Urban Culture. Robert Park and the Chicago School, trans. Adrian Morris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
85. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 420.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid., pp. 431, 437, 444; Surviving, pp. 52, 55, 62.
88. Ibid., pp. 431, 437, 444; Surviving, pp. 52, 55, 62.
89. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 424. Patricia Benner, Ethel Roskies, and Richard S. Lazarus, "Stress and Coping under Extreme Conditions," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators: Essays on the Nazi Holocaust, ed. Joel E. Dimsdale (Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere, 1980), pp. 219-258, regard Bettelheim's decision to collect and analyze his concentration camp experiences in a detached, scientific manner as a "strategy of transcending the present" (240).
90. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 424. Patricia Benner, Ethel Roskies, and Richard S. Lazarus, "Stress and Coping under Extreme Conditions," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators: Essays on the Nazi Holocaust, ed. Joel E. Dimsdale (Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere, 1980), pp. 219-258, regard Bettelheim's decision to collect and analyze his concentration camp experiences in a detached, scientific manner as a "strategy of transcending the present" (240).
91. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 423; Surviving, p. 54.
92. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 423; Surviving, p. 54.
93. Ibid.
94. Federn is mentioned in postwar editions, when this no longer represented a threat to his safety. Federn himself mentions Dr. Brief, a fellow prisoner who also worked on questions of the analysis, Witnessing, pp. 3-8.
95. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," p. 820.
96. Ibid., p. 821.
97. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 13.
98. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-73," p. 822.
99. Bettelheim, "The Victim's Image of the Anti-Semite. The Danger of Stereotyping the Adversary," Commentary 5 (1948): 173.
100. Bettelheim, "The Dynamics of Anti-Semitism in Gentile and Jew," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 42 (1947): 154.
101. Interview by the authors with Ernst Federn, 31 May 1990; see also Federn, Witnessing, p. 4.
102. It seems obvious that concentration camp inmates could not normally pursue (conventional) research. But we shouldn't overlook the fact that in numerous instances the SS used prisoners for their own "research projects," either as experts or as "guinea pigs." See Ludwik Fleck, "Wissenschaftstheoretische Probleme," in Erfahrung und Tatsache. Gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. Lothar Schäfer and Thomas Schnelle (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1983), pp. 128-146, for example.
103. Federn, Witnessing, p. 6.
104. As a "Trotskyite," Federn belonged to a second group with a very low rank in the hierarchy of camp inmates; the Trotskyites were especially despised by the Communists who dominated the class of "political" prisoners. See also Hans Schafranek's interview with Ernst Federn of 10 July 1982 (in the collection Erzählte Geschichte, Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstandes, Vienna).
105. See also Zimmerman, "Clinical Thought."
106. It is another question to examine the validity or representativeness of eye-witness accounts vis-à-vis historical sources.
107. See, for example, Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, trans. Raymond Rosenthal (NY: Summit Books, 1988). Bettelheim does not really solve the problem by lumping virtually all political prisoners together in the lower-class group. In fact members of the former political elite, including a number of senior civil servants and government officials, had to wear the identifying "red badge" as well.
108. Bettelheim, "The Concentration Camp as a Class State," Modern Review 1 (1947): 629.
109. Ibid., p. 628.
110. Bettelheim cites Wolfgang Langhoff, Rubber Truncheon: Being an Account of Thirteen Months spent in Concentration Camp, trans. Lilo Linke (NY: E. P. Dutton, 1935), as an example, he does not seem to have been familiar with the accounts of Paul Massing [Karl Billinger, pseud.] Fatherland (NY: Farrar & Rinehart, 1935); Karl A. Wittfogel [Klaus Hinrichs, pseud.], Staatliches Konzentrationslager VII: Eine "Erziehungsanstalt" im Dritten Reich (London: Malik, 1936); and Bruno Heilig, Men Crucified: An Account of Experiences in Concentration Camps (London, 1941).
