The gender of resistance in communist Poland

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 399-424

  Kenney, Padraic ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0344065087     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2650371     Document Type: Article

References (171)

1. "Kobiety, nie przeszkadzajcie NAM, walczymy o Polskȩ." Quoted in Magdalena Środa, "Feministki, kobiety, wiedźmy," Polityka 31 ("Kultura" supplement 7) (July 31, 1993): 1.
2. Key studies of Polish labor conflict are Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: A Political Sociology of Poland's Working-Class Democratization (Princeton, N.J., 1991);
3. Alain Touraine, et al., Solidarity: The Analysis of a Social Movement; Poland 1980-81, David Denby, trans. (Cambridge, 1983);
4. Michael D. Kennedy, Professionals, Power, and Solidarity in Poland: A Critical Sociology of a Soviet-Type Society (Cambridge, 1991). Of these, only Kennedy identifies significant differences within Polish society, looking at the alliance between professionals and workers.
5. Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland (University Park, Pa., 1994), 5.
6. See also J. M. Montias, "Observations on Strikes, Riots and Other Disturbances," in Blue-Collar Workers in Eastern Europe, Jan F. Triska and Charles Gati, eds. (London, 1981), 180.
7. Kristi S. Long, We All Fought for Freedom: Women in Poland's Solidarity Movement (Boulder, Colo., 1996);
8. Shana Penn, "The National Secret," Journal of Women's History 5 (Winter 1994): 54-69;
9. Anna Reading, Polish Women, Solidarity and Feminism (London, 1992);
10. Renata Siemieńska, "Women and Social Movements in Poland," Women and Politics 6 (Winter 1986): 5-35.
11. The year 1968, in which students and writers protested communist cultural and education policies, is the only date on the Poznań monument that refers to opposition not involving workers.
12. Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), 2-3.
13. Václav Havel's observations on the centrality of even a hollow, discredited ideology in what he calls the "post-totalitarian" state is still the best analysis of this phenomenon. See Havel, "The Power of the Powerless," in Havel, et al., The Power of the Powerless: Citizens against the State in Central-Eastern Europe, John Keane, ed. (Armonk, N.Y., 1985), 23-96.
14. See Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Habermas and the Public Sphere, Craig Calhoun, ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), 259-88, esp. 259-62, and sources cited there;
15. Denise Riley, "Am I That Name?" Feminism and the Category of "Women" in History (Minneapolis, 1988);
16. Nancy Fraser, Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (Cambridge, 1989), 124-25.
17. Joanna Goven, "The Gendered Foundation of Hungarian Socialism: State, Society and the Anti-Politics of Anti-Feminism" (PhD dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), chap. 3.
18. David Ost, "Polish Labor before and after Solidarity," International Labor and Working-Class History 50 (Fall 1996): 36.
19. Hana Havelková, "A Few Prefeminist Thoughts," in Gender Politics and Post-Communism: Reflections from Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller, eds. (New York, 1993), 68-69.
20. See, for example, Elizabeth A. Wood, The Baba and the Comrade: Gender and Politics in Revolutionary Russia (Bloomington, Ind., 1997);
21. Christina Kelley Gilmartin, Engendering the Chinese Revolution: Radical Women, Communist Politics, and Mass Movements in the 1920s (Berkeley, Calif., 1995);
22. Judith Stacey, Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China (Berkeley, 1983);
23. Andjelka Milić, "Women and Nationalism in the Former Yugoslavia," in Funk and Mueller, Gender Politics and Post-Communism, esp. 111-12;
24. Muriel Nazzari, "The 'Woman Question' in Cuba: An Analysis of Material Constraints on Its Solution," in Rethinking the Political: Gender, Resistance, and the State, Barbara Laslett, Johanna Brenner, and Yesim Arat, eds. (Chicago, 1995), 414-31.
25. This is also the central theme of the collection edited by Sonia Kruks, Rayna Rapp, and Marilyn B. Young, Promissory Notes: Women in the Transition to Socialism (New York, 1989).
