Immigrants, labor markets, and the state, a comparative approach: France and the United States, 1880-1930

Journal of American History

Volumn 86, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 41-66

  Collomp, Catherine ^a  

^a UNIVERSITÉ PARIS DESCARTES   (France)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0242381025     PISSN: 00218723     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2567406     Document Type: Review

References (151)

1. Dominique Schnapper, "Centralisme et fédéralisme culturel: Les émigrés italiens en France et aux Etats-Unis" (Centralism and cultural federalism: Italian immigrants in France and the United States), Annales ESC (Paris), 29 (Sept.-Oct. 1974), 1141-60;
2. Diana Pinto, "Immigration: L'ambigüité de la référence américaine" (Immigration: The ambiguity of the American example), Pouvoirs (Paris), 47 (Nov. 1988), 93-103;
3. Nancy L. Green, "L'immigration en France et aux Etats-Unis: Historiographie comparée" (Immigration to France and to the United States: Comparative historiography), Vingtième Siècle (Paris), 29 (Jan.-March 1991), 67-81;
4. Donald D. Horowitz and Gérard Noiriel, eds., Immigrants in Two Democracies: French and American Experience (New York, 1992).
5. For a recent French account of the American model of cultural diversity, see Denis Lacorne, La crise de l'identité américaine: Du melting pot au multiculturalisme (The crisis of American identity: From melting pot to multi-culturalism) (Paris, 1997).
6. Lacorne takes stock of the debate on multiculturalism revealed, for example, in David A. Hollinger, Postethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism (New York, 1995);
7. Arthur Schlesinger Jr., The Disuniting of America (New York, 1992);
8. Werner Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in American Culture (New York, 1986);
9. Werner Sollors, The Invention of Ethnicity (New York, 1989);
10. Lawrence Fuchs, American Kaleidoscope: Race, Ethnicity, and the Civic Culture (Hanover, 1990);
11. and Richard D. Alba, Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America (New Haven, 1990).
12. Gérard Noiriel, The French Melting Pot: Immigration, Citizenship, and National Identity, trans. Geoffroy de Laforcade (Minneapolis, 1996);
13. e siècle (Population, immigration, and national identity in France, 19th-20th centuries) (Paris, 1992);
14. Patrick Weil, La France et ses étrangers: L'aventure d'une politique d'immigration, 1938-1991 (France and its foreigners: The adventure of immigration policy) (Paris, 1991);
15. Dominique Schnapper, La communauté des citoyens: Sur l'idée moderne de nation (The community of citizens: The modern idea of the nation) (Paris, 1994);
16. Sophie Body Gendrot, Les villes face à l'insécurité: Des ghettos américains aux banlieues françaises (Cities and insecurity: From American ghettos to French industrial suburbs) (Paris, 1998);
17. Alec G. Hargreaves, Immigration, "Race," and Ethnicity in Contemporary France (London, 1995).
18. Debate in France on the irrelevance of "political correctness" to French political and academic culture is another example of the asymmetry between French and American understanding of the construction of national identities. See Eric Fassin, "La chaire et le canon: Les intellectuels, la politique et l'université aux Etats-Unis" (The chair and the canon: Intellectuals, politics and academia in the United States), Annales ESC (Paris), 48 (March-April 1993), 265-301;
19. Denis Lacorne, "Des coups de canon dans le vide? La 'civilisation occidentale' dans les universités américaines" (Thunder in the canon: "Western civilization" in American universities), Vingtième Siècle (Paris), 43 (July-Sept. 1994), 4-18;
20. Marie Christine Granjon, "Le regard en biais: Attitudes françaises et multi-culturalisme américain, 1990-1993" (An oblique glance: French attitudes to American multiculturalism), Vingtième Siècle (ibid., 18-30;
21. and Eric Fassin,"Political correctness en version originale française: Un malentendu révélateur" (Political correctness in French version: Cultural misunderstandings), Vingtième Siècle (ibid., 30-43.
