Fresco Fiasco: Narratives of National Identity and the Bruno Schulz Murals of Drogobych

East European Politics and Societies

Volumn 17, Issue 4, 2003, Pages 622-653

  Powers, Denise V ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

Bruno Schulz; Galicia; Identity; Nationalism

Indexed keywords

EID: 0344155043     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0888325403258258     Document Type: Review

References (122)

1. Although the work was painted directly on the wall, it is technically not a fresco. Other authors frequently refer to them as frescoes - also with the knowledge that this is not technically accurate - and I use it here for syntactical variety.
2. "To Whom Does Schulz Belong?" was the title of a debate in Piotr Pacewicz and Uri Huppert, "Czyj jest Schulz? Polemika w sprawie Fresków z Drohobycza," Gazeta Wyborcza, June 4, 2001, p. 2.
3. Schulz's most elaborate cycle of drawings was the Xsiȩga Bałwochwałcza (The Book of Idolatry), which Schulz presented to his friend, the Germanist Arnold Spaet. For reprints of Schulz's sketches and cliche-verre etchings, see Jerry Ficowski, ed., Bruno Schulz - Listy, fragmenty, wspomnienia o pisarzu (Cracow, Poland: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1984); Jerry Ficowski, ed., Letters and Drawings of Bruno Schulz with Selected Prose (New York: Fromm International Publishing Corporation, 1990).
4. Schulz's most elaborate cycle of drawings was the Xsiȩga Bałwochwałcza (The Book of Idolatry), which Schulz presented to his friend, the Germanist Arnold Spaet. For reprints of Schulz's sketches and cliche-verre etchings, see Jerry Ficowski, ed., Bruno Schulz - Listy, fragmenty, wspomnienia o pisarzu (Cracow, Poland: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1984); Jerry Ficowski, ed., Letters and Drawings of Bruno Schulz with Selected Prose (New York: Fromm International Publishing Corporation, 1990).
5. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
6. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
7. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
8. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
9. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
10. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
11. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
12. For information on Schulz's life, see also Jerzy Ficowski, Regiony Wielkies herezji i Okolice (Sejny, Poland: Wydawnictwo Pogranicze, 2002); or its English translation, Jerzy Ficowski, Regions of the Great Heresy: Bruno Schulz, a Biographical Portrait (New York: Norton, 2002); Wieslaw Budzyński, Schulz pod Kluczem (Warsaw, Poland: Grupa Wydawnicza Bertelsmann Media, 2001); Jerzy Jarzȩbski, Bruno Schulz, A to Polska Własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 1999); Czesław Miłosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Philip Roth, "Conversation in New York with Isaac Bashevis Singer about Bruno Schulz," in Shop Talk, edited by P. Roth (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001); Bruno Schulz, The Street of Crocodiles, translated by Celina Wieniewska, in Penguin Twentieth Century Classics (New York: Penguin, 1977); Lutz Steinhoff, Rueckkehr zur Kindheit als groteskes Denkspiel, Slavistische Texte und Studien (Hildesheim, Poland: Georg Olms Verlag, 1984).
13. Adam Płocinski, "Spacer Drohobycz," Gazeta Wyborcza-Magazyn, July 26, 2001, pp. 20-22.
14. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
15. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
16. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
17. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
18. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
19. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
20. Much has been written on the construction of national identity in Habsburg lands and in particular Galicia. See Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, eds., Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, Central European Studies (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001); Zbigniew Fras, Galicja, A to Polska własnie (Wroclaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, 2000); John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's, 1988); John-Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Jaroslav Hrytsak, "History of Names: A Case of Constructing National Historical Memory in Galicia, 1830-1930," Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte Osteuropas 49, no. 2 (2001): 163-77; Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn, eds., Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Monograph Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Christine D. Worobec, " 'Galicians into Ukrainians': Ukrainian Nationalism Penetrates Nineteenth-Century Rural Austrian Galicia," Peasant Studies 16, no. 3 (1989): 199-209.
