Transnational democratic diffusion and Indonesian democracy discourses

Third World Quarterly

Volumn 14, Issue 3, 1993, Pages 517-544

  Uhlin, Anders ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0345639063     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: 13602241     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599308420340     Document Type: Article

References (105)

1. I am aware that the whole idea of a global trend towards democracy might be questioned as the outcome of many recent democratisation processes has been limited ‘elite democracies’ that neglect or even inhibit broader popular participation and socioeconomic reform. What has provocatively but accurately been termed ‘low intensity democracy’ by (Gills & Rocamora Third World Quarterly, 13(3), 1992, pp 501-523) should, however, not necessarily be seen as a setback for democracy. On the contrary the admittedly often limited political freedoms that have emerged in countries like the Philippines, South Korea and many Latin American countries are not only in themselves small steps towards a more democratic political system, but also do provide better opportunities for people struggling for more genuine forms of democracy. Furthermore, many people involved in democratic struggles all over the world aim at something much more than the ‘low intensity democracy’ that Gills and Rocamora analyse. Thus, I maintain that we are right to speak about a recent global trend towards democracy although the results mostly have been very modest democratic improvements.
2. Gills & Rocamora, op cit, note 1, p 501.
3. See, eg G Di Palma, To Craft Democracies, An Essay on Democratic Transitions, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990, and SP Huntington, The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991.
4. This is a common way of reasoning among many Western scholars (see, eg Lucien W Pye, Asian Power and Politics. The Cultural Dimensions of Authority, Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1985). It is also an argument used by Southeast Asian authoritarian leaders like Malaysia's Mahathir, Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Indonesia's Suharto. For good arguments against cultural relativism in Indonesian studies see Richard Robison,‘Explaining Indonesia's response to the Jenkins’ article: implications for Australian-Indonesian relations’, in Robison, Power and Economy in Suharto's Indonesia, Manila: Journal of Contemporary Asia Publishers. (First published in Australian Outlook 40(3), 1986, pp 132-138.) He argues that a cultural approach to Indonesian politics “confuses the notion of ‘culture’ with the specific ideological expression of the social, political and economic interests of the ruling group of military and civ bureaucrats” whose ideology is similar to the ideology of authoritarian regimes in the West (p 184). Thus, “there is a confusion between the culture of Indonesia and the culture of authoritarianism”. (Ibid.) Furthermore, the cultural approach ignores the diversity of ideologies (or cultures) that exist in Indonesia. (Ibid.)
5. Parekh argues that principles such as respect for human life and dignity, equality before the law, equal protection of the law, fair trial and protection of minorities have universal validity. These principles are emphasised in the sacred texts of all great religions and have been widely practised in different societies. Bhikhu, Parekh,‘The cultural particularity of liberal democracy’, Political Studies, 40, Special issue:‘Prospects for Democracy’, 1992, pp 160-175.
6. Here is not the place for any elaborate discussion on different models of democracy. In the second part of this article I will briefly point out some characteristics of the various models as they manifest themselves in the Indonesian context.
7. It is on this aspect, rather than on democratic principles as such, that we find the greatest differences between different models of democracy.
8. It should be noted that the minimal demands of a democratic doctrine that I propose are more like maximal demands if we are instead speaking of currently existing democratic systems. Few, if any, political systems today could be said to be characterised by any more genuine form of ‘people's rule’. In order not to devalue the concept of democracy it might be wise to use a concept like ‘polyarchy’ when referring to contemporary non-authoritarian political systems. See Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971.
9. Stephanie Lawson,‘Conceptual issues in the comparative study of regime change and democratization’, Comparative Politics, 1993 25, pp 183-205. See p 187.
10. Cf Nancy Bermeo,‘Rethinking regime change’, Comparative Politics, 22, 1990, pp 359-377. See p 368; and Dankwart A Rustow,‘Transitions to democracy. Toward a dynamic model’, Comparative Politics, 2, 1970, pp 337-363. See pp 352-358.