26. Eric D. Weitz, Creating German Communism, 1890-1990: From Popular Protests to Socialist State (Princeton, N.J., 1997), 189.
27. For Poland, the ghostwritten memoirs of early labor heroes provide a wealth of material. See, for example, Włodzimierz Gmitrzykowski, Za przykładem Matrosowa, Biblioteka Przodownika Pracy [hereafter, BPP] no. 6 (Warsaw, 1949);
28. Jan Kaniewski, Było to na Pa-Fa-Wagu, BPP no. 15 (Warsaw, 1949);
29. Michał Krajewski and Bogdan Ostromȩcki, Ludzie z ruztowań, BPP no. 20 (Warsaw, 1950). Women's memoirs evoke quite different images of skill, authority, and heroism.
30. See, for example, Wanda Gościmińska, Mój wielki dzień, BPP no. 16 (Warsaw, 1949);
31. Halina Lipińska, Mój awans (Warsaw, 1950).
32. discuss these memoirs and others in Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists, 1945-1950 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1997), chap. 5.
33. For East Germany, see François Bafoil, "Adolf Hennecke, un Stakhanoviste allemande ou les fundaments de la RDA," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 30, no. 1 (1990): 5-25.
34. On the Soviet Union, Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Stakhanovism and the Politics of Productivity in the USSR, 1935-1941 (New York, 1988).
35. Anne Gorsuch discusses the "male image" of the Russian civil war in "'A Woman Is Not a Man': The Culture of Gender and Generation in Soviet Russia, 1921-1928," Slavic Review 55 (Fall 1996): 638, 644-46.
36. Weitz, Creating German Communism, 189, 205-20.
37. Thomas G. Schrand, "Socialism in One Gender: Masculinist Values in the Stalinist Revolution," paper presented at the 29th convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, November 1997, 2-4;
38. Weitz, Creating German Communism, 191.
39. Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton, N.J., 1996), 26-29;
40. Slavenka Drakulić, How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed, rev. edn. (New York, 1993).
41. See Vera S. Dunharn, In Stalin's Time: Middleclass Values in Soviet Fiction, 2d edn. (Durham, N.C., 1990);
42. Greta Bucher, "The Impact of World War II on Moscow Women: Gender Consciousness and Relationships in the Immediate Postwar Period, 1945-1953" (PhD dissertation, Ohio State University, 1995), esp. chap. 2;
43. Marianne Liljeström, "The Soviet Gender System: The Ideological Construction of Femininity and Masculinity in the 1970s," in Gender Restructuring in Russian Studies, Liljeström, et al., eds. (Tampere, Finland, 1993), 163-74.
44. On Poland, Jacek Kuroń and Jacek Żakowski, PRL dla pocza̧tkuja̧cych (Wrocław, 1997), chap. 2.
45. Martha Lampland, "Biographies of Liberation: Testimonials to Labor in Socialist Hungary," in Kruks, et al., Promissory Notes, 306-22.
46. Verdery, What Was Socialism, 63;
47. Ferenc Fehér, "Paternalism as a Mode of Legitimation in Soviet-Type Societies," in T. H. Rigby and Ferenc Fehér, eds., Political Legitimation in Communist States (New York, 1982), 64-81.
48. Ken Jowitt, "Challenging the 'Correct' Line: Reviewing Katherine Verdery's What Was Socialism and What Comes Next?" East European Politics and Societies 12 (Winter 1998): 94-95.
49. See Lewis Siegelbaum, "'Dear Comrade, You Ask What We Need': Socialist Paternalism and Soviet Rural 'Notables' in the Mid-1930s," Slavic Review 57 (Spring 1998): 107-32. Oddly, it is not clear from any of these authors that such a "family head" is necessarily male; this, however, becomes clear with attention to state (or party) imagery, as in Weitz's work, cited above.