111. Bettelheim cites Wolfgang Langhoff, Rubber Truncheon: Being an Account of Thirteen Months spent in Concentration Camp, trans. Lilo Linke (NY: E. P. Dutton, 1935), as an example, he does not seem to have been familiar with the accounts of Paul Massing [Karl Billinger, pseud.] Fatherland (NY: Farrar & Rinehart, 1935); Karl A. Wittfogel [Klaus Hinrichs, pseud.], Staatliches Konzentrationslager VII: Eine "Erziehungsanstalt" im Dritten Reich (London: Malik, 1936); and Bruno Heilig, Men Crucified: An Account of Experiences in Concentration Camps (London, 1941).
112. Bettelheim cites Wolfgang Langhoff, Rubber Truncheon: Being an Account of Thirteen Months spent in Concentration Camp, trans. Lilo Linke (NY: E. P. Dutton, 1935), as an example, he does not seem to have been familiar with the accounts of Paul Massing [Karl Billinger, pseud.] Fatherland (NY: Farrar & Rinehart, 1935); Karl A. Wittfogel [Klaus Hinrichs, pseud.], Staatliches Konzentrationslager VII: Eine "Erziehungsanstalt" im Dritten Reich (London: Malik, 1936); and Bruno Heilig, Men Crucified: An Account of Experiences in Concentration Camps (London, 1941).
113. Bettelheim cites Wolfgang Langhoff, Rubber Truncheon: Being an Account of Thirteen Months spent in Concentration Camp, trans. Lilo Linke (NY: E. P. Dutton, 1935), as an example, he does not seem to have been familiar with the accounts of Paul Massing [Karl Billinger, pseud.] Fatherland (NY: Farrar & Rinehart, 1935); Karl A. Wittfogel [Klaus Hinrichs, pseud.], Staatliches Konzentrationslager VII: Eine "Erziehungsanstalt" im Dritten Reich (London: Malik, 1936); and Bruno Heilig, Men Crucified: An Account of Experiences in Concentration Camps (London, 1941).
114. Bettelheim, "Concentration Camp as a Class State," p. 629.
115. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 181.
116. Bettelheim, "Concentration Camp as a Class State," p. 628.
117. Ibid., p. 630.
118. Ibid. in Bettelheim's view it would have been impossible for either to rise still further, into the "top ruling class," because both were Austrians. The ruling class "consisted only of gentile Germans," and Kogon and Kautsky's nationality also "removed them one step from identifying with matters German." Bettelheim believes both factors may have contributed to their "relative objectivity" (p. 630)!
119. Bettelheim, "Concentration Camp as a Class State," p. 631.
120. Bettelheim softens his criticism of Kogon to a considerable degree in Informed Heart, p. 186.
121. Bettelheim, "Concentration Camp as a Class State," pp. 636-37. Elsewhere, however, Bettelheim stresses that survivors - be it of Nazi concentration camps or the Soviet Gulags - could survive only because they were released or liberated, Surviving, pp. 287-288.
122. Bettelheim, "Concentration Camp as a Class State," pp. 636-37. Elsewhere, however, Bettelheim stresses that survivors - be it of Nazi concentration camps or the Soviet Gulags - could survive only because they were released or liberated, Surviving, pp. 287-288.
123. It is interesting to note that in this article Bettelheim mentions in several places that his observations are limited or relative only to certain cases, and also that certain questions will be answered only by future research. Thus in 1943 we find a footnote stating that a "more elaborate discussion, presenting abundant case material and its discussion, must be reserved for another publication"; "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 418, n. 5.
124. Bettelheim was not thinking of the medical experiments on prisoners, which has not yet begun, but rather "only" of testing "the minimum food, hygenic, and medical requirements needed to keep prisoners alive and able to perform hard labor," along with "effective means for breaking civilian resistance"; "Individual and Mass Behavior," pp. 418-419.