22. See, for example, Gary Gerstle, "Liberty, Coercion, and the Making of Americans," Journal of American History, 84 (Sept. 1997), 524-58;
23. Gary Gerstle, "The Power of Nations," Journal of American History, ," ibid., 576-80;
24. David Hollinger, "National Solidarity at the End of the Twentieth Century: Reflections on the United States and Liberal National-ism," ," Journal of American History, ibid., 559-69;
25. Donna Gabaccia, "Liberty, Coercion, and the Making of Immigration Historians," ," Journal of American History, ibid., 570-75;
26. Rüssel A. Kazal, "Revisiting Assimilation: The Rise, Fall, and Reappraisal of a Concept in American Ethnic History," American Historical Review, 100 (Winter 1995), 38-75;
27. Ewa Morawska, "In Defense of the Assimilation Model," Journal of American Ethnic History, 13 (Winter 1994), 76-87;
28. and Kathleen Neils Conzen et al., "The Invention of Ethnicity: A Perspective from the USA," ," Journal of American Ethnic History, ibid., 12 (Fall 1992), 3-63.
29. Gerstle, "Liberty, Coercion, and the Making of Americans," esp. 527;
30. Gerstle, "Power of Nations";
31. Green, "L'immigration en France et aux Etats-Unis."
32. For a systematic comparison, see Nancy L. Green, Ready-to-Wear and Ready-to-Work: A Century of Industry and Immigrants in Paris and New York (Durham, 1997).
33. For a seminal article on historical comparisons, see Marc Bloch, "Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes" (Toward a comparative history of European societies), in Marc Bloch, Mélanges historiques (Historical miscellany) (1928; 2 vols., Paris, 1963), I, 16-40.
34. Subsequent immigration to the United States was also motivated by employers' quest for labor. But this article refers to the time when immigration to France and the United States was most massive and more comparable, that is, before the Great Depression. For the relevance of the later Bracero program to arguments in this paper, see below, notes 22 and 53.
35. Gérard Noiriel was the first French historian to introduce immigration as a subject of historical inquiry. Gérard Noiriel, La tyrannie du national: Le droit d'asile en Europe, 1793-1993 (The tyranny of the national: The right of asylum in Europe, 1793-1993) (Paris, 1991), 84-100;
36. Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, Eng., 1985);
37. Charles Bright and Susan Harding, eds., State-making and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory (Ann Arbor, 1987). The role of the state in the integration of immigrants could also be approached by studying public schools, but this subject is more obvious and less relevant to the divergence between French and American patterns of integration than the role of the state (or its absence) in connecting immigrants to the labor market.
38. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (2 vols., Washington, 1970), I, 105-9.
39. Gérard Noiriel, Workers in French Society in the XIXth and XXth Centuries, trans. Helen McPhail (New York, 1990), 119-23.
40. For the remark of Philippe Ariès, see Gérard Noiriel, Workers in French Society in the XIXth and XXth Centuries, ibid., 121.
41. For the United States figures, see U.S. Congress, 57 Cong., Reports of the Industrial Commission, vol. XV: Immigration (Washington, 1901), xxii;
42. U.S. Congress, 61 Cong., Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. I: Abstract of Reports (Washington, 1911), 297-313.
43. For the French figures, see Noiriel, Workers in French Society, trans. McPhail, 123-26.
44. William Oualid, "L'immigration ouvrière en France et ses causes" (The causes of labor migrations in France), Revue d'Economie Politique (Paris), 42 (Nov.-Dec. 1928), 1455-80.
45. Gary Cross finds some correlation between the reduced migration of Poles to the United States after the establishment of the quota system and the increase in Polish migration to France and Germany. See Gary Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France: The Making of a New Laboring Class (Philadelphia, 1983), 61.