50. On the other hand, the "father" state need not act in a "masculine" way. Indeed, communist leaders have usually been strangely genderless individuals of purported asceticism (in the Polish case, one thinks of Władysław Gomułka and Wojciech Jaruzelski). See also Drakulić, How We Survived Communism, 22-23.
51. Verdery, What Was Socialism, 67.
52. Kennedy, Professionals, Power, and Solidarity, 366.
53. See also Martha Lampland, The Object of Labor: Commodification in Socialist Hungary (Chicago, 1995), 182-86;
54. Lynne Attwood, The New Soviet Man and Woman: Sex-Role Socialization in the USSR (Bloomington, Ind., 1990).
55. On women in Polish public life, see Renata Siemieńska, Płeć zawód polityka: Kobiety w życiu publicznym w Polsce (Warsaw, 1990). The Polish women's organization was the Liga Kobiet (League of Women).
56. See Jean Robinson, "Women, the State, and the Need for Civil Society: The Liga Kobiet in Poland," in Dorothy McBride Stetson and Amy Mazur, eds., Comparative State Feminism (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995), 203-20.
57. Joanna Bator, "Brzydkie slowo 'feminizm,'" Cazeta wyborcza (June 27-28, 1998): 27.
58. Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," AHR 100 (December 1995): 1438-64.
59. Zbigniew Stefański, "Gdy nadszedł maj," in Tomasz Tabako, Strajk 88 (Warsaw, 1992), 101.
60. See also Małgorzata Szejnert and Tomasz Zalewski, Szczecin: Grudzień - sierpień - grudzień (London, 1986), 69, for a remarkable description of women fighting with the police in order to bring food to striking husbands and sons at the Szczecin shipyard in January 1971.
61. Tabako, Strajk 88, 211.
62. See also Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 133.
63. The choice of the nation as a focus of political struggle was potentially problematic, as this was a discourse readily adopted by the communist leadership as well. See Kubik, Power of Symbols;
64. and Michael Checinski, Poland: Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, Tadeusz Szafar, trans. (New York, 1982).
65. Mischievously, Aniela indicates the depth of the current crisis by noting the shortage of sanitary pads and cotton: "Am I improper to raise this topic? Probably so . . . Thank God, there is the independent [underground] press! And that one can write in it not only about the idea of Independence! (because in the Catholic press one can almost - almost - write about the idea of Independence, but one does not mention sanitary pads.)" Wiadomości 252, September 27, 1987.
66. Joanna Goven argues that a conservative ideology of the family becomes central to anticommunist opposition, even as the state adopts a similar position. Goven, "Gendered Foundation of Hungarian Socialism," 13.
67. See also Lee Feigon, "Gender and the Chinese Student Movement," in Popular Protest and Political Culture in Modern China, Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Elizabeth J. Perry, eds., 2d edn. (Boulder, Colo., 1994), 125-35.
68. See Long, We All Fought for Freedom, chaps. 3-4.
69. See Penn, "National Secret."
70. Jacek Kuroń, Gwiezdny czas: Tom II wspomnień (London, 1991), 222, calls these women "the little girls" who kept Solidarity alive during martial law.
71. For a more subtle interpretation, see the comments of Bogdan Borusewicz and of Władysław Frasyniuk (who calls them "the nameless heroines") in Maciej Łopiński, Marcin Moskit, and Mariusz Wilk, Konspira: Rzecz o podziemnej "Solidarności" (Warsaw, 1989; 1st edn., Paris, 1984), 185-86.
72. See, for example, Jeffrey Kopstein, The Politics of Economic Decline in East Germany, 1945-1989 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1997), esp. chap. 2.