125. This aspect of the concentration camps' function is not included in Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-72." Obviously the Nazis didn't include Jews in the population which should be turned into "more useful subjects" - but Bettelheim doesn't mention this in his 1943 article.
126. Bettelheim, Surviving, p. 59.
127. Ibid., p. 72.
128. Ibid., p. 59. Here again the presence of a certain ambiguity in Bettelheim's analysis must be noted. He attributes this feeling of guilt to all prisoners, although the identification of a basis for guilt feelings in the failure to have resisted the rise of Nazi power before 1933 (or 1938) is limited to the political prisoners.
129. Bettelheim, "Remarks on the Psychological Appeal of Totalitarianism," American Journal of Economics and Sociology 12 (1952): 89-96.
130. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 103. More in Bettelheim's remarks than just their terminology is reminiscent of Emil Lederer's analysis of National Socialism as a State of the Masses (NY: W. W. Norton, 1939). It may help to shed some light on influences on Bettelheim's thinking to note that he first expressed these ideas in the Festschrift for Max Horkheimer Sociologica I: Aufsätze, Max Horkheimer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1955); they were reprinted in Bettelheim, Informed Heart. Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), traces in detail their similarity to the views of Horkheimer in his later years.
131. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 103. More in Bettelheim's remarks than just their terminology is reminiscent of Emil Lederer's analysis of National Socialism as a State of the Masses (NY: W. W. Norton, 1939). It may help to shed some light on influences on Bettelheim's thinking to note that he first expressed these ideas in the Festschrift for Max Horkheimer Sociologica I: Aufsätze, Max Horkheimer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1955); they were reprinted in Bettelheim, Informed Heart. Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), traces in detail their similarity to the views of Horkheimer in his later years.
132. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 103. More in Bettelheim's remarks than just their terminology is reminiscent of Emil Lederer's analysis of National Socialism as a State of the Masses (NY: W. W. Norton, 1939). It may help to shed some light on influences on Bettelheim's thinking to note that he first expressed these ideas in the Festschrift for Max Horkheimer Sociologica I: Aufsätze, Max Horkheimer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1955); they were reprinted in Bettelheim, Informed Heart. Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), traces in detail their similarity to the views of Horkheimer in his later years.
133. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 103. More in Bettelheim's remarks than just their terminology is reminiscent of Emil Lederer's analysis of National Socialism as a State of the Masses (NY: W. W. Norton, 1939). It may help to shed some light on influences on Bettelheim's thinking to note that he first expressed these ideas in the Festschrift for Max Horkheimer Sociologica I: Aufsätze, Max Horkheimer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1955); they were reprinted in Bettelheim, Informed Heart. Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), traces in detail their similarity to the views of Horkheimer in his later years.
134. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 103. More in Bettelheim's remarks than just their terminology is reminiscent of Emil Lederer's analysis of National Socialism as a State of the Masses (NY: W. W. Norton, 1939). It may help to shed some light on influences on Bettelheim's thinking to note that he first expressed these ideas in the Festschrift for Max Horkheimer Sociologica I: Aufsätze, Max Horkheimer zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1955); they were reprinted in Bettelheim, Informed Heart. Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), traces in detail their similarity to the views of Horkheimer in his later years.
135. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, pp. 181, 104, 136.
136. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 418, n. 4.
137. Informed Heart, p. 104.
138. Bettelheim cites such a passage in another author's account, Informed Heart, p. 161n.
139. Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz, p. 26ff., for instance, considers precision in the matter of terminology essential for describing the camps accurately, and thus places an introductory chapter at the head of his account. The term Stubenältester refers to the "room chief" of a room in a barrack, and Rapponführer to "a senior SS officer, directly under the camp commander"; Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 143.
140. Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz, p. 26ff., for instance, considers precision in the matter of terminology essential for describing the camps accurately, and thus places an introductory chapter at the head of his account. The term Stubenältester refers to the "room chief" of a room in a barrack, and Rapponführer to "a senior SS officer, directly under the camp commander"; Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 143.
