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Volumn 23, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 1-24

State subsidies to political parties: Confronting rhetoric with reality

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

PARTY POLITICS; POLITICAL SYSTEM; SUBSIDY SYSTEM;

EID: 0342646954     PISSN: 01402382     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01402380008425381     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (96)

References (62)
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    • note
    • It appears that the initial opposition of the Norwegian Conservative Party to state subsidies for party organisations was not motivated by its own financial strength. On the contrary, Sejersted has shown that the central office of the Conservative Party was constantly in financial difficulties. However, state funding for parties as such was seen as blurring the distinction between the state and the voluntary associations of society. Albinsson has shown that the Swedish Conservative Party was initially of the same opinion.
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    • The Norwegian Constitution of 1814 for example specified that MPs could travel free of charge and would receive allowances
    • The Norwegian Constitution of 1814 for example specified that MPs could travel free of charge and would receive allowances.
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    • 'Belgium', in ibid.
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    • 'Italy', in ibid.
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    • Italy abolished state subsidies to parties in 1994, following a referendum. At the time of writing, attempts to re-introduce party subventions have been unsuccessful.
    • A number of political scandals in France, Belgium, Spain and Italy in during the'early 1990s reveal extensive covert and illegal financial activities of parties discrediting official party data. Bardi and Morlini report that illegal contributions to Italian parties were probably ten times the official party figures. Luciano Bardi and Leonardo Morlini, 'Italy: Tracing the Roots of the Great Transformation', in Katz and Mair (eds.). How Parties Organize, p.260, Italy abolished state subsidies to parties in 1994, following a referendum. At the time of writing, attempts to re-introduce party subventions have been unsuccessful.
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    • This also now applies to France
    • This also now applies to France.
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    • Since 1998 parties must make available information about the sources of their income.
    • Since 1998 parties must make available information about the sources of their income.
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    • note
    • Comments to Figure 1: The vertical axis represent indexes on total party membership. Index=100 at the year of introduction of public subsidies. The indexes are averages of the respective index for different party families. The horizontal axis represents the years, where year 0 is the year of the introduction of state subsidies, negative years are years before the introduction and positive years after the introduction. For Denmark we have used the year of introduction of parliamentary subsidies, for other countries the year of introduction of subsidies to central party organisations. Included parties are as follows: Christian Democratic parties: Christian People's Party (Norway), DC (Italy), CDU/CSU (West Germany), ÖVP (Austria). Liberal parties: FPÖ (Austria), Venstre (Denmark), Folkpartiet (Sweden), PLI (Italy), and FDP (West Germany). Socialist parties: SPD (West Germany), Arbeiderpartiet (Norway), Socialdemokraterna (Sweden), Socialdemokratiet (Denmark), Suomen Sosialidemokrattiinen Puolue (Finland), PSI (Italy), and SPÖ (Austria). Conservative parties: Hoyre (Norway), Konservative Folkeparti (Denmark), Moderata Samlingspartiet (Sweden), Kansallinen Kokoomus (Finland). Source: Data from Katz and Mair (eds.), Party Organizations, reanalysed by the present authors. We have also conducted a similar analysis comparing membership development in different national contexts. There had been a negative membership trend in Sweden prior to the introduction of party subsidies, but in Germany the trend was positive, and in other countries it is difficult to speak of any trend at all. The development after the subsidies had been introduced has either been stable or negative. The only exception is Germany, where the positive trend continued. Thus, on the country level, there is no general support for the hypothesis of party subsidies as a response to a membership decline; nor is there anything to suggest that the introduction of subsidies had a systematic and general effect on membership development.
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