73. Bogdan Mieczkowski, Personal and Social Consumption in Eastern Europe: Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and East Germany (New York, 1975), 169-70;
74. T. Podgorski, "Poland's New Economic Policy and the Workers," Polish Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, April 7, 1970;
75. Michael Costello, "Poland on the Eve of the Eighth Plenum," Polish Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, February 1, 1971;
76. Michael Gamarnikow, "Economic Background of the Workers' Revolt in Poland," Polish Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, February 1, 1971;
77. Andrzej Jezierski and Barbara Petz, Historia gospodarcza Polski Ludowej 1944-1975 (Warsaw, 1980), 265-70.
78. Quoted in Laba, Roots of Solidarity, 29.
79. Kuroń and Żakowski, PRL dla pocza̧tkuja̧cych, 138.
80. Maria Hirszowicz, Coercion and Control in Communist Society: The Visible Hand in a Command Economy (New York, 1985), 121-24.
81. "Polish Workers and Party Leaders - A Confrontation," New Left Review 72 (March-April 1972): 38. This is a partial transcript of the meeting between Gierek (and other party leaders) and Szczecin strikers on January 25, 1971.
82. Kubik, Power of Symbols, 32-33;
83. Laba, Roots of Solidarity, 80-81.
84. Tabako, Strajk 88, 27, 24.
85. "Polish Workers and Party Leaders," 40.
86. The Polish national anthem. The rest of the line is "as long as we live."
87. Lech Wałȩsa, Droga nadziei (Kraków, 1989), 70-71.
88. Andrzej Woźnicki, "Łódzkie strajki," Solidarność ziemi łódzkiej 2, no. 7 (February 12, 1981).
89. Stefania Dziȩcielska-Machnikowska and Grzegorz Matuszak, "Łódź miȩdzy grudniem 1970 roku a lutym 1971 roku," Rocznik Łódzki 33 (1985): 227.
90. Antoni Dudek and Tomasz Marszałkowski, Walki uliczne w PRL 1956-1989 (Kraków, 1992), 137.
91. Tajne dokumenty Biura Politycznego: Grudzień 1970 (London, 1991), 202-03.
92. Laba, Roots of Solidarity, 81.
93. Some accounts place the confrontation not in the Grand Theater - where Dziȩcielska-Machnikowska and Matuszak ("Łódź," 254) say there were 1,200 workers - but in a subsequent informal encounter in the Marchlewski mill late that evening. Woźnicki, "Łódzkie strajki"; Poland, 1970-71: Capitalism and Class Struggle (Detroit, Mich., 1977), 98.
94. Laba, Roots of Solidarity, 82. The song, now known under the title "When the People Stand to Battle," was composed in 1836 as a rebuke to the nobility, which fought for its independence yet refused to emancipate the peasantry. It became a hymn of worker uprisings in the late nineteenth century and after.
95. Laba, Roots of Solidarity, 82.
96. "List z kraju na temat strajku w Łodzi," Radio Free Europe broadcast, April 19, 1971 (Facts and Views, 3417), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Archives, Budapest, III.6, p. 3.
97. Poland, 1970-71, 99.
98. I am indebted for this story to Grzegorz Sołtysiak, who shared with me his notes from an interview with Namiotkiewicz. Such a response would imply that Jaroszewicz was abusing the women rather than protecting them and was thus less masculine. Jaroszewicz's version, meanwhile, seems less than likely: he emerges as their avuncular protector: "I went [to Łódź] and found myself among hundreds of terribly upset and exhausted women, at that time working in conditions which made a mockery of the most elementary demands of hygiene and work safety. And they also made so little money! That night, I visited three large, old textile mills . . . I experienced a great deal, and learned a lot during that night shift. I also understood that it was necessary either to raise the pay of women in the textile mills - but this would provoke an avalanche of pay claims - or quickly to recall the price increase of December. We had no reserves for this, but I believed that if we could get rid of pay conflicts we could move forward . . . At a meeting of the Political Bureau I put forward a motion to recall the price increase. There was understanding, agreement, and support." Piotr Jaroszewicz and Bohdan Roliński, Przerywam milczenie . . . 1939-1989 (Warsaw, 1991), 171.
99. See also Janusz Rolicki, Edward Gierek: Przerwana dekada; Wywiad rzeka (Warsaw, 1990), 64. Notes from the Politbiuro meeting of February 15, 1971, made by Stefan Jȩdrychowski (and supplied to me by Grzegorz Soltysiak), are in the Archiwum Dokumentacji Historycznej PRL, Kolekcja Stefana Jédrychowskiego, J-I/3, Warsaw.