141. The shift from "the author" to the first-person "I," on the other hand, probably resulted from the growth of Bettelheim's reputation.
142. The few echoes of camp jargon, in such phrases as fertig machen ["finish off"], auffallen [be noticed], and "beseitigen [eliminate]," are more hints than direct quotations.
143. An example of the latter can be seen in the following sentence of Bettelheim's 1943 article: "Too many Germans became dissatisfied with the system"; "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 441. This statement makes both the concentration camps and the arbitrary arrest of representatives of social groups (which acted as a deterrent) appear functional. For the reprint in Readings in Social Psychology he altered the sentence to read: "Many Germans were dissatisfied with the system" (p. 306).
144. An example of the latter can be seen in the following sentence of Bettelheim's 1943 article: "Too many Germans became dissatisfied with the system"; "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 441. This statement makes both the concentration camps and the arbitrary arrest of representatives of social groups (which acted as a deterrent) appear functional. For the reprint in Readings in Social Psychology he altered the sentence to read: "Many Germans were dissatisfied with the system" (p. 306).
145. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 419.
146. Ibid.
147. Ibid.
148. Bettelheim, Surviving, p. 55.
149. Bettelheim doesn't make great effort to recognize the difference between SS and Gestapo.
150. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 424.
151. Ibid., p. 434.
152. Ibid., p. 431.
153. See, for instance, Karl Rüstl, interview by Christian Fleck, tape recording, Graz, 14 January 1986, whose account of his arrival there in 1941 is similar to Bettelheim's and Joseph Rovan's very different report about the summer of 1944 in Contes de Dachau (Paris: Julliard, 1987).
154. This corresponds not only to the relatively short length of his internment in Dachau and Buchenwald, but also to remarks made by his fellow prisoner Ernst Federn. Similar references can be found in Paul B. Foreman, "Buchenwald and Modern Prisoners-of-War Detention Policy," Social Forces 37 (1959): 292.
155. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 444.
156. Elmer Luchterhand, "Prisoner Behavior and Social System in Nazi Concentration Camps," International Journal of Social Psychiatry 13 (1967): 245-264; Falk Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft. Widerstand, Selbstbehauptung und Vernichtung im Konzentrationslager (Hamburg: Hoffmann & Campe, 1978); for a survey of this topic, see Luchterhand, "Social Behavior of Concentration Camp Prisoners: Continuities and Discontinuities with Pre- and Postcamp Life," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators, pp. 259-264.
157. Elmer Luchterhand, "Prisoner Behavior and Social System in Nazi Concentration Camps," International Journal of Social Psychiatry 13 (1967): 245-264; Falk Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft. Widerstand, Selbstbehauptung und Vernichtung im Konzentrationslager (Hamburg: Hoffmann & Campe, 1978); for a survey of this topic, see Luchterhand, "Social Behavior of Concentration Camp Prisoners: Continuities and Discontinuities with Pre- and Postcamp Life," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators, pp. 259-264.
158. Elmer Luchterhand, "Prisoner Behavior and Social System in Nazi Concentration Camps," International Journal of Social Psychiatry 13 (1967): 245-264; Falk Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft. Widerstand, Selbstbehauptung und Vernichtung im Konzentrationslager (Hamburg: Hoffmann & Campe, 1978); for a survey of this topic, see Luchterhand, "Social Behavior of Concentration Camp Prisoners: Continuities and Discontinuities with Pre- and Postcamp Life," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators, pp. 259-264.
159. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 447;
160. in Surviving, p. 77, he softens this phrase, altering it to "so as to accept various values of the SS as his own."
161. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 448; Surviving, p. 79.
162. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 448; Surviving, p. 79.
163. In the first version of 1943, Bettelheim remarks that many prisoners were hoping instead to be liberated by their fellow citizens: "He found only two who made the unqualified statement that everyone escaping Germany ought to fight the Nazis to the best of his abilities. All others were hoping for a German revolution, but did not like the idea of interference on the part of a foreign power" (italics in original; Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," 449). This passage was dropped in Informed Heart but is reproduced in Surviving, pp. 79-80.