21. Figures are from the 1910 census.
22. Quote from Andrzej Osȩka, "Pamiȩciwandalizm," Gazeta Wyborcza, June 2, 2001, p. 16.
23. From the inception of Ruthenian (Ukrainian) nationalism, Jews were caught in the struggle for power between the Polish and Ukrainian nations, which was exacerbated by the advent of electoral politics. By the end of the nineteenth century, the consolidating Ruthenian nation had enjoyed some success in attracting support from Jews - who had been allied with the Polish coalition - to chip away at the Polish stranglehold on Galician representation in the Reichsrat. The electoral reforms of 1906 did not establish a reserved national mandate for Jews - an issue on which Galician Jews were divided anyway - and thus split the Jewish community over whether to pursue strategic alliances with the Galician Poles or Ruthenians, with Zionists parting company with other assimilationist and Orthodox Jews. See Leila P. Everett, "The Rise of Jewish National Politics in Galicia, 1905-1907," in Markovits and Sysyn, Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism. Everett contends that the subsequent 1907 elections - which demonstrated that nationalism was a fruitful political strategy - portended the later problems of interwar Poland (pp. 175-77).
24. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
25. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
26. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
27. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
28. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
29. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
30. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
31. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
32. For a discussion of the Polish-Ukrainian dynamic of contestant national mythologies, see Timothy Snyder, " 'To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All'; The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947," Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (1999):86-120. Jan Błoński's 1987 essay for Tygodnik Powszechny, "The Poor Pole Looks at the Ghetto," opened up debate within Poland about its role in the Holocaust. There is a vast academic literature examining contemporary and historical relations between Poles and Jews, including the academic journals Polin and East European Jewish Affairs, and the Polish-language periodical Midrasz. In particular, see Daniel Blatman, Frank Fox, Henryk Grynberg, Stanislaw Krajewski, Claire Rosenson, and Joanna Wiszniewicz, "Towards a New Jewish and Polish Memory - Reponses to Diana Pinto's essay 'Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory,' " East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 57-69; Norman Davies and Antony Polonsky, eds. Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939-46 (New York: St. Martin's, 1991); Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule: Eastern Poland on the Eve of the Holocaust (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Diana Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust: Building a New Jewish and Polish Memory," East European Jewish Affairs 26, no. 2 (1996):79-85; Antony Polonsky, "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust," Polin 4 (1989): 226-41; Antony Polonsky "Introduction," in My Brother's Keeper? Recent Polish Debates on the Holocaust, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Routledge, 1990). Michlic-Coren argues that much of the popular discussion in Poland is still mired in demonstrating Polish victimhood, with the "Pole as good host vis-a-vis the Jew as a bad guest." See Joanna Michlic-Coren, "The Troubling Past: The Polish Collective Memory of the Holocaust," East European Jewish Affairs 28, no. 1 (1998): 75-84, Claire Rosenson, a scholar of contemporary Jewish life in Poland, contends that in her experience, Jews (outside of Poland) "refuse to recognize that they have any need to review their conceptions of Poland," they know nothing about Poland's experience during the War, and many "are not even able to say whether Poland was an ally or an opponent of the Nazis." See Claire Rosenson, "The Ball Is in the Jewish Court - Response to Dana Pinto," East European Jewish Affairs 27 (1997): 66-67.
33. Ukrainian national Identity took shape concomitantly with the in-migration of peasants to Galician cities and the emergence of a Ukrainian intelligentsia, the growth of which was facilitated by the autonomous status of the Uniate Church under Habsburg rule and the absence of marriage restrictions on Uniate priests, whose educated children made up the core group spearheading the Ukrainian national movement of the mid-1800s. The Austrians encouraged the development of Ukrainian consciousness, because, as Seton-Watson argues, the Ukrainians were useful to them, "both in internal policy against the Poles ... and in foreign policy against Russia." See Hugh Seton-Watson, Eastern Europe Between the Wars, 1918-1941, 3rd rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1962). In contrast, the repressive Russian regime and the Orthodox Church's subordination to it limited the opportunities for the development of a Ukrainian national movement.
34. Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust."
35. Piotr Wróbel, "Double Memory: Poles and Jews after the Holocaust," East European Politics and Societies 11, no. 3 (1997): 560-74. Tismaneanu argues that otherwise negative stereotypes of Jews among Ukrainian nationalists are countered by positive mythologies of the Jews as a way of "exonerating Ukrainians for their role in the Czarist pogroms and mass massacres of World War II," In this nationalist narrative, "Russians responsible for the past atrocities. Ukrainians were at the worst simple instruments of policies fomented by the now 'diabolized' Russians." See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 105.