100. Kazimierz Zaworski and Zofia Zwolińska, "Łódź Textile Workers Reported on Strike," Polish Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, February 15, 1971.
101. The term is Barbara Jancar's. She writes that the women did not choose representatives to voice demands but shouted them from the floor, making real communication impossible. "The Łódź strike method," she concludes, "forced the regime to change its mind." Jancar, "Women in the Opposition in Poland and Czechoslovakia in the 1970s," in Sharon L. Wolchik and Alfred G. Meyer, eds., Women, State, and Party in Eastern Europe (Durham, N.C., 1985), 175. Jancar notes a similar strike in Żyrardów in 1981. Although it is hardly a necessary attribute of women's protest, non-hierarchical activism by women is particularly baffling for its state opponents.
102. See Barbara Einhorn's description of the East German "Women for Peace": "Socialist Emancipation: The Women's Peace Movement in the German Democratic Republic," in Kruks, et al., Promissory Notes, 298-300.
103. Woźnicki, "Łódzkie strajki";
104. Dziȩcielska-Machnikowska and Matuszak, "Łódź," 250-51.
105. "List z kraju na temat strajku w Łodzi," 4.
106. On the demonstration, see also Dudek and Marszałkowski, Walki uliczne, 136-38.
107. Interviews with veterans of the 1971 strike are all in the Slavic Collection, Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts (uncatalogued). That senior, skilled men took the lead is disputed by Łódź Solidarity leader Andrzej Słowik; interview with author, Łódź, February 3, 1997. Słowik points out that even by 1980 there were few workers left at the Marchlewski mill from 1971; it was such an antiquated mill that one went there to work "as punishment." The confused memories of the strike are similar to the memories of the shipyard strike of August 1980; see Long, We All Fought for Freedom.
108. Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 29-30, 46, 121, also 80-81.
109. See Temma Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy: Women in Grassroots Movements (New York, 1997). None of the works on women in Solidarity (see n. 4) discusses this issue, although each does look at individual women leaders like Anna Walentynowicz.
110. Zdzisław B., interview with author, Łódź, February 3, 1997. See also his interview of August 7, 1981, Slavic Collection, Harvard University Library (uncatalogued). One might also consider Poland's most famous strike, in Gdańsk in August 1980. Even though Lech Wałȩsa is remembered as that strike's leader, it was Alina Pieńkowska who urged him and the other strikers to continue their protest in solidarity with other factories after the shipyard's demands had been addressed on August 15. Long, We All Fought for Freedom, 30.
111. "List z kraju na temat strajku w Łodzi," 2.
112. See Ivan Volgyes and Nancy Volgyes, The Liberated Female: Life, Work, and Sex in Socialist Hungary (Boulder, Colo., 1977).
113. Karen Hagemann has described a similar division of protest in Weimar Germany, in which men engaged in "political" protests and women in protests on "everyday" issues; she reports a cross-class consensus upholding this division. Hagemann, "Men's Demonstrations and Women's Protest: Gender in Collective Action in the Urban Working-Class Milieu during the Weimar Republic," Gender and History 5 (Spring 1993): 101-19.
114. See also Lynne Viola, Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance (New York, 1996), chap. 6.
115. Tabako, Strajk 88, 69.
116. See also Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 127, 133.
117. Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 74.
118. On Gomulka's attitude toward consumerism, see Hirszowicz, Coercion and Control, 91-93.
119. Mieczkowski, Personal and Social Consumption in Eastern Europe, 124, 127, 130, 142-44.
120. Wojciech Lityński, interview, July 5, 1981, in uncatalogued materials, Slavic Department, Harvard University Library. Lityński's commentary suggests some sympathy for the minister: "I thought he would drop dead, but like a worldly guy he controlled himself" (myślałem że go szlag trafi, ale jako facet obyty opanował siȩ).