164. In the first version of 1943, Bettelheim remarks that many prisoners were hoping instead to be liberated by their fellow citizens: "He found only two who made the unqualified statement that everyone escaping Germany ought to fight the Nazis to the best of his abilities. All others were hoping for a German revolution, but did not like the idea of interference on the part of a foreign power" (italics in original; Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," 449). This passage was dropped in Informed Heart but is reproduced in Surviving, pp. 79-80.
165. Compare Herbert A. Strauss "Einleitung" in Jacob Goldstein, Irving F. Lukoff, and Herbert A. Strauss, Individuelles und kollektives Verhalten in Nazi-Konzentrationslagern, trans. Albert Müller (Frankfurt: Campus 1991), p. 17; however, Theodore Abel, "The Sociology of Concentration Camps," Social Forces 30 (1951): 150-155, also contains references to the social conditions of survival, without specifically mentioning Bettelheim.
166. Compare Herbert A. Strauss "Einleitung" in Jacob Goldstein, Irving F. Lukoff, and Herbert A. Strauss, Individuelles und kollektives Verhalten in Nazi-Konzentrationslagern, trans. Albert Müller (Frankfurt: Campus 1991), p. 17; however, Theodore Abel, "The Sociology of Concentration Camps," Social Forces 30 (1951): 150-155, also contains references to the social conditions of survival, without specifically mentioning Bettelheim.
167. Compare Herbert A. Strauss "Einleitung" in Jacob Goldstein, Irving F. Lukoff, and Herbert A. Strauss, Individuelles und kollektives Verhalten in Nazi-Konzentrationslagern, trans. Albert Müller (Frankfurt: Campus 1991), p. 17; however, Theodore Abel, "The Sociology of Concentration Camps," Social Forces 30 (1951): 150-155, also contains references to the social conditions of survival, without specifically mentioning Bettelheim.
168. Primo Levi, Survival in Auschwitz; and, The Reawakening: Two Memoirs, trans. Stuart Woolf (NY: Summit Books, 1986), p. 91.
169. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 448; Surviving, p. 79. In Informed Heart the term "Gestapo" is replaced by "SS," and the end of the passage has been altered to "When asked why they did it, they said it was because they wanted to look smart. To them looking smart meant to look like their enemies" (p. 171).
170. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 448; Surviving, p. 79. In Informed Heart the term "Gestapo" is replaced by "SS," and the end of the passage has been altered to "When asked why they did it, they said it was because they wanted to look smart. To them looking smart meant to look like their enemies" (p. 171).
171. Bettelheim, "Individual and Mass Behavior," p. 448; Surviving, p. 79. In Informed Heart the term "Gestapo" is replaced by "SS," and the end of the passage has been altered to "When asked why they did it, they said it was because they wanted to look smart. To them looking smart meant to look like their enemies" (p. 171).
172. Paul Neurath, interview by the authors, tape recording, Vienna, 12 July 1989.
173. Neurath, interview.
174. The reference is to the 420 Austrians who were shipped from Vienna to Buchenwald on 25 September 1938; see Fein and Flanner, Rot-weiß-rot in Buchenwald, p. 44.
175. Ibid., p. 79.
176. See the reports by and about inmates who worked in either the warehouses where the effects of gassed prisoners were sorted and stored, or the warehouses where camp supplies were kept, such as Charlotte Delbo, Auschwitz and After, trans. Rosette C. Lamont (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995) and Krystyna Zywulska, I Came Back, trans. Krystyna Cenkalska (NY: Roy, 1951).
177. See the reports by and about inmates who worked in either the warehouses where the effects of gassed prisoners were sorted and stored, or the warehouses where camp supplies were kept, such as Charlotte Delbo, Auschwitz and After, trans. Rosette C. Lamont (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995) and Krystyna Zywulska, I Came Back, trans. Krystyna Cenkalska (NY: Roy, 1951).