11. Bermeo, op cit, note 10, p 284.
12. See Herb Feith, Democratization in Indonesia: misleading rhetoric or real possibility? in David Goldsworthy (ed), Development and Social Change in Asia: Introductory Essays, Radio Australia, Monash University, 1991, R William Liddle,‘Indonesia's democratic past and future’, Comparative Politics, 24, 1992, pp 443-462 and Liddle,‘Indonesia's threefold crisis’, Journal of Democracy, 3(4), 1992, pp 60-74 for analyses of the prospects for democratisation in Indonesia.
13. Huntington, op cit, note 3, p 100.
14. Harvey Starr, Democratic dominoes. Diffusion approaches to the spread of democracy in the international system, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 35, 1991, pp 356-381.
15. Mikael Bostrom, Is Democracy Contagious? The Case of Latin America, paper presented to the Swedish Political Science Association, Copenhagen, 5-7 October 1992.
16. Catarina Kinnvall & Anders Uhlin,‘Global democratization. Transitions from authoritarian rule during 1989-1991’, Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, 96(1), 1993, pp 7-38.
17. Carlos H. Waisman, Reversal of Development in Argentina. Postwar Counterrevolutionary Policies and Their Structural Consequences, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987, p 229.
18. A study by Kinnvall & Uhlin (op cit, note 16) shows a correlation between a large number of international non-governmental organisations in a country and democratisation during recent years.
19. Carlos H. Waisman,‘Argentina: Autarkic industrialization and illegitimacy’, in Larry Diamond, Juan J Linz & Seymour Martin Lipset (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries, Vol 4: Latin America, London: Adamantine Press, 1989, p 98.
20. Nancy Bermeo,‘Democracy and the lessons of dictatorship’, Comparative Politics, 24, 1993, pp 273-291.
21. Cf Bruno Latour,‘The powers of association’, in John Law (ed), Power, Action and Belief. A New Sociology of Knowledge?, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986, p 268.
22. A milder form of rejection could be that a certain actor, although not explicitly rejecting a particular idea, does not adopt it and avoids mentioning the idea.
23. Pancasila (Five Principles) is the state philosophy which all individuals and social organisations in Indonesia must accept as their basic principle. The five principles are 1) belief in the one and only God, 2) just and civilised humanity, 3) the unity of Indonesia, 4) democracy guided by inner wisdom in unanimity arising out of deliberation among representatives, and 5) social justice for all the people of Indonesia. Although principles 4 and 5 should provide for some kind of democracy and social justice, the Indonesian reality is a very authoritarian political system and a huge socioeconomic gap between a very rich upper class and a large part of the population living in poverty.
24. According to this doctrine the Indonesian armed forces should not only defend the country, but also play an active role in social and political affairs. See also David Jenkins, Suharto and His Generals. Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983, Ithaca, NY: Cornell Modem Indonesia Project, (Monograph Series, Publication no 64), 1984, p 162; and Slamet Bratanata, Catatan Sejarah. Sekedar Mata Rantai Perjuangan Rakyat (Historical notes. Just a link in the people's struggle), Jakarta: Kelompok Kerja Petisi Limapuluh, (Seri Mencerdaskan Kehidupan Bangsa Nomor 6), 1991, pp 14-15.
25. Troops opened fire on a Muslim crowd, killing up to 200 people in Tanjung Priok, Jakarta.
26. Robert Cribb,‘The trials of H R Dharsono’, Inside Indonesia, 7, 1986, pp 3-5. See p 4.
27. A general methodological problem in deciding which groups and people should be considered sincerely democratic and which not, is to what extent people mean what they say. Are they really democrats or are they just using a democratic vocabulary? From a materialist perspective “demands for democratic rights are ‘only tactical’ if they are not consistently linked with the strategic aims and means”. (See Olle Tomquist,‘Communists and democracy: two Indian cases and one debate’, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 23(2), 1991, pp 63-76.) As argued by Tomquist, “many people maintain that democracy is important as such, but one should not trust any of them unless it can be substantiated that both democratic aims and means are instrumental to their strategic thinking and that democracy makes sense for them”. (Ibid.) It might be reasonable to argue that using a democratic vocabulary is not enough. There must be actions in accordance with the words as well (cf Bermeo, op cit, note 20, p 278).