36. Piotr Wróbel, "Double Memory: Poles and Jews after the Holocaust," East European Politics and Societies 11, no. 3 (1997): 560-74. Tismaneanu argues that otherwise negative stereotypes of Jews among Ukrainian nationalists are countered by positive mythologies of the Jews as a way of "exonerating Ukrainians for their role in the Czarist pogroms and mass massacres of World War II," In this nationalist narrative, "Russians responsible for the past atrocities. Ukrainians were at the worst simple instruments of policies fomented by the now 'diabolized' Russians." See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 105.
37. Wróbel, "Double Memory."
38. Reported in Mirosława Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 2-3, 2001.
39. Reported in Magdalena Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" Gazeta Wyborcza, May 26-27, 2001, p. 1.
40. Wojciech Chmurzyński - a member of the Polish contingent and the curator of the Schulz exhibit at the Museum of Literature in Warsaw - conjectured that the scenes were from Sleeping Beauty. Reported in Salska-Buensch "Ściana Schulza." Geissler noticed that the queen bore a striking resemblance to Landau's mistress, Gertrude (Trudi) Segel, later his wife, and he thinks that the fragments now in Jerusalem may include a male figure that resembles Landau (author interview with Benjamin Geissler, 2002). Portions of the mural removed a year later and restored in L'viv show two children - a boy and a girl - who might have been Landau's children. The Yad Vashem fragments have not been displayed publicly since they arrived in Jerusalem.
41. Magdalena Michalska, "Bruno Schulz w prezencie?" Gazeta Wyborcza, May 29, 2001, pp. 1-2.
42. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
43. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
44. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
45. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
46. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
47. Within a month, Geissler had obtained initial agreements to subsidize the project from the German Federal Commission for Matters of Culture and the Media (BKM) and the head of the Krupp Foundation, Dr. Berthold Beitz, who was himself active in saving Jews in the Drogobych region. He also located a wealthy Munich resident, whose family originally hailed from the Drogobych Jewish community, to help underwrite the entire project. Geissler contacted Boris Woznycky, the director of the State Picture Gallery in L'viv and one of the original group of experts that went to Drogobych in February, informing him that the prospective donor would be in L'viv and Drogobych at the beginning of June. Geissler requested Woznycky to arrange for the donor to meet with a local resident who could help the municipal authorities and the donor draw up an agreement outlining the extent of his involvement in the project and the magnitude of his support. Geissler's activity on behalf of the frescoes is reported in Christian Geissler, "Bilder Finden," Ost-West Wochenzettung, March 16, 2001; Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gole Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17. It is also conveyed in correspondence with Yehudit Shendar of Yad Vashem; Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001; Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, Polish and Ukrainian Ministries of Culture, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Bohdan Stupka, Culture Minister of Ukraine and Stanisław Z̊urowski, Culture Minister of Poland, and Borys Woznycky, Director of L'viv Picture Gallery, 2001; Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Borys Wosnyz'ky, 2001.
48. Who leaked the information and why is not known for certain. After locating the wall murals, Geissler convened a meeting at the Drogobych library on the evening of February 16 at which the Polish and Ukrainian art experts, the Drogobych cultural affairs official, the entire film crew, and Krzysztof Sawicki, the Polish Consul in L'viv, were present. The purpose of the meeting was to establish a plan for securing the paintings against theft, initiating the restoration, and ensuring that the apartment owners were compensated for the paintings and provided with alternative accommodations. Since the information was leaked to the Polish press and quotes from the Polish consul - who wrote his master's thesis on Schulz at the Catholic University of Lublin - figure prominently in the story ("It's 99 percent certain it's Schulz, the Polish Consul estimates"), it is a reasonable conjecture that the information came from him. From author interview with Geissler, 2002, Quote from Dorota Sajnug, "Za kawałek chleba," Z̊ycie, February 16, 2001.