46. Local studies on networks of emigration in the countries of origin could show whether migration to France was only an alternative to emigration to the United States or Canada. For instance, the Société Générale d'Immigration established its office in Myslowice in the buildings formerly used by a Polish recruiting society that had sent migrants to the United States before 1914. See Jeanine Ponty, Polonais méconnus: Histoire des travailleurs immigrés en France dans l'entre-deux-guerres (Polish migrants: History of immigrant workers in France between the wars) (Paris, 1988), 69.
47. In contrast, Italian mass migration to France in the 1920s was an amplification of the border and seasonal migration of earlier decades. See Pierre Georges, "L'immigration italienne en France de 1920 à 1939: Aspects démographiques et sociaux" (Italian immigration to France from 1920 to 1939: Demographic and social aspects), in Les Italiens en France de 1914 à 1940 (Italians in France, 1914-1940), ed. Pierre Milza (Rome, 1986), 47-67.
48. Albert Thomas, "Preface," in Marcel Paon, L'immigration en France (Immigration in France) (Paris, 1926);
49. André Pairault, L'immigration organisée et l'emploi de la main-d'oeuvre en France (Organized immigration and labor management in France) (Paris, 1926), 299-303;
50. Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 173-77;
51. Charles Lambert, La France et les étrangers: Dépopulation, immigration, naturalisation (France and its foreigners: Depopulation, immigration, and naturalization) (Paris, 1928), 96.
52. The preface to this book, written by the then minister of public education, Edouard Herriot, extolled American methods of organizing immigration. See also Charles Lambert, "Preface," in Jacques Lidji and A. Le Moal, Manuel de l'étranger (Manual for the foreigner) (Paris, 1928), 11.
53. Jean Charles Bonnet, La pouvoirs publics français et l'immmigration dans l'entre-deux-guerres (Public administration and immigration in France between the wars) (Lyons, 1977).
54. Albert Thomas, a close follower of the Socialist Jean Jaurès, became the founder of the International Labor Office; Charles Lambert, a Radical in the Chamber of Deputies, was appointed high commissioner of immigration by Edouard Herriot in 1926, under the first Cartel des Gauches (left-wing coalition) government. These officials were members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme, which fundamentally shaped French immigration policy. See Bonnet, Pouvoirs publics, 70-85;
55. Paon, L'immigration en France;
56. and Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 173-77.
57. States passed social legislation concerning the welfare of mothers and children and the length of the working day, but the federal government did not initiate any social program until the New Deal. The Owen Keating Act of 1916 had banned child labor nationally, but in 1922 the Supreme Court found it unconstitutional, abolishing the single effort at national social legislation. Of all social problems, only immigration was within the competency of the federal government. Thus, after 1882, the acts passed to restrict its flow, disconnected as they were from a broader concern for American workers, operated in a vacuum of liberalism. On the origins and limits of social policy in the Progressive Era, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
58. On the Wilson administration and labor, see Joseph Anthony McCartin, Labor's Great War: The Struggle for Industrial Democracy and the Origins of Modern American Labor Relations, 1912-1921" (Chapel Hill, 1997);
59. Noiriel, Tyrannie du national, 63.
60. Designed "to restrain unjustified migration" and to prevent vagrancy by agitators, the card was delivered at border and police stations. It is significant that the bearing of identity cards in France began with the identification of foreign workers. See Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 40-41;
61. and Noiriel, French Melting Pot, trans. Laforcade, 61-63 .
62. Georges Mauco, Les étrangers en France (Foreigners in France) (Paris, 1932), 111-32;
63. Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 45-70;
64. Bonnet, Pouvoirs publics;
65. Pairault, L'immigration organisée;
66. Yves Lequin, La mosaïque France: Histoire des étrangers et de l'immigration en France (French mosaic: A history of foreigners and immigration in France) (Paris, 1988), 343-52.
67. The relation between economic cycles and the rhythm of immigration has long been demonstrated. See Harry Jerome, Migration and the Business Cycle (New York, 1926);
68. and Brinley Thomas, Migration and Economic Growth (Cambridge, Eng., 1954).