28. Inside Indonesia, 17, 1988, pp 2-4 (interview with Arief Budiman). See p 3.
29. Inside Indonesia, 23, 1990, p 2.
30. About 85-90% of the Indonesian population are Muslims. However, there is a great difference between Java, the centre of power in Indonesia, where Islam is less orthodox and the outer islands, where Islam tend to be more orthodox. In Java itself there is a cleavage between the santri who are devout Muslims and the abangan, who consider themselves nominal Muslims while adhering to beliefs from the pre-Islamic era in Javanese history. Furthermore, there is a cleavage among the santris between traditionalists and modernists (or reformists) (see Nasir Tamara, Indonesia in the Wake of Islam: 1965-1985, Kuala Lumpur: Institute of Strategic and International Studies, 1986, p 2). Traditionalists mainly live in rural areas and send their children to Islamic schools, pesantren, while modernists tend to live in cities and send their children to secular schools. (Ibid) The main traditionalist organisation is Nahdlatul Ulama, (nu), while the reformist or modernist wing of Indonesian Islam is represented by Muhammadiyah. The differences between the two organisations have, however, narrowed considerably and today they are both part of the mainstream of Islam in Indonesia (Tapol Indonesia: Muslims on Trial, London: Tapol, 1987, p 6). As noted by Tamara (above p 4), “the modernists and the traditionalists have more similarities than differences”. This point is emphasised by the fact that the highly reformist and independent minded Abdurrahman Wahid is head of NU.
31. Muslim democracy, as defined by Muslim scholars both in Indonesia and other parts of the Islamic world, is based on a flexible and extensive use of ijtihad (independent reasoning for reinterpreting Islamic law in accordance with the changing needs and requirements of the Muslim community) and on concepts like shura (consultation), ijma (consensus), majlis (council) and bayah (the contract of the appointment of a Caliph). A prerequisite for democracy is a society characterised by social and economic equality, as prescribed by Islam. God's sovereignty is, however, always superior to people's sovereignty and democratic decisions may not contradict the basic principles of the Koran and the Sunnah. See, eg Hamid Enayat, Modem Islamic Political Thought, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1982.
32. The Suharto regime
33. Martin van Bruinessen,‘Indonesia's Ulama and politics. Caught between legitimizing the status quo and searching for alternatives’, Prisma, 49, 1990 pp 52-69. See p 61.
34. Nurcholish Madjid,‘Indonesia Masa Mendatang, Ibarat Sosok Santri yang Canggih’ (Indonesia in the future, sophisticated and devoutly religious), Prisma, 17(5), 1988, p 67.
35. Nurcholish Madjid, Ibid, pp 64-72. See p 66.
36. Ibid, p 67.
37. Nurcholish Madjid,‘An Islamic appraisal of the political future of Indonesia’, Prisma, 35, 1985, pp 11-26. See p 17.
38. Ibid.
39. Inside Indonesia, 8, 1986, pp 3-4 (interview with Abdurrahman Wahid), p 3 Cf Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Islam, politics and democracy in Indonesia in the 1950s and 1990s’, Paper presented to the conference ‘Indonesian Democracy, 1950s and 1990s’, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia, 17-20 December 1992 p 5.
40. Inside Indonesia, op cit, note 39, p 3.
41. Ibid, p 4.
42. Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Religion, ideology and development’, Prisma, 19, 1988, pp 56-65. See p 64.
43. Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Pribumisasi Islam’ (The indigenisation of Islam), in Islam Indonesia Menatap Masa Depan (Indonesian Islam examines the future), Jakarta: Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat, p 92.
44. Ibid, p 94; and Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Peranan Umat dalam Berbagai Pendekatan’ (The role of the members of the Islamic community in various approaches), in Kontroversi Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia (Controversies in Islamic thought in Indonesia), Bandung: Penerbit PT. Remaja Rosdakarya, 1990, p 24.
45. Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Intelektual di Tengah Eksklusivisme’ (Intellectuals in the midst of exclusivism), Prisma, 20(3) 1991, pp 69-73. See p 69.
46. Ibid, p 71. Cf Abdurrahman Wahid,‘Islam and militarism: a historical perspective’, Prisma 20, 1981, pp 61-68. See p 68.
47. Fachry Ali, & Bakhtiar Effendy, Merambah Jalan Barn Islam (Clearing a new Islamic path), Bandung: Mizan, 1986, p 171.
48. Adi Sasono,‘Demokratisasi Politik, Seiring dengan Demokratisasi Ekonomi’ (Political democratisation goes together with economic democratisation), Prisma, 17(6), 1988, pp 55-58. See pp 55-56.
49. Aswab Mahasin,‘Beberapa Skenario Demokratisasi dan Peranan Masyarakat’ (Some democratisation scenarios and the role of the people), Prisma, 20, (11), 1991, pp 46-52. See p 52.
50. Budhi Munawar-Rachman,‘Agama sebagai Kritik Ideologi’ (Religion as a critic of ideology), Prisma, 20(3), 1991, pp 60-65. See p 61.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid, p 62.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid, pp 62-65.
56. Anhardudin,‘Teoligi yang Berpihak pada yang Lemah’ (A theology that sides with the weak), Prisma, 17(5), 1998, pp 72-75. See p 72.
57. Ibid, pp 72-73.
58. Ibid, p 74.
59. Ibid.
60. Ali Sadikin, Melaksanakan Cita-Cita Orde Barn dalam Rangka Mewujudkan Negara Proklamasi 17 Augusti 1945 (Implement the aspirations of the New Order under the framework of bringing the State of Proclamation 17 August 1945 into reality), Jakarta: Kelompok Kerja Petisi Limapuluh (Seri Mencerdaskan Kehidupan Bangsa Nomor 1), pp 23-24.
61. ingi, Aide Memoire, Seventh ingi Conference 29 April-1 May 1991, Washington DC, USA.
62. Madjid, op cit, note 37, p 11.
63. Ibid, p 12.
64. David Bourchier,‘ “Pada Masa Liberal Timbul Semacam Anarki”: The 1950s in New Order ideology and politics’, paper presented to the conference ‘Indonesian Democracy, 1950s and 1990s’, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia, 17-20 December 1992, p 13.
65. Trunajaya, Inside Indonesia, 14, 1988, p 14.
66. Ammarsyah, Indonesia: Kisah Tentang Sangkur dan Topi Baja. Merebut Kembali Hak-Hak Rakyat (Indonesia: A story about the bayonet and the steel helmet. Seize back the People's Rights), defence plea before the Bandung State Court, 31 January 1990, p 221.
67. Ibid, p 226.
68. Ibid, p 225.
69. Abdurrahman Wahid,‘The 1992 election: a devastating political earthquake? in Harold Crouch & Hal Hill (eds), Indonesia Assessment 1992. Political Perspectives on the 1990s’, Canberra: Department of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University (Political and Social Change Monograph 17), p 126.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid, p 127.
72. Bambang Isti Nugroho, Memperjuangkan Demokrasi dan Hak-Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia (Fighting for democracy and human rights in Indonesia), defence plea before the Yogyakarta State Court 16 August 1989, Yogyakarta: Forum Komunikasi Mahasiswa Yogyakarta, p 24.
73. Jan-Erik Forsberg, interview with HJC Princen, 21 April 1989 (transcript).
74. Mohamad Jumhur Hidayat, Menuju Gerbang Demokrasi (Striving for the spread of democracy), demurrer before the Bandung State Court, p 8.
