Understanding inclusive peace agreements in Africa: The problems of sharing power

Third World Quarterly

Volumn 21, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 105-118

  Spears, Ian S ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

^b NONE   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CONFLICT MANAGEMENT; ETHNIC CONFLICT; PEACE PROCESS;

AFRICA;

EID: 0343340420     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436590013251     Document Type: Article

References (32)

1. On this issue see BF Walter, 'The critical barrier to civil war settlement', International Organization, 51 (3), 1997, pp 335-364.
2. K Annan, 'Annan: this may be a turning point for Africa', Globe and Mail (Toronto), 18 May 1998, p A11.
3. SE Rice, US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa, House International Relations Committee, Washington DC, 15 September 1998. See also 'Central African conflict and its implications for Africa and for the future of US policy goals and strategies', Testimony, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on African Affairs, 8, June 1999.
4. IW Zartman, 'Dynamics and constraints in negotiations in internal conflicts', in IW Zartman (ed), Elusive Peace: Negotiating an End to Civil Wars, Washington, DC: Brookings, 1995, pp 22-23.
5. M Ottaway, 'Democratization in collapsed states', in I W Zartman (ed), Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995, p 248.
6. Cited in H Marais, 'ANC tells allies to stay in line', Globe and Mail, 3, July 1988, p A10.
7. Lijphart cites Lebanon (1943-75), Malaysia (1955-69), Columbia (1958-74), Cyprus (1960-63, but considered by Lijphart to have been a failure) and South Africa (1994). See A Lijphart, 'Prospects for power-sharing in the new South Africa', in Andrew Reynolds (ed), Elections '94: South Africa, London: James Currey, 1994, pp 224-225;
8. and A Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration, New Haven, CT: Yale University, 1977, ch 5.
9. A Lijphart, 'Consociational democracy', World Politics, 21 (2), 1969, pp 212-213.
10. For alternatives to Lijphart's consociationalism, see also D L Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society, Berkeley, CA: University of California, 1991.
11. Lijphart, 'Consociational democracy', p 217.
12. RH Jackson & CG Rosberg, 'Why Africa's weak states persist: the empirical and juridical in statehood', World Politics, 35 (1), 1982, pp 1-24.
13. D Rothchild & MW Foley, 'African states and the politics of inclusive coalitions', in D Rothchild & N Chazan (eds), The Precarious Balance: State and Society in Africa, Boulder, CO: Westview, 1988, pp 238-243.
14. See, for example, J Prendergast & M Duffield, Liberation Politics and External Engagement in Ethiopia and Eritrea, Discussion Paper #8, Horn of Africa Discussion Paper Series, Washington, DC: Center of Concern, April 1995.
15. J Savimbi, 'I have no secret agenda', New York Times, 30 October 1989, p 19.
16. See also comments on power sharing in Namibia by the UN Special Representative to Angola, Margaret Anstee in Orphan of the Cold War: The Inside Story of the Collapse of the Angolan Peace Process, 1992-93, New York: St Martin's, 1996, p 519.
17. In an oft-quoted remark, W H Riker argues that political parties 'seek to maximise only up to the point of subjective certainty of winning. After that point they seek to minimise, that is, to maintain themselves at the size (as subjectively estimated) of a minimum winning coalition.' Ritzer, The Theory of Political Coalitions, New Haven, CT: Yale University, 1962, p 33.
18. Anstee, Orphan of the Cold War, p 147.
19. Cited in R Lemarchand, Rwanda and Burundi, New York: Praeger, 1970, p 169.
20. In this respect, see Prendergast & Duffield, Liberation Politics, p 10.
21. This comment was made to the author in a confidential interview with a foreign diplomat close to the Rwandan peace process, 13 November 1998.
22. IW Zartman, 'Dynamics and constraints in negotiations in internal conflicts', in Zartman, Elusive Peace, pp 17-18.
23. BD Jones, 'Civil war, the peace process, and genocide in Rwanda', in Taisier M Ali & Robert O Matthews (eds), Civil Wars in Africa: Roots and Resolution, Montreal: McGill-Queen's, 1999, pp 69-70.
24. Rothchild discusses the essentialist perception 'whereby ethnic leaders and groups view others as fundamentally threatening to their physical, cultural, or social survival, they tend to regard any compromises on their part as weakening their position', See, D Rothchild, 'Hegemonial exchange: an alternative model for managing conflict in middle Africa', in D L Thompson & D Ronen (eds), Ethnicity, Politics and Development, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1986, pp 87-89.
25. Walter, 'The critical barrier to civil war settlement', p 361.
26. Consider, for example, the difficulties the government of Robert Mugabe has had in Zimbabwe following the recent introduction of Zimbabwean troops into the war in Congo-Kinshasa. Similarly, even Nigeria has shown an interested in reducing its involvement in Sierra Leone.
27. See, for example, G O'Donnell & PC Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins, 1986, pp 15-17.
28. My thanks to BD Jones for illustrating this point to me - though using slightly different terms.
29. Interviews were conducted in Angola with UNITA and MPLA members of the GURN in November and December 1997.
30. TD Sisk, Democratization in South Africa: The Elusive Social Contract, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 1995, pp 16-20.
31. SJ Stedman, 'Conflict and conflict resolution in Africa: a conceptual framework' in FM Deng & IW Zartman (eds), Conflict Resolution in Africa Washington, DC: Brookings, 1991, pp 371-372.
32. L Diamond, 'Nigeria: pluralism, statism and the struggle for democracy', in L Diamond, JJ Linz & SM Lipset (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol 2, Africa, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1988, p 69.