69. More recent scholars have emphasized the role of migrants in regulating the migration of newcomers. On kinship, chain migration, and the American labor market, see Dirk Hoerder, ed., Labor Migration in the Atlantic Economies: The European and the North American Working Classes during the Period of Industrialization (Westport, 1985);
70. Dirk Hoerder, "International Labor Markets and Community Building by Migrant Workers," in A Century of European Migrations, 1830-1930, ed. Rudolph J. Vecoli and Suzanne M. Sinke (Urbana, 1991), 78-107;
71. and John Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington, 1985), 57-71.
72. An agreement with Germany was thus rejected. The Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), the main federation of labor unions, had maintained that recruiting German workers was a just form of reparation. But the Ministry of Foreign Affairs refused the proposal, which had also aroused the opposition of the political Right. See Bonnet, Pouvoirs publics, 102.
73. Mauco, Etrangers en France, 111-32, and esp. 586.
74. Recruitment of Mexican workers under the Bracero program (1942-1964) is an exception to this generalization. Like the French policy of recruitment, it was established in wartime, but, unlike the French case, it ended because of opposition from organized labor. The contract labor system in the United States (1864-1885), described below, did not involve agreements between the sending and receiving countries.
75. For a literary expression of this attitude, see Henry Roth, Call It Sleep (1934; London, 1977), esp. 9-16.
76. The description of labor agents as "slave traders" is from the president of the Confédération Générale du Travail, Léon Jouhaux. See Le Peuple, March 4, 1925;
77. Confédération Générale du Travail, Report of the National Committee, March 16-17, 1925, quoted in Mauco, Etrangers en France, 117.
78. The Polish Office of Emigration, the Service of Emigration in Rome, the Czech and Slovak labor agencies, the Royal Commission of Emigration in Serbia, the Austrian Office of Emigration, and the federal government in Switzerland established contacts with the French Société Générale d'Immigration (SGI) and sent orders to regional offices of emigration within their countries. The latter then recruited migrants and organized transportation to the French border or let the SGI take charge of it.
79. Mauco, Etrangers en France, 115;
80. Jean B. Guittera, Le contrat type pour l'emploi des travailleurs étrangers en France (The work contract for the employment of immigrant workers in France) (Paris, 1924);
81. Henri Ripert, Le contrat de travail et la main-d'oeuvre étrangère (The work contract and foreign labor) (Marseilles, 1921).
82. In the United States, in contrast, immigration reinforced the "segmentation" of labor markets; see David M. Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (Cambridge, Eng., 1982).
83. Mauco, Etrangers en France, 132.
84. Charlotte Erickson, American Industry and the European Immigrant, 1865-1885 (New York, 1957);
85. Catherine Collomp, Entre classe et nation: Mouvement ouvrier et immigration aux Etats-Unis, 1880-1920 (Between class and nation: The labor movement and immigration in the United States) (Paris, 1998), 145-75.
86. The Knights of Labor was the organization most vocal and active in demanding abolition of the contract labor system. The highly skilled glassworkers of Local Assembly 300 (the only local to bring evidence of recruitment of workers under contract) monitored the order's testimony to Congress. But the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (FOTLU), founded in 1881, also joined the campaign: its leaders testified to the Senate Committee on Education and Labor in 1883, condemning the contract labor system. See U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Education and Labor, Report on the Relations between Labor and Capital, 48 Cong., 1885, esp. vol. I;
87. "The Contract Labor System," in New Jersey Bureau of Statistics of Labor and Industries, Seventh Annual Report (Trenton, 1884), 275-81.
88. For a survey of reports by state bureaus of labor on "alien contract workers," see Carroll D. Wright, Index to All Reports Issued by Bureaus of Labor Statistics in the United States (1902; Westport, 1976), 17-18, 66-67.
89. Abram S. Hewitt, Iron and Labor: Presidential Address at the New York Meeting of the American Institute of Mining Engineers (n.p., 1890), 24, brochure (library of the Musée Social, Paris).