49. Dorota Jarecka, "Co dalej z malowidłami?" Gazeta Wyborcza, May 2-3, 2001, p. 10.
50. Salska-Buensch, "Ściana Schulza."
51. I b i d.
52. Geissler received word from one of his associates in Drogobych that the apartment owners wanted to contact him, and before he even received their letter, Geissler faxed them a letter acknowledging their concerns, asking for their continued patience, and reassuring them of his sincere intention to ensure that they would receive financial assistance to improve their
53. Geissler received word from one of his associates in Drogobych that the apartment owners wanted to contact him, and before he even received their letter, Geissler faxed them a letter acknowledging their concerns, asking for their continued patience, and reassuring them of his sincere intention to ensure that they would receive financial assistance to improve their circumstances. He also informed them of the impending visit of the Munich donor and gave them his own contact information and that of his assistant in L'viv. From Benjamin Geissler, Letter to Mr. & Mrs. Kaluzhny, 2001. In their letter to Geissler's father Christian, Mr. and Mrs. Kaluzhny stated that they would continue to tell interested parties that the decision was not up to them and that they were waiting for the Geisslers to amass the funds to begin restoration. Mikola Federovich and Nadia Timofeyeva Kaluzhny, Letter to Christian Geissler, 2001.
54. Yad Vashem Vkrav freskij Schulza, Elektronni Visti - Kultura, 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002). Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" Stefanie Peter, "Denkmalschwund: Bruno-Schulz-Fresken gestohlen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 28, 2001, p. 55; Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Bruno Schulz-Fresken aus Drohobycz offenbar von Experten gestohlen 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002).
55. Yad Vashem Vkrav freskij Schulza, Elektronni Visti - Kultura, 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002). Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" Stefanie Peter, "Denkmalschwund: Bruno-Schulz-Fresken gestohlen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 28, 2001, p. 55; Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Bruno Schulz-Fresken aus Drohobycz offenbar von Experten gestohlen 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002).
56. Yad Vashem Vkrav freskij Schulza, Elektronni Visti - Kultura, 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002). Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" Stefanie Peter, "Denkmalschwund: Bruno-Schulz-Fresken gestohlen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 28, 2001, p. 55; Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Bruno Schulz-Fresken aus Drohobycz offenbar von Experten gestohlen 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002).
57. Yad Vashem Vkrav freskij Schulza, Elektronni Visti - Kultura, 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002). Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" Stefanie Peter, "Denkmalschwund: Bruno-Schulz-Fresken gestohlen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 28, 2001, p. 55; Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Bruno Schulz-Fresken aus Drohobycz offenbar von Experten gestohlen 2001 (accessed June 24, 2002).
58. Magdalena Michalska, "Schulz juz w Jerozolimie," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 30, 2001, p. 1; Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!"
59. Magdalena Michalska, "Schulz juz w Jerozolimie," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 30, 2001, p. 1; Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!"
60. Michalska, "Bruno Schulz w prezencie?" Aleksander Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarów," Rzeczpospolita, June 9, 2001.
61. Michalska, "Bruno Schulz w prezencie?" Aleksander Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarów," Rzeczpospolita, June 9, 2001.
62. Yad Vashem, "Yad Vashem's statement regarding the sketches by Bruno Schulz," 2001, http://www.yad-vashem.org.il/about_yad/press_room/press_releases/schulz.html (accessed June 24 2002). Reported in Michalska, "Schulz juz w Jerozolimie." Thomas Urban, "Des Malers verschwundene Maerchenbilder," Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 31, 2001, p. 3.
63. Yad Vashem, "Yad Vashem's statement regarding the sketches by Bruno Schulz," 2001, http://www.yad-vashem.org.il/about_yad/press_room/press_releases/schulz.html (accessed June 24 2002). Reported in Michalska, "Schulz juz w Jerozolimie." Thomas Urban, "Des Malers verschwundene Maerchenbilder," Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 31, 2001, p. 3.
64. Yad Vashem, "Yad Vashem's statement regarding the sketches by Bruno Schulz," 2001, http://www.yad-vashem.org.il/about_yad/press_room/press_releases/schulz.html (accessed June 24 2002). Reported in Michalska, "Schulz juz w Jerozolimie." Thomas Urban, "Des Malers verschwundene Maerchenbilder," Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 31, 2001, p. 3.
65. Yad Vashem, "Yad Vashem's statement."
66. Yad Vashem, The Art Museum, 2002, http://www.yad-vahem.org.il/exhibitions/museums/art_museums/home_art_museum. html (accessed June 24, 2002).