178. Zacharias Zweig, "Mein Vater, was machst Du hier . . . ?" Zwischen Buchenwald und Auschwitz. Der Bericht des Zacharias Zweig (Frankfurt: Dipa, 1987), p. 128 (authors' emphasis).
179. Viktor Matejka, Widerstand ist alles. Notizen eines Unorthodoxen (Wien: Löcker, 1983), p. 95; Norman R. Jackman, "Survival in the Concentration Camp," Human Organization 17 (1958): 25, correctly observed that Bettelheim had failed to distinguish between "identification" and "imitation."
180. Viktor Matejka, Widerstand ist alles. Notizen eines Unorthodoxen (Wien: Löcker, 1983), p. 95; Norman R. Jackman, "Survival in the Concentration Camp," Human Organization 17 (1958): 25, correctly observed that Bettelheim had failed to distinguish between "identification" and "imitation."
181. Margareta Glas-Larsson, I Want to Speak: The Tragedy and Banality of Survival in Terezin and Auschwitz, ed. Gerhard Botz, trans. Lowell A. Bangerter (Riverside, CA: Ariadne Press 1991), p. 106.
182. Bettelheim, "Copy of Document L-72," p. 834.
183. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, pp. 171-72.
184. Schinken = ham, is a colloquial German term for "buttocks."
185. Neurath, interview.
186. It is interesting to note that in his recollection of reading Bettelheim, Professor Neurath believes Bettelheim to have provided an exact description of the game. Bettelheim provided no such description, however, a circumstance that enabled him to offer such a drastic interpretation of the game. Hermann Langbein confirmed to us that he had seen such a game being played by Auschwitz prisoners at least once (whereby they belonged to a group given better than average nourishment), letter to the authors, 31 May 1993. It seems clear that age was also a factor in which prisoners played the game.
187. Homosexual activities in the concentration camps among prisoners who were not interned as "homosexual offenders" are well documented, particularly in the case of Buchenwald relevant here. See for example Federn, "The Terror as a System," p. 77.
188. Federn, Witnessing, p. 5.
189. Anna Freud, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, trans. by Cecil Baines, rev. ed., The Writings of Anna Freud 2 (NY: International Universities Press, 1971), p. 116.
190. Rousset, Other Kingdom.
191. Günter Anders, Besuch im Hades (Munich: Beck, 1979).
192. Robert Antelme, The Human Race, trans. Jeffrey Haight and Annie Mahler (Marlboro Vt.: Marlboro Press 1992); see also Michael Pollak, Die Grenzen des Sagbaren and Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the Final Solution, ed. Saul Friedländer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
193. Robert Antelme, The Human Race, trans. Jeffrey Haight and Annie Mahler (Marlboro Vt.: Marlboro Press 1992); see also Michael Pollak, Die Grenzen des Sagbaren and Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the Final Solution, ed. Saul Friedländer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
194. See the summary of the literature in Michael R. Marrus, "The History of the Holocaust - A Survey of Recent Literature," Journal of Modern History 59 (1987): 114-160.
195. Elisabeth Brainin, Vera Ligeti, and Samy Teicher, Vom Gedanken zur Tat. Zur Psychoanalyse des Antisemitismus (Frankfurt: Brandes & Apsel, 1993), pp. 70-72.
196. Bettelheim, Surviving, p. 49.
197. Ibid., pp. 56-57.
198. Ibid., p. 59.
199. In a study of 50 survivors, Schneider found the following difference with regard to general feelings of guilt: No such feelings were reported before the Nazis began carrying out their "final solution"; some survivors reported feelings of guilt after that, which were related to having offered too little active opposition before their own arrest and to the fate of close relatives. Schneider's data produced no confirmation of Bettelheim's theory of personality change. Gertrude Schneider, "Survival and Guilt Feelings of Jewish Concentration Camp Victims," Jewish Social Studies 37 (1975): 74-83.