90. After the Foran Act, Italian padroni may have become more useful to employers because they circumvented the anti-contract labor regulation by recruiting teams of Italian laborers via Canada, which did not have such restrictions. Gunther Peck, "Reinventing Free Labor: Immigrant Padrones and Contract Laborers in North America, 1885-1925," Journal of American History, 83 (Dec. 1996), 848-71.
91. Catherine Collomp, "Unions, Civics, and National Identity: Organized Labor's Reaction to Immigration, 1881-1897," Labor History, 29 (Fall 1988), 450-75.
92. For Terence V. Powderly's speech, see Knights of Labor, Proceedings of the General Assembly (1884), 575-77,
93. reprinted in George McNeill, The Labor Movement: The Problem of Today (1887; New York, 1971), 419-21, esp. 419.
94. Collomp, "Unions, Civics, and National Identity."
95. Knights of Labor, Proceedings of the General Assembly (1884), 575-77
96. in McNeill, Labor Movement, 420-21.
97. "President's Report" in American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1891 Convention, p. 15,
98. in American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of Conventions, 1881-1908 (microfilm, University Microfilms International), reel 1.
99. On the American history of the concept of wage slavery, see David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991);
100. and Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York, 1995).
101. Christopher Tomlins, Labor Law and Ideology in the Early American Republic (Cambridge, Eng., 1993);
102. David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market during the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Eng., 1993).
103. American employers were not organized enough to present their views to the federal government with a single voice, nor did they want its intervention in labor markets. The American Immigrant Company, which after 1864 recruited workers in Europe, did not centralize its operations efficiently. Later, employers' discourse on immigration was not far removed from organized labor's: although it favored unrestricted immigration, it used the same language on "freedom" of immigration. See, for instance, the debate at the 1905 National Civic Federation conference on immigration, "Is There an Immigration Peril?," National Civic Federation Review, 2 (June 1905), 1-8;
104. "The Great Problem of Immigration," National Civic Federation Review, ibid. (Dec. 1905), 1-3;
105. "The National Conference of Immigration," National Civic Federation Review, ibid. (Jan.-Feb. 1906), 1-6, 14-18;
106. "The Immigration Department Organized for WorkNational Civic Federation Review, ," ibid. (July-Aug. 1906), 7-8;
107. "Problems Presented by Incoming Aliens," National Civic Federation Review, ibid. (Nov.-Dec. 1906), 3-7.
108. In 1894, American Federation of Labor (AFL) delegates asserted that "further immigration restriction [was] unnecessary except in keeping out contract laborers, criminals other than political, and those who are apt to become a public charge." See American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1894 Convention, pp. 47, 51,
109. in American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of Conventions, reel 1. In 1897 the AFL adopted the principle of a literacy test to restrict immigration.
110. See American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1897 Convention, pp. 56-57, 90-91,
111. American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1897 Convention, pp. 56-57, 90-91,ibid.;
112. and American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1902 Convention, p. 21,
113. American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the 1902 Convention, p. 21,ibid. To sidestep the ban on contract labor, immigrants were taught to avoid mentioning to Ellis Island officials that a job was awaiting them in the United States.
114. See, for instance, Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers: The Journey of the East European Jews to America and the Life They Found and Made (New York, 1976), 44-45.
115. Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1971);
116. Gwendolyn Mink, Old Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party, and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca, 1986);
117. Collomp, "Unions, Civics, and National Identity."
118. Marcus Lee Hansen, The Immigrant in American History, ed. A. M. Schlesinger (Cambridge, Mass., 1940);
119. Marcus Lee Hansen, The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860: A History of the Continuing Settlement of the United States, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger (Cambridge, Mass., 1940).
120. The immigrant also appears as a symbol of the American nation in Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migration that Made the American People (Boston, 1951).
121. For the newer view, see Bodnar, Transplanted, 1-56.
122. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, I, 106.
123. Organized labor was not alone in expressing nativist hostility to "new immigrants." See John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New York, 1955).