75. No human rights section was included in the 1945 constitution because it was argued that it would have reflected an individualism that was incompatible with Indonesian collectivism Peter Bums ‘The Post Priok Trials: Religious Principles and Legal Issues’, Indonesia, 47, 1989, p 85. The Provisional Constitution of 1950, however, contained the complete text of the UN Declaration of Human Rights. But in 1959 this commitment was lost with the reversion to the 1945 constitution. (Ibid)
76. Inside Indonesia, 2 1984, pp 7-10 (interview with Ali Sadikin). See p 8.
77. H R Dharsono, Soeharto on Trial, Amsterdam: Lembaga Merah Putih, 1986.
78. Ibid, p 47.
79. Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Islam in Indonesia: cultural opportunity? Mizan 1, (1), 1984, pp 6-7. See p 7.
80. Arief Budiman,‘The Pancasila economic system, capitalism and socialism’, Inside Indonesia, 3, 1984, pp 6-10. See p 10.
81. Ibid.
82. Nugroho, op cit, note 72, p 39.
83. Adnan Buyung Nasution, The Aspiration for Constitutional Government in Indonesia: A Socio-legal Study of the Indonesian Konstituante 1956-1959, Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1992.
84. Ammarsyah, op cit, note 66, p 195.
85. Bourchier, op cit, note 64, pp 12-13.
86. Michael R J Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto. Order, Development and Pressure for Change, London: Routledge, 1993, p 107.
87. Wahid in New Straits Times (Kuala Lumpur) 27 June 1990 (interview with Abdurrahman Wahid).
88. The former Portuguese colony was invaded by Indonesia in 1975 and incorporated as the country's 27th province in 1976, a step that has not been recognised by the United Nations. Indonesian rule in East Timor has been extremely cruel and it is estimated that more than 200 op cit
89. The former Portuguese colony was invaded by Indonesia in 1975 and incorporated as the country's 27th province in 1976, a step that has not been recognised by the United Nations. Indonesian rule in East Timor has been extremely cruel and it is estimated that more than 200,000 Timorese have been killed since the invasion. On November 12 1991 Indonesian troops opened fire on peaceful pro-independence demonstrators, predominantly youths and children, at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili, the capital of East Timor. Possibly hundreds of people were killed in the massacre which was witnessed by foreign journalists and caused world-wide protests.
90. ingi, Aide memoire, Eighth ingi Conference 21-23 March 1992, Odawara, Japan.
91. Bambang Beathor Surjadi, Peluru Bersimbah Darah. Kritik Atas Biografi Soeharto: Pikiran, Ucapan, dan Tindakan Saya (A bullet bespattered with blood. A critic against the biography of Suharto: My thoughts, words, and deeds), demurrer before the Bandung State Court, 1990, pp 36, 93.
92. The situation in West Papua, or Irian Jaya (formerly Irian Barat) as it is called by Indonesia, is similar to the situation in East Timor.
93. Tjahyono, Inside Indonesia, 29 1991, pp 18-19 (interview with Indro Tjahyono).
94. Also in Aceh, the northern part of Sumatra, there is an active independence movement and the central government uses severe repression against all opposition.
95. Herb Feith,‘New moves for peace in East Timor’, Inside Indonesia, 31, 1992, pp 12-14. See p 14.
96. Indonesian Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, Vice Admiral Soedibyo Rahardjo in a TV interview, quoted by Andrew Symon,‘Riding the tiger’, Inside Indonesia, 31, 1992, p 27.
97. Budiman, op cit, note 80, p 10.
98. Ibid.
99. Nugroho, op cit, note 72, p 46.
100. Kelompok Kerja Petisi 50, letter to the heads and members of dpr, 15 August 1988.
101. Amien Rais,‘Muslim students and political democratisation’, Prisma, 49, 1990, p 77.
102. Surjadi, op cit, note 91, p X.
103. Jakarta Post, 30 November 1992.
104. Wahid, Inside Indonesia, op cit, note 39, p 4.
105. Olle Tomquist, Rent capitalism, state, and democracy: a theoretical proposition, in Arief Budiman (ed), State and Civil Society in Indonesia, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University (Monash Papers on Southeast Asia No 22), p 44.