200. Neurath, interview.
201. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 157.
202. Ernst Federn, interview by the authors, tape recording, Vienna, 31 May 1990.
203. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, pp. 263-265.
204. Terrence Des Pres, The Survivor: An Anatomy of Life in the Death Camps (NY: Oxford University Press, 1976); Bettelheim, Surviving, pp. 288-290.
205. Terrence Des Pres, The Survivor: An Anatomy of Life in the Death Camps (NY: Oxford University Press, 1976); Bettelheim, Surviving, pp. 288-290.
206. Ibid., pp. 288-289.
207. Ibid., pp. 292-293.
208. Ibid., p. 292.
209. Ibid., p. 302.
210. Terrence Des Pres, "The Bettelheim Problem," Social Research 46 (1979): 619-647.
211. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, p. 159.
212. Ibid., p. 109n, see also Zdzislaw Ryn and Stanislaw Klodzinski, "An der Grenze zwischen Leben und Tod. Eine Studie über die Erscheinung des 'Muselmanns' in den Konzentrationslagern," in Die Auschwitz Hefte, ed. Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung (Weinheim: Beltz, 1987), vol. 1, pp. 89-154.
213. Ibid., p. 109n, see also Zdzislaw Ryn and Stanislaw Klodzinski, "An der Grenze zwischen Leben und Tod. Eine Studie über die Erscheinung des 'Muselmanns' in den Konzentrationslagern," in Die Auschwitz Hefte, ed. Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung (Weinheim: Beltz, 1987), vol. 1, pp. 89-154.
214. Bettelheim, Informed Heart, pp. 152 and 184.
215. See also Helen Fein, "Beyond the Heroic Ethic," Society 17 (1980): 51-55.
216. Imre Lakatos, "Falsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes," in Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge, ed. Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave (London: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 91-195.
217. For this purpose we consulted both the Social Science Citation Index and the Arts and Humanities Citation Index from the earliest possible date, i.e., SSCI 1972-92 and AHCI 1980-92. Every effort was made to eliminate duplications.
218. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
219. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
220. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
221. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
222. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
223. Bernard Berk, "Face-Saving at Single Dance," Social Problems 24 (1977): 542; Peter Loewenberg, "Psychohistorical Perspectives on Modern German History," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 235; C. A. McEwen, "Continuities in the Study of Total and Nontotal Institutions," Annual Review of Sociology 6 (1980): 169; David Gross, "Temporality and the Modern State," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 73; David A. Snow and Leon Anderson, "Identity Work Among the Homeless - The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 1337; and Trudy Mills and Sherryl Kleinman, "Emotions, Reflexivity, and Action - An Interactionist Analysis," Social Forces 66 (1988): 1012-1013.
224. Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, Hannah Arendt: For Love of the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 204.
225. Hannah Arendt, "Social Science Techniques and the Study of Concentration Camps," Jewish Social Studies 12 (1950): 149-164, and Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1951). Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft, characterizes Arendt and Bettelheim as the "chief proponents" of the identification theory.
226. Hannah Arendt, "Social Science Techniques and the Study of Concentration Camps," Jewish Social Studies 12 (1950): 149-164, and Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1951). Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft, characterizes Arendt and Bettelheim as the "chief proponents" of the identification theory.
227. Hannah Arendt, "Social Science Techniques and the Study of Concentration Camps," Jewish Social Studies 12 (1950): 149-164, and Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1951). Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft, characterizes Arendt and Bettelheim as the "chief proponents" of the identification theory.
228. Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism, p. 422.
229. Arendt, "Social Science Techniques," p. 161.
230. Kulka faults both Arendt and Bettelheim for prejudices which led them to see Nazi Germany as "a monolithic society and regime"; Otto Dov Kulka, "Die Nürnberger Rassegesetze und die deutsche Bevölkerung im Lichte geheimer NS-Lage- und Stimmungsberichte," Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 32 (1984): 583.
231. Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure, and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1979), p. 124.
232. For a further interpretation in terms of socialization theory, see Wilfried Gottschalch, "Bruno Bettelheims Beitrag zur Sozialisationsforschung," in Das Große bleibt groß nicht und klein nicht das Kleine. Politische Socialisation in Deutschland (Heidelberg: Asanger, 1990), pp. 75-94.
233. Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), p. 61ff.
234. Ibid., p. 61.
235. Ibid., p. 63.
236. Ibid., pp. 63-64.
237. Giddens expresses the view in several places that Bettelheim's analysis converges with Goffman's. We find it interesting, however, that although Goffman cites literature relating to concentration camps in a number of his works, he never refers to Bettelheim.
238. Anthony Giddens, Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 80-81. This is not the first time Bettelheim's analysis has been taken over more or less uncritically in a widely used textbook of social psychology; see Theodore M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (NY: Dryden Press, 1950).
239. Anthony Giddens, Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 80-81. This is not the first time Bettelheim's analysis has been taken over more or less uncritically in a widely used textbook of social psychology; see Theodore M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (NY: Dryden Press, 1950).
240. Lewis A. Coser, A Handful of Thistles, Collected Papers in Moral Conviction (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1988), p. 66.
241. Barrington Moore, Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt (White Plains, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1978), p. 50. Moore follows this immediately with a reference to Anna Freud's Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, thereby providing a further example of the difficulty of removing particular psychoanalytic observations or statements from their empirical context and refformulating them as universally valid principles.
242. Barrington Moore, Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt (White Plains, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1978), p. 50. Moore follows this immediately with a reference to Anna Freud's Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, thereby providing a further example of the difficulty of removing particular psychoanalytic observations or statements from their empirical context and refformulating them as universally valid principles.
243. Elie A. Cohen, Human Behaviour in the Concentration Camp, trans. M. H. Braaksma (London: Free Association Books, 1988).
244. Moore, Injustice, p. 64.
245. Moore, Injustice, p. 76.
246. Richard L. Rubenstein, "Moral Outrage as False Consciousness," Theory and Society 9 (1980): 745-755, criticizes Injustice as "essentially ahistorical" (p. 748).
247. Stanley M. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life, 3rd ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976), p. 104.
248. Pollak, Grenzen des Sagbaren, and Strauss, "Einleitung."
249. Pollak, Grenzen des Sagbaren, and Strauss, "Einleitung."
250. Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft, p. 12.
251. Pingel, "The Destruction of Human Identity in Concentration Camps: The Contribution of the Social Sciences to an Analysis of Behavior under Extreme Conditions," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 6 (1991): 169.
252. Dimsdale, "Coping Behavior of Concentration Camp Survivors," in Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators, p. 164.
253. Luchterhand, "Social Behavior of Concentration Camp Prisoners," p. 261.
254. Wolfgang Sofsky, The Order of Terror: The Concentration Camp, trans. William Templer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
255. Ibid., p. 160.
256. For one explicitly critical view see Anna Ornstein, "The Holocaust and Life-Cycle Experiences," Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry 14 (1981): 135-154.
257. Anna Pawelczynska, "Values and Violence Sociology of Auschwitz," The Polish Sociological Bulletin 3 (1976): 5-17.
258. Ibid., p. 15.
259. Pawelczynska, Values and Violence in Auschwitz: A Sociological Analysis, trans. Catherine S. Leach (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1979), p. 49.
260. Levi, Survival in Auschwitz and The Drowned and the Saved.
261. Risa Sodi, "An Interview with Primo Levi," Partisan Review 54 (1987): 358.
262. Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, p. 85.
263. Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz, pp. 31, 91, 92.
264. Ibid., p. 167.
265. Levi, The Drowned and the Saved.
266. Glas-Larsson, I Want to Speak, and Pollak, Die Grenzen des Sagbaren and L'Expérience concentrationnaire. Essai sur le maintien de l'identité sociale (Paris: Metallie, 1990).