Making Sense of Social History

Journal of Social History

Volumn 37, Issue 1, 2003, Pages

  Smith, Mark M ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA   (United States)

^b Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0141860829     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2003.0159     Document Type: Review

References (122)

1. Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Martin Milligan, trans. (Buffalo, 1988), 108-109.
2. Eric Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society, " in his On History (New York, 1997), 93. The essay was originally presented at a conference on Historical Studies Today in Rome in 1970 and subsequently published in Daedalus, 100 (1971): 20-45. In 1980, Peter N. Stearns also used Hobsbawm's essay as a starting point and found that, for some reasons different to those offered in this essay, there was good cause for social historians to be enthusiastic about the importance of their work. See Peter N. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision: Trends in Social History," in Michael Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, 1980), 205.
3. Eric Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society, " in his On History (New York, 1997), 93. The essay was originally presented at a conference on Historical Studies Today in Rome in 1970 and subsequently published in Daedalus, 100 (1971): 20-45. In 1980, Peter N. Stearns also used Hobsbawm's essay as a starting point and found that, for some reasons different to those offered in this essay, there was good cause for social historians to be enthusiastic about the importance of their work. See Peter N. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision: Trends in Social History," in Michael Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, 1980), 205.
4. Eric Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society, " in his On History (New York, 1997), 93. The essay was originally presented at a conference on Historical Studies Today in Rome in 1970 and subsequently published in Daedalus, 100 (1971): 20-45. In 1980, Peter N. Stearns also used Hobsbawm's essay as a starting point and found that, for some reasons different to those offered in this essay, there was good cause for social historians to be enthusiastic about the importance of their work. See Peter N. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision: Trends in Social History," in Michael Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, 1980), 205.
5. On intellectual history, see, for example, the essays in Charles Burnett, Michael Fend, and Penelope Gouk, eds., The Second Sense: Studies in Hearing and Musical Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century (London, 1991). On the history of medicine, see W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses (Cambridge, 1993). For an historian of aurality who is indebted to linguistic analysis, see Paul Carter, The Sound In-Between: Voice, Space, Performance (New South Wales, 1992).
6. On intellectual history, see, for example, the essays in Charles Burnett, Michael Fend, and Penelope Gouk, eds., The Second Sense: Studies in Hearing and Musical Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century (London, 1991). On the history of medicine, see W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses (Cambridge, 1993). For an historian of aurality who is indebted to linguistic analysis, see Paul Carter, The Sound In-Between: Voice, Space, Performance (New South Wales, 1992).
7. On intellectual history, see, for example, the essays in Charles Burnett, Michael Fend, and Penelope Gouk, eds., The Second Sense: Studies in Hearing and Musical Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century (London, 1991). On the history of medicine, see W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses (Cambridge, 1993). For an historian of aurality who is indebted to linguistic analysis, see Paul Carter, The Sound In-Between: Voice, Space, Performance (New South Wales, 1992).
8. Of course, it may be objected that all historians strive for such interrelatedness. Admittedly, some political history increasingly tends to treat its topic as "political culture," but even in the best works, the operations of the political system, even broadly conceived, provide the determinative engine affecting political culture and behavior. Likewise with economic history. Though some of the very best work by economic historians essays integration of the political and social into analysis and narrative, there is still the powerful temptation for economic matters to drive the story. When Hobsbawm wrote of the aspiration of a braided form of historical inquiry, I think he meant something other than the drive toward a total history that, as Lynn Hunt remarks, "loses all specificity." Hobsbawm was, as his own work shows, keenly aware of the need for context and what he meant was the need to see beyond artificial categories of economic, intellectual, or political history. See Lynn Hunt, ed., The New Cultural History (Berkeley, 1989), 3.
9. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
10. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
11. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
12. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
13. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
14. Because I'm interested in the impact of the practice of social history, I'll limit my discussion to some of the work by historians who have written books or dissertations and necessarily (if reluctantly) exclude significant work by associated inquirers whose methodologies and questions are sometimes informed by a different set of assumptions. Excluded here is excellent work by Bruce R. Smith, a student of English literature and author of The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Douglas Kahn (Art and Art History), author of Noise, Water, Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts (Cambridge, 1999) ; Jonathan Edward Sterne (Media Studies and Communication), and author of "The Audible Past: Modernity, Technology, and the Cultural History of Sound" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1999). (Duke University Press has just published a revised version of Sterne's dissertation, entitled The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction.); and Jacques Attali (an economist), author of the influential, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, Brian Massumi, trans., (Minneapolis, 1985). For a helpful exchange on the writing of aural history see, Bruce R. Smith, "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print: Method and Causation in Aural History," both in Journal of The Historical Society, 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 307-315, 317-336.
15. George H. Roeder, Jr., "Coming to Our Senses," Journal of American History, 81 (Dec. 1994): 1113, 1116-1122. See also, Frederic Jameson, "Foreword" to Attali, Noise, vii.
16. George H. Roeder, Jr., "Coming to Our Senses," Journal of American History, 81 (Dec. 1994): 1113, 1116-1122. See also, Frederic Jameson, "Foreword" to Attali, Noise, vii.
17. For a perceptive evaluation of recent work on aurality, see Douglas Kahn, "Sound Awake," Australian Review of Books (July 2000): 21-22.
18. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
19. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
20. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
21. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
22. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
23. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
24. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
25. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
26. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
27. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
28. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
29. See Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, 1993), 45, 66-69. On the effect of Jay's work, see the perceptive comments by Steven Connor, "The Modern Auditory I," in Roy Porter, ed., Rewriting the Self: Histories from the Renaissance to the Present (London, 1997), 204. See, also, the helpful critiques in Constance Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and across Cultures (London, 1993). On vision, see David Michael Levin, ed., Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley, 1993); Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990); Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge, 2000); and Randolph Starn, "Seeing Culture in a Room for a Renaissance Prince," in Hunt, The New Cultural History, 205-232. On how some historians unwittingly tend to examine the past through the eyes of actors and thereby naturalize the dominance of vision by not considering explicitly the other senses, see my "Echoes in Print." On Ong and McLuhan, see Walter J. Ong, "The Shifting Sensorium," in The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991), 29-30. For a thoughtful treatment of McLuhan especially, see David Howes, "Sensorial Anthropology," in ibid., 170-173 esp. See too Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto, 1962); Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New York, 1988); Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, 1967).
30. While Hobsbawm correctly predicted the continued vitality of social history, he perhaps overstated the extent to which historians borrowing the basic insights of social history would want to call themselves social historians. Such was Hobsbawm's optimism that he remarked, "Even those of us who never set out to call ourselves by this name will not want to disclaim it today." Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 93.
31. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (Dec.1967): 56-97; Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2001), esp. 319, n.2. Most work on timekeeping and time consciousness is attuned to sound and hearing. See, for example, the works examined and cited in my "Old South Time in Comparative Perspective," American Historical Review, 101 (Dec. 1996): 1432-1469. For commentary on my work on sound as cultural history, see the thoughtful and engaged comments by Mitchell Snay, "Cultural History and the Coming of the Civil War: A Response to Mark Smith," Journal of The Historical Society 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 297-305.
32. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (Dec.1967): 56-97; Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2001), esp. 319, n.2. Most work on timekeeping and time consciousness is attuned to sound and hearing. See, for example, the works examined and cited in my "Old South Time in Comparative Perspective," American Historical Review, 101 (Dec. 1996): 1432-1469. For commentary on my work on sound as cultural history, see the thoughtful and engaged comments by Mitchell Snay, "Cultural History and the Coming of the Civil War: A Response to Mark Smith," Journal of The Historical Society 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 297-305.
33. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (Dec.1967): 56-97; Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2001), esp. 319, n.2. Most work on timekeeping and time consciousness is attuned to sound and hearing. See, for example, the works examined and cited in my "Old South Time in Comparative Perspective," American Historical Review, 101 (Dec. 1996): 1432-1469. For commentary on my work on sound as cultural history, see the thoughtful and engaged comments by Mitchell Snay, "Cultural History and the Coming of the Civil War: A Response to Mark Smith," Journal of The Historical Society 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 297-305.
34. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (Dec.1967): 56-97; Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2001), esp. 319, n.2. Most work on timekeeping and time consciousness is attuned to sound and hearing. See, for example, the works examined and cited in my "Old South Time in Comparative Perspective," American Historical Review, 101 (Dec. 1996): 1432-1469. For commentary on my work on sound as cultural history, see the thoughtful and engaged comments by Mitchell Snay, "Cultural History and the Coming of the Civil War: A Response to Mark Smith," Journal of The Historical Society 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 297-305.
35. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (Dec.1967): 56-97; Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2001), esp. 319, n.2. Most work on timekeeping and time consciousness is attuned to sound and hearing. See, for example, the works examined and cited in my "Old South Time in Comparative Perspective," American Historical Review, 101 (Dec. 1996): 1432-1469. For commentary on my work on sound as cultural history, see the thoughtful and engaged comments by Mitchell Snay, "Cultural History and the Coming of the Civil War: A Response to Mark Smith," Journal of The Historical Society 2 (Summer/Fall 2002): 297-305.
36. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 71-72, 87.
37. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 75. See also Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 210. On the Annales school and the model of total history see Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (New York, 1994), 82-83 esp.
38. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 75. See also Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 210. On the Annales school and the model of total history see Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (New York, 1994), 82-83 esp.
39. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 75. See also Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 210. On the Annales school and the model of total history see Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (New York, 1994), 82-83 esp.
40. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 207-209, 212. Like Hobsbawm, Stearns also detected the drive for a flexible and fluid interpretation embedded in social history, pointing to how social historians such as Eugene Genovese had made excellent use of the Gramscian theory of hegemony to explain the "enmeshing of dominator and dominated alike" and in the looser formulations that encouraged a fuller treatment of "semi-independent, identifiable subcultures that allow popular groups some independent basis for reaction to larger systems and processes" and the examination of groups that "coexist within larger structures of power" that were not defined simply in terms of class conflict but also ethnicity and gender. All illustrate social history's tendency towards inclusiveness and its attention to interplay between groups and structures. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 216-218, 228-230. On social history and the early Annales school as largely quantitative, see Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 86-87, 148 esp. "In many ways the recent interest in the history of 'mentalities' marks an even more direct approach to central methodological problems of social history," maintained Hobsbawm, elaborating: "It has been largely stimulated by the traditional interest in 'the common people' of many who are drawn to social history. It has dealt with the individually inarticulate, undocumented and obscure, and is often indistinct from an interest in their social movements." "This very fact," he went on, "has encouraged a specifically dynamic treatment of culture by historians, superior to such studies as those of the 'culture of poverty' by anthropologists, though not uninfluenced by their methods and pioneering experience." Hobsbawm then hit on a fundamental methodological point about the social historian's treatment of culture: "The nature of sources for such study has rarely allowed the historian to confine himself to simple factual study and exposition. He has been obliged from the outset to construct models, that is, to fit his partial and scattered data into coherent systems, without which they would be little more than anecdotal," viz.: "Edward Thompson's concept of the 'moral economy' " and "my own analysis of social banditry." All in all, "the history of 'mentalities' has been useful in introducing something analogous to the discipline of the social anthropologists into history, and its usefulness is very far from exhausted." Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88-89.
41. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 207-209, 212. Like Hobsbawm, Stearns also detected the drive for a flexible and fluid interpretation embedded in social history, pointing to how social historians such as Eugene Genovese had made excellent use of the Gramscian theory of hegemony to explain the "enmeshing of dominator and dominated alike" and in the looser formulations that encouraged a fuller treatment of "semi-independent, identifiable subcultures that allow popular groups some independent basis for reaction to larger systems and processes" and the examination of groups that "coexist within larger structures of power" that were not defined simply in terms of class conflict but also ethnicity and gender. All illustrate social history's tendency towards inclusiveness and its attention to interplay between groups and structures. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 216-218, 228-230. On social history and the early Annales school as largely quantitative, see Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 86-87, 148 esp. "In many ways the recent interest in the history of 'mentalities' marks an even more direct approach to central methodological problems of social history," maintained Hobsbawm, elaborating: "It has been largely stimulated by the traditional interest in 'the common people' of many who are drawn to social history. It has dealt with the individually inarticulate, undocumented and obscure, and is often indistinct from an interest in their social movements." "This very fact," he went on, "has encouraged a specifically dynamic treatment of culture by historians, superior to such studies as those of the 'culture of poverty' by anthropologists, though not uninfluenced by their methods and pioneering experience." Hobsbawm then hit on a fundamental methodological point about the social historian's treatment of culture: "The nature of sources for such study has rarely allowed the historian to confine himself to simple factual study and exposition. He has been obliged from the outset to construct models, that is, to fit his partial and scattered data into coherent systems, without which they would be little more than anecdotal," viz.: "Edward Thompson's concept of the 'moral economy' " and "my own analysis of social banditry." All in all, "the history of 'mentalities' has been useful in introducing something analogous to the discipline of the social anthropologists into history, and its usefulness is very far from exhausted." Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88-89.
42. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 207-209, 212. Like Hobsbawm, Stearns also detected the drive for a flexible and fluid interpretation embedded in social history, pointing to how social historians such as Eugene Genovese had made excellent use of the Gramscian theory of hegemony to explain the "enmeshing of dominator and dominated alike" and in the looser formulations that encouraged a fuller treatment of "semi-independent, identifiable subcultures that allow popular groups some independent basis for reaction to larger systems and processes" and the examination of groups that "coexist within larger structures of power" that were not defined simply in terms of class conflict but also ethnicity and gender. All illustrate social history's tendency towards inclusiveness and its attention to interplay between groups and structures. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 216-218, 228-230. On social history and the early Annales school as largely quantitative, see Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 86-87, 148 esp. "In many ways the recent interest in the history of 'mentalities' marks an even more direct approach to central methodological problems of social history," maintained Hobsbawm, elaborating: "It has been largely stimulated by the traditional interest in 'the common people' of many who are drawn to social history. It has dealt with the individually inarticulate, undocumented and obscure, and is often indistinct from an interest in their social movements." "This very fact," he went on, "has encouraged a specifically dynamic treatment of culture by historians, superior to such studies as those of the 'culture of poverty' by anthropologists, though not uninfluenced by their methods and pioneering experience." Hobsbawm then hit on a fundamental methodological point about the social historian's treatment of culture: "The nature of sources for such study has rarely allowed the historian to confine himself to simple factual study and exposition. He has been obliged from the outset to construct models, that is, to fit his partial and scattered data into coherent systems, without which they would be little more than anecdotal," viz.: "Edward Thompson's concept of the 'moral economy' " and "my own analysis of social banditry." All in all, "the history of 'mentalities' has been useful in introducing something analogous to the discipline of the social anthropologists into history, and its usefulness is very far from exhausted." Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88-89.
43. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 207-209, 212. Like Hobsbawm, Stearns also detected the drive for a flexible and fluid interpretation embedded in social history, pointing to how social historians such as Eugene Genovese had made excellent use of the Gramscian theory of hegemony to explain the "enmeshing of dominator and dominated alike" and in the looser formulations that encouraged a fuller treatment of "semi-independent, identifiable subcultures that allow popular groups some independent basis for reaction to larger systems and processes" and the examination of groups that "coexist within larger structures of power" that were not defined simply in terms of class conflict but also ethnicity and gender. All illustrate social history's tendency towards inclusiveness and its attention to interplay between groups and structures. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision," 216-218, 228-230. On social history and the early Annales school as largely quantitative, see Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 86-87, 148 esp. "In many ways the recent interest in the history of 'mentalities' marks an even more direct approach to central methodological problems of social history," maintained Hobsbawm, elaborating: "It has been largely stimulated by the traditional interest in 'the common people' of many who are drawn to social history. It has dealt with the individually inarticulate, undocumented and obscure, and is often indistinct from an interest in their social movements." "This very fact," he went on, "has encouraged a specifically dynamic treatment of culture by historians, superior to such studies as those of the 'culture of poverty' by anthropologists, though not uninfluenced by their methods and pioneering experience." Hobsbawm then hit on a fundamental methodological point about the social historian's treatment of culture: "The nature of sources for such study has rarely allowed the historian to confine himself to simple factual study and exposition. He has been obliged from the outset to construct models, that is, to fit his partial and scattered data into coherent systems, without which they would be little more than anecdotal," viz.: "Edward Thompson's concept of the 'moral economy' " and "my own analysis of social banditry." All in all, "the history of 'mentalities' has been useful in introducing something analogous to the discipline of the social anthropologists into history, and its usefulness is very far from exhausted." Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88-89.
44. Penelope Gouk explains the same concern with interplay eloquently and incisively in her essay, "Beyond Rationality? The Paradox of Writing About Non-Verbal Ways of Knowing," Intellectual News: Review of the International Society for Intellectual History, 8 (Summer 2000): 44-57. In this essay, Gouk traces the trajectory behind the writing of her book, Music, Science, and Natural Magic in Seventeenth-Century England (New Haven, 1999). Text-based intellectual history, she argues, proved too limiting to explain fully the relationship among music, magic, technology, and the history of ideas and she illustrates how these and other matters were "actually connected to each other, and at the same time, constituting a significant part of the broader cultural environment." Throughout both the essay and her book, Gouk blends strictly intellectual history with a deep knowledge of music, acoustics, and changes in technology and philosophical ideas. Of these ideas, she insistently asks, "what material, social, technical, and intellectual resources were necessary for their production and circulation?" She also ponders whether or not the historical monograph is best suited to conveying the answers to these questions. See ibid., 44-45.
45. Penelope Gouk explains the same concern with interplay eloquently and incisively in her essay, "Beyond Rationality? The Paradox of Writing About Non-Verbal Ways of Knowing," Intellectual News: Review of the International Society for Intellectual History, 8 (Summer 2000): 44-57. In this essay, Gouk traces the trajectory behind the writing of her book, Music, Science, and Natural Magic in Seventeenth-Century England (New Haven, 1999). Text-based intellectual history, she argues, proved too limiting to explain fully the relationship among music, magic, technology, and the history of ideas and she illustrates how these and other matters were "actually connected to each other, and at the same time, constituting a significant part of the broader cultural environment." Throughout both the essay and her book, Gouk blends strictly intellectual history with a deep knowledge of music, acoustics, and changes in technology and philosophical ideas. Of these ideas, she insistently asks, "what material, social, technical, and intellectual resources were necessary for their production and circulation?" She also ponders whether or not the historical monograph is best suited to conveying the answers to these questions. See ibid., 44-45.
46. Penelope Gouk explains the same concern with interplay eloquently and incisively in her essay, "Beyond Rationality? The Paradox of Writing About Non-Verbal Ways of Knowing," Intellectual News: Review of the International Society for Intellectual History, 8 (Summer 2000): 44-57. In this essay, Gouk traces the trajectory behind the writing of her book, Music, Science, and Natural Magic in Seventeenth-Century England (New Haven, 1999). Text-based intellectual history, she argues, proved too limiting to explain fully the relationship among music, magic, technology, and the history of ideas and she illustrates how these and other matters were "actually connected to each other, and at the same time, constituting a significant part of the broader cultural environment." Throughout both the essay and her book, Gouk blends strictly intellectual history with a deep knowledge of music, acoustics, and changes in technology and philosophical ideas. Of these ideas, she insistently asks, "what material, social, technical, and intellectual resources were necessary for their production and circulation?" She also ponders whether or not the historical monograph is best suited to conveying the answers to these questions. See ibid., 44-45.
47. Writing in 1980, Robert Darnton made a distinction between social history, cultural history, and "intellectual history proper" (intellectual history being "the study of systematic thought, usually in philosophical treatises;" social history as "the study of ideologies and idea diffusion;" and cultural history taken to include "world view and collective mentalités") that social historians, following Hobsbawm, would reject as too delimited and certainly not reflective of their actual practice. Thus, when Darnton rightly pointed to a perceived convergence between social and intellectual history - "the social dimensions of thought" - in intellectual history he was, in fact, describing what social historians normally take as their principal remit. Robert Darnton, "Intellectual and Cultural History," in Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us, 337, 341. But Darnton is right to point to shifts within social history from a heavily quantitative to a textual, "anthropological mode" of understanding, especially in the work of E. P. Thompson who did indeed lurch toward anthropology but without abandoning his concern for the economic, political, and intellectual context of consciousness. Thompson was a social historian who used a variety of evidence - economic, political, and cultural - to drive home his points about working class identity. See ibid., 345-346. See, too, Gouk, "Beyond Rationality."
48. Writing in 1980, Robert Darnton made a distinction between social history, cultural history, and "intellectual history proper" (intellectual history being "the study of systematic thought, usually in philosophical treatises;" social history as "the study of ideologies and idea diffusion;" and cultural history taken to include "world view and collective mentalités") that social historians, following Hobsbawm, would reject as too delimited and certainly not reflective of their actual practice. Thus, when Darnton rightly pointed to a perceived convergence between social and intellectual history - "the social dimensions of thought" - in intellectual history he was, in fact, describing what social historians normally take as their principal remit. Robert Darnton, "Intellectual and Cultural History," in Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us, 337, 341. But Darnton is right to point to shifts within social history from a heavily quantitative to a textual, "anthropological mode" of understanding, especially in the work of E. P. Thompson who did indeed lurch toward anthropology but without abandoning his concern for the economic, political, and intellectual context of consciousness. Thompson was a social historian who used a variety of evidence - economic, political, and cultural - to drive home his points about working class identity. See ibid., 345-346. See, too, Gouk, "Beyond Rationality."
49. Writing in 1980, Robert Darnton made a distinction between social history, cultural history, and "intellectual history proper" (intellectual history being "the study of systematic thought, usually in philosophical treatises;" social history as "the study of ideologies and idea diffusion;" and cultural history taken to include "world view and collective mentalités") that social historians, following Hobsbawm, would reject as too delimited and certainly not reflective of their actual practice. Thus, when Darnton rightly pointed to a perceived convergence between social and intellectual history - "the social dimensions of thought" - in intellectual history he was, in fact, describing what social historians normally take as their principal remit. Robert Darnton, "Intellectual and Cultural History," in Kammen, ed., The Past Before Us, 337, 341. But Darnton is right to point to shifts within social history from a heavily quantitative to a