124. James Barrett suggests that "to overdraw the point, it was possible to be a 'good union man' and at the same time a racist, a nativist, and a chauvinist." See James Barrett, "Americanization from the Bottom Up: Immigration and the Remaking of the Working Class in the United States, 1880-1930," Journal of American History, 79 (Dec. 1992), 996-1020, esp. 1002.
125. The AFL started changing its attitude toward political action in 1906 and more specifically in 1908 by encouraging its members to support the Democratic party. Julie Greene, Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881-1917 (Cambridge, Eng., 1998), 107-214.
126. Yet the voluntarism of Samuel Gompers was grounded in classic economic liberalism. Collomp, Entre classe et nation, 299-304.
127. Gompers exulted that "the passage of the Immigration law, the last demand removed from the list [of grievances], illustrates the distinctive political power which organized labor has developed since 1906." Samuel Gompers, "Immigration Legislation Effected," American Federationist, 24 (March 1917), 189.
128. Michelle Perrot, Les ouvriers en grève, France, 1871-1890 (Workers on strike: France, 1871-1890) (2 vols., Paris, 1974), I, 164-75;
129. Jules Guesde, Le Citoyen, May 7, 1882,
130. quoted Jules Guesde, Le Citoyen, ibid., 175. The Parti Ouvrier Français favored a collectivist revolutionary socialism based on trade-union power.
131. Paul Gemähling, Travailleurs au rabais, la lutte syndicale contre les sousconcurrences ouvrières (Low-wage labor: The trade union struggle against worker competition) (Paris, 1910), 218;
132. René Martial, Traité de l'immigration et la greffe inter-raciale (A treatise on immigration and interracial grafting) (Paris, 1931), 154;
133. Ralph Schorr, L'opinion française et les étrangers, 1919-1939 (French public opinion and foreigners, 1919-1939) (Paris, 1985), 257-59.
134. Mauco, Etrangers en France, 475;
135. Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 147.
136. Schorr, L'opinion française et les étrangers, 239-56;
137. Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 144-48.
138. The 1884 act that legalized unions also prohibited foreigners from voting for, or being elected to, leadership positions in them. See Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 31.
139. Schorr, L'opinion française et les étrangers, 239-56;
140. Cross, Immigrant Workers in Industrial France, 144-48.
141. See, for instance, Melech Epstein, Jewish Labor in the U.S.A.: An Industrial, Political, and Cultural History (New York, 1953);
142. Howe, World of Our Fathers;
143. Joseph Brandes, "From Sweatshop to Stability: Jewish Labor between Two World Wars," Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, 16 (1976), 1-150;
144. Susan Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, 1990);
145. and Steve Fraser, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York, 1991). A thorough comparison of Jewish labor in France and the United States would consider additional questions. Nancy Green suggests that Jewish workers in Paris often organized their own unions or had to fend for themselves against reluctant French unionists. There is more similarity between Jewish workers' unions on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean than between the integration into local labor movements of Italians or Poles in the United States and France.
146. But there was a higher incidence of "free" (or noncontractual) immigration to France among Jews than among the latter two groups. See Nancy Green, The Pletzl of Paris: Jewish Immigrant Workers in the Belle Epoque (New York, 1986).
147. René Gallissot, Nadir Boumaza, and Ghislaine Clément, Ces migrants qui font le prolétariat (Migrants and the making of the proletariat) (Paris, 1994), 50;
148. Thomas Göbel, "Becoming American: Ethnic Workers and the Rise of the CIO," Labor History, 29 (Spring 1988), 173-99;
149. Liz Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 (Cambridge, Eng., 1990).
150. For a similar comparison, see Ira Katznelson, "Working-Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Evans, Rueschmeyer, and Skocpol, 256-84.
151. It is only then that bilateral contractual immigration was established through the Bracero program with Mexico, for instance. Wartime alliances also changed the United States attitude to immigration from Asian countries and led to the relaxation of Chinese exclusion and, conversely, to the internment of people of Japanese origin.