121. Kubik, Power of Symbols, 34.
122. One can imagine how women could stand up to Jaroszewicz given the pity felt by Maria Chmielewska as she watched him accompanying Gierek to Szczecin in January 1971: "After [Gierek and a group of workers] there ambled this old guy in a trenchcoat with the collar turned up, and that was Jaroszewicz. I recognized him, because that was my third vice-minister when I worked in Warsaw as a typist right after the war. So I'm looking - what do you know, it's Jaroszewicz! They let Gierek through on the stairs, so he could enter first, but Jaroszewicz got pretty crushed when they all crowded in. It really grabbed me that he walked along so modestly, and got so worked over on the stairs, really." Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 70.
123. On kissing hands, see Maria Bogucka, "Gesture, Ritual, and Social Order in Sixteenth- to Eighteenth-Century Poland," in A Cultural History of Gesture, Jan Bremmer and Herman Roodenburg, eds. (Ithaca, N.Y., 1992), 195-96.
124. Dudek and Marszałkowski, Walki uliczne, 144.
125. The following account is from Padraic Kenney, "Working-Class Community and Resistance in Pre-Stalinist Poland: The Poznański Textile Strike, Łódź, September 1947," Social History 18 (January 1993): 31-51.
126. Another example of community-based strikes occurred in mid-1946, when women in many of the same factories struck to protest a change in paydays from bi-weekly to semi-monthly. While the former method meant payment on the same day (usually Thursday) each time, the new system could result in pay being received on a Saturday, when stores were closed for the weekend. Authorities had underestimated the importance of reliably receiving one's pay in time for weekend shopping, and were forced to revert to the old method. See Kenney, Rebuilding Poland, 105.
127. On the importance of food preparation in strikes, see Long, We All Fought for Freedom, 152-55.
128. Karin Brodkin Sacks, in a study of resistance among women health-care workers in the United States, locates the source of this threat in "familistic values": "women learned in their families that work in the house and work for wages are not qualitatively different, and that the mental organization of both is a most significant source of pride and of adulthood." Sacks, "Gender and Grassroots Leadership," in Women and the Politics of Empowerment, Ann Bookman and Sandra Morgen, eds. (Philadelphia, 1988), 85.
129. Quote in Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 38-39. See also Maria Chmielewska's comment (p. 70), which likely refers to female office workers: "It is very hard for a woman to strike. Men have their clothes closets, and he can go there and just take a shower, put on overalls, but a woman - her hair is dirty, her pants are dirty." Other examples: 197, 223.
130. On attitudes of the regime toward workers, see Hanna Świda-Ziemba, "Robotnicy 1950," in Mechanizmy zniewalania społeczeństwa - Refleksje u schyłku formacji (Warsaw, 1990). This deal is discussed in greater detail in my Rebuilding Poland, chap. 5.
131. Gierek told his audience in Szczecin that his predecessor had constantly thwarted his desires to help Polish consumers. "From time to time we reproached Gomułka for being against buying more coffee, for instance. His only reply was: 'You don't like it? Chocolate and coffee are petty-bourgeois habits.'" "Polish Workers and Party Leaders," 52. His choice of illustration suggested that he expected workers to recognize that one could certainly not strike over luxuries, even if they were well deserved. The problem, he asked men to believe, was not really one of starving families.
132. Reading, Polish Women, 66-67, quoting Anna Walentynowicz.
133. Tabako, Strajk 88, 41.
134. Note, however, demands advanced in Gdańsk and Szczecin in August 1980 regarding maternity leave: Siemieńska, Płeć zawód polityka, 232-34.
135. Leszek Bȩdkowski, "Dlaczego do protestu doszło w Łodzi: Drugi dzień akcji 'Solidarności,'" Życie Warszany, July 29, 1981.