67. Weber provides an insightful analysis on the problem of "finding a suitable way of encapsulating the identity of all those who suffered and died because they were Jews," arguing that the use of "martyr" is an oversimplification that has emerged for several reasons, including the need to "fix Jewish victimhood within a broader category meaningful within the non-Jewish world" (p. 133). Ultimately, he concludes that the use of "martyr" is the natural consequence of using "Holocaust" as a single semantic category to reduce a "set of complex human problems to 'two agendas' ": the German (or presumably, other gentiles') agenda of "unquenchable lust for Jewish blood" and the Jewish agenda of an "unbroken tradition of giving up one's life according to God's will" (pp. 140-42). Jonathan Webber, "Jewish Identities in the Holocaust: Martyrdom as a Representative Category," in Focusing on the Holocaust and Its Aftermath, edited by A. Polonsky (London: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2001).
68. Young contends that Holocaust memorialization focusing primarily on martyrdom and heroism reflects an Israeli nationalist approach to Jewish identity construction. James Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993).
69. Aharon Apelfeld et al., "Bruno Schulz's Wall Paintings," New York Review of Books, 2002.
70. Agnieszka Boruszkowska, "A miało być muzeum," Z̊ycie-Online, June 13, 2001; Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarow."
71. Agnieszka Boruszkowska, "A miało być muzeum," Z̊ycie-Online, June 13, 2001; Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarow."
72. Jan Bończa-Szabłowski, "Interview with Wieslaw Budzyński," Rzeczpospolita, July 12, 2001.
73. Pacewicz and Huppert, "Czyj jest Schulz?"
74. Joanna Szczesna, "Spadkobierca - Interview with Marek Podstołski," Gazeta Wyborcza, June 4, 2001, p. 2.
75. Roman Frister, "Nasze, wasze, cudze," Polityka, June 30, 2001.
76. Konstanty Gebert, cited in Zdzisław Krasnodȩbski, "O potrzebie goryczy," Rzeczpospolita, August 11-12, 2001.
77. "Co zostało w Drohobyczu," Gazeta Wyborcza, June 7, 2001, p. 1.
78. "Return the Murals - Editorial," K'yiv Post Online, 2001.
79. Celestine Bohlen, "Artwork by Holocaust Victim Is Focus of Dispute," New York Times, June 20, 2001, p. A1.
80. "Freski Brunona Schulza - cia̧g dalszy. Wróca̧ po Schulza?" Gazeta Wyborcza, May 31, 2001, p. 1.
81. Boncza-Szablowski, "Interview with Wiesław Budzyński"; Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarów."
82. Boncza-Szablowski, "Interview with Wiesław Budzyński"; Wojciechowski, "Za sto dolarów."
83. Jarecka, "Co dalej z malowidłami?"
84. Interview with Jerzy Ficowski for Radio Zet, quoted in "Freski Brunona Schulza - cia̧g dalszy. Wroca̧ po Schulza?"
85. The discovery of the paintings was recorded by Geissler and appears in his film Bilder Finden.
86. Marek Beylin, "Commentary," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 30, 2001, p. 1. This is a convenient assumption that is consistent with both Polish and Jewish identity narratives, but it Is not necessarily borne out upon closer scrutiny. In 1983 - well before the collapse of the Soviet Union - Schulz's texts were rescued from the oblivion of Soviet "bourgeoisie decadence" by two writers in Ivano-Frankivsk, translated into Ukrainian, and published in Paris. In 1989, The Cinnamon Shops was translated again and published in the USSR by a L'viv-based cultural magazine. In 1995, yet another translation of both Schulz novels was published by a L'viv publisher in a run of five thousand copies. See Walter Mossmann, "Der Maler und seine Moerder," Badische Zeitung Online, June 8, 2002.
87. Marek Beylin, "Commentary," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 30, 2001, p. 1. This is a convenient assumption that is consistent with both Polish and Jewish identity narratives, but it Is not necessarily borne out upon closer scrutiny. In 1983 - well before the collapse of the Soviet Union - Schulz's texts were rescued from the oblivion of Soviet "bourgeoisie decadence" by two writers in Ivano-Frankivsk, translated into Ukrainian, and published in Paris. In 1989, The Cinnamon Shops was translated again and published in the USSR by a L'viv-based cultural magazine. In 1995, yet another translation of both Schulz novels was published by a L'viv publisher in a run of five thousand copies. See Walter Mossmann, "Der Maler und seine Moerder," Badische Zeitung Online, June 8, 2002.
88. "Schreibermann and Company with the Participation of the Drohobycz Authorities Carted Off the Frescoes?" Wysoki Zamek, June 2, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Schulz pod Kluczem," Rzeczpospolita, June 16, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Widzlelismy, co zostało z fresków Schulza," Rzeczpospolita, June 8, 2001.
89. "Schreibermann and Company with the Participation of the Drohobycz Authorities Carted Off the Frescoes?" Wysoki Zamek, June 2, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Schulz pod Kluczem," Rzeczpospolita, June 16, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Widzlelismy, co zostało z fresków Schulza," Rzeczpospolita, June 8, 2001.
90. "Schreibermann and Company with the Participation of the Drohobycz Authorities Carted Off the Frescoes?" Wysoki Zamek, June 2, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Schulz pod Kluczem," Rzeczpospolita, June 16, 2001; Maja Narbutt, "Widzlelismy, co zostało z fresków Schulza," Rzeczpospolita, June 8, 2001.
91. Quote from Maja Narbutt, "Z̊yd i na dodatek pisał po polsku," Rzeczpospolita, June 4 2001.
92. I b i d.
93. Padraic Kenney, Istvan Deak, Gale Stokes, and 21 other scholars. "Bruno Schulz's Frescoes - Open Letter," New York Review of Books, 2001.
94. Pinto refers to this sanitized characterization of Poland's Second Republic as "potpourri without empire." Pinto, "Fifty Years after the Holocaust."
95. Quote from Narbutt, "Z̊yd i na dodatek pisał po polsku."
96. Osȩka, "Pamiȩć i wandalizm."
97. Dorota Sajnug, "Smierć Schulza," Z̊ycie, April 26, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "To był Schulz," Z̊ycie, March 6, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "Za kawałek chleba," Z̊ycie, February 16, 2001; Polska Telewizja, Freski w Drohobyczu (Warsaw, Poland: 2001).
98. Dorota Sajnug, "Smierć Schulza," Z̊ycie, April 26, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "To był Schulz," Z̊ycie, March 6, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "Za kawałek chleba," Z̊ycie, February 16, 2001; Polska Telewizja, Freski w Drohobyczu (Warsaw, Poland: 2001).
99. Dorota Sajnug, "Smierć Schulza," Z̊ycie, April 26, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "To był Schulz," Z̊ycie, March 6, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "Za kawałek chleba," Z̊ycie, February 16, 2001; Polska Telewizja, Freski w Drohobyczu (Warsaw, Poland: 2001).
100. Dorota Sajnug, "Smierć Schulza," Z̊ycie, April 26, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "To był Schulz," Z̊ycie, March 6, 2001; Dorota Sajnug, "Za kawałek chleba," Z̊ycie, February 16, 2001; Polska Telewizja, Freski w Drohobyczu (Warsaw, Poland: 2001).
101. The same can be said for the other groups. For Jews, the murals became interesting when Poles and Ukrainians loudly protested the action, because it then became new "proof" of the region's enduring anti-Semitism. For Ukrainians, the event fit into resonant narratives of national identity, because it reinforced images of Jews as threats to the nation and Poles as eager imperialists.
102. See Michalska, "Ukradli Schulza!" The formulation was third-person plural-that is, "Ukradli Schulza" - though this form is often used in Polish for an action with no clear agent. However, there are other, more neutral ways of phrasing the same idea - for example, "Paintings Stolen!" "Paintings Disappeared!" or perhaps a subjectless construction, "Schulza ukradziono".
103. "O trzech takich co zdrapali Schulza" - as one reviewer suggested, is probably a play on the title of a children's book, O dwóch takisc co ukradli ksiȩżyć. Interestingly, however, the newer formulation replaces "ukraść" (to steal, which would have been serviceable in this context as well) with the more vivid "zdrapać" (to claw or scratch). Whether intentional or not, the substitution infuses a statement with more emotional potency, in part by conjuring up images or predation and rapaciousness - traits and behavior that anti-Semitic characterizations frequently ascribe to Jews.
104. One example of the Polish characterization of Ukrainian society as degraded is one commentator's assertion that "after so many years of Sovietization," people in Drogobych "have forgotten how to say please and thank you and you're welcome." Urszula Kozioł, "Inaczej Mowia̧c," Rzeczpospolita, June 23, 2001.
105. Boruszkowska, "A miało być muzeum."
106. Jerzy Pilch, "Mȩczeństwo państwa Kałuz̊nych z Drohobycza," Polityka, June 16, 2001.
107. Drogobych locals believe that Mr. and Mrs. Kaluzhny may have been pressured into the agreement by someone else with something to gain, because they doubt that the couple would have voluntarily given up the paintings for only $100. After all, they point out, the couple knew the value of the frescoes ever since their discovery because they had been receiving money - $10 to $20 at a time - by admitting a steady stream of scholars, tourists from Israel, and Polish journalists into their apartment. Narbutt, "Z̊yd i na dodatek pisał po polsku."
108. Mikola Riabchuk, "Sprawa fresków Schulza," Gazeta Wyborcza, May 31, 2001, p. 2. Interestingly, this editorial was run in the Polish press, which may be in part a gesture of solidarity with Ukraine, but the content also helps reinforce Polish stereotypes of Ukrainians.
109. In his 2002 interview with the author, Geissler corroborated the author's opinion - admittedly based only upon the viewing his filmed footage of the pantry - that the paintings were not in particularly bad condition and that such characterizations were exaggerated.
110. See Dinitia Smith, "Debating Who Controls Holocaust Artifacts, " New York Times, July 18, 2001, p. E1.
111. Quote from Pilch, "Méczeństwo państwa Kałuz̊nych z Drohobycza." See also Beylin, "Commentary."
112. Quote from Pilch, "Méczeństwo państwa Kałuz̊nych z Drohobycza." See also Beylin, "Commentary."
113. Pilch, "Mȩczeństwo państwa Kałuz̊nych z Drohobycza."
114. Narbutt, "Widzieliśmy, co zostało z fresków Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gołe Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17.
115. Narbutt, "Widzieliśmy, co zostało z fresków Schulza"; Jagienka Wilczak, "Gołe Ściany," Polityka, June 9, 2001, p. 17.
116. Mikola Riabchuk, "Sprawa fresków Schulza."
117. Even if Yad Vashem had missed the press reports about the countries' official engagement with the matter, they had also received a letter from Geissler in April describing in great detail the discovery, the involvement of government officials and private donors, and the plans for the murals' restoration, including an itemized budget. Benjamin Geissler, e-mail letter to Yehudit Shendar at Yad Vashem, 2001. An official at Yad Vashem acknowledged their receipt of the letter, but no further response was sent to Geissler. See Yehudit Shendar, Letter to Benjamin Geissler, 2001.
118. Since the collapse of communism, many Jews remaining in Eastern Europe have struggled to put the pieces of their past together and to resuscitate Jewish life in the areas where it flourished for nearly six hundred years. Cultural treasures help foster group consciousness and solidarity, and in Eastern Europe this kind of "cultural capital" is particularly important, because it helps attract the interest of governmental authorities, foreign tourists, and private donors, who provide the resources necessary to support fledgling communities until they are self-sustaining. Moreover, if the point of displaying the frescoes publicly is to educate people about the Holocaust and to encourage a frank examination of that history, then removing the traces of that legacy makes, as Samuel Gruber - the director of the Jewish Heritage Research Center and president of the International Survey of Jewish Monuments - notes, "commemoration the duty of some distant authority. " Samuel Gruber, "The Wrong Way to Protect the Jewish Past," New York Times, July 3, 2001.
119. It is somewhat Ironic that Yad Vashem's actions, undertaken in an effort to bolster Jewish identity, only exposed the fissures within it. By operating according to the implied premise that Israel is the sole standard bearer of Jewish identity, Yad Vashem communicated to East European Jews an element of disdain for them, the "inferior Jews," living where presumably no "real Jew" would live after the horrors of the Holocaust and successive waves of persecution under communist regimes. Jewish communities, including those in Drogobych, L'viv, and Warsaw, lodged formal protests with Yad Vashem and Israel's Ministry of Culture after the removal of the wall paintings.
120. Tallie Lipkin-Shahak, "Whose Holocaust Was It, Anyway?" Jerusalem Post, July 27, 2001, p. 8B.
121. Smith, "Debating Who Controls Holocaust Artifacts."
122. Dominique Arel, "Ukraine: The Temptation of the Nationalizing State," in Civil Society and Political Culture in the Countries of the Former Soviet Union, edited by V. Tismaneanu (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995).