136. Associated Press report, July 23, 1981, in Radio Free Europe Archives, folder III.6; on the economic situation in general, see Stefania Dziȩcielska-Machnikowska and Grzegorz Matuszak, Czternaście łódzkich miesiȩcy: Studia socjologiczne sierpień 1980-wrzesień 1981 (Łódź, 1984), 151-55.
137. Słowik interview. Also see Małgorzata Bartyzel, "Fala łódzkich protestów," Tygodnik Solidarności 19 (August 7, 1981): 2, 15.
138. Słowik interview. See Jadwiga Staniszkis, Poland's Self-Limiting Revolution, Jan T. Gross, ed. (Princeton, N.J., 1984).
139. Dziécielska-Machnikowska and Matuszak, Czternaście łódzkich miesiȩcy, 169, 177.
140. Jerzy Holzer, "Solidarność" 1980-1981: Geneza i historia (Paris, 1984), 257.
141. Kuroń, Gwiezdny czas, 207.
142. Quoted in Dziȩcielska-Machnikowska and Matuszak, Czternaście łódzkich miesiȩcy, 177;
143. see also Trybuna ludu, July 31, 1981.
144. Trybuna ludu, July 29, 1981.
145. Holzer, Solidarność, 257-60;
146. Kuroń, Gwiezdny czas, 207-10.
147. On the strike, see Piotr Rachtan, "Strajk o honor," Tygodnik Solidarności 23 (September 4, 1981). The strikers' bitterest complaint was that they had been accused on national television of using violence against strikebreakers.
148. Kuroń, Gwiezdny czas, 213.
149. In the Olsztyn strike, it seems, Kuroń considered the men not to be members of the work force but of union bureaucracy.
150. Kuroń, Gwiezdny czas, 211.
151. Jaruzelski quoted in Jan B. de Weydenthal, "Poland's Parliament Ratifies the State of Emergency," Polish Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, January 29, 1982.
152. See also RFE reports from January 14, 1982, and August 25, 1982, among others. Cam Hudson, "Can the Soviet Union Quench Poland's Thirst for Economic Assistance?" Background Report, Radio Free Europe Research, March 16, 1982.
153. Wojciech Jaruzelski, Stan wojenny: Dlaczego . . . (Warsaw, 1992), 4-5; see also 16-17: in contrast to the standard practice of communist leaders when they chose to make "informal" public appearances, Jaruzelski places more emphasis on his visits to stores, where he met consumers, than on his visits to factories.
154. Szejnert and Zalewski, Szczecin, 110.
155. On the Polish economy during martial law, see George Kolankiewicz and Paul G. Lewis, Poland: Politics, Economics, and Society (London, 1988), chap. 4;
156. and George Sanford, Military Rule in Poland: The Rebuilding of Communist Power, 1981-1983 (New York, 1986), chap. 4.
157. On the rhetoric of martial law, see Grzegorz Ekiert, The State against Society: Political Crises and Their Aftermath in East Central Europe (Princeton, N.J., 1996), 297;
158. Michal Głowiński, Mowa stanu oblȩżenia (Warsaw, 1996);
159. and Jancar, "Women in the Opposition," 183; she cites, among others, Václav Havel.
160. Martial law was still in effect, although it had been suspended a few months previously; it ended formally in July.
161. Trybuna ludu, March 9, 1983; March 17, 1983.
162. Trybuna ludu, March 11, 1983.
163. Krystyna Niedzielska, Women in Contemporary Poland: A Sketch to a Portrait (Warsaw, 1985),
164. quoted in Reading, Polish Women, 37; see also 106-11.
165. Trybuna ludu, March 10, 1983.
166. Trybuna ludu, May 27, 1983.
167. Trybuna ludu, October 19, 1983. The total cost was roughly equivalent to 100 million U.S. dollars.
168. Reading, Polish Women, plate 3.
169. On the association of the Marchlewski/Poznański mill with Czȩstochowa, see Kenney, Rebuilding Poland, 121.
170. Trybuna ludu, October 22-23, 1983.
171. Maria Dmochowska (a doctor and a member of Parliament), interview with author, Łódź, February 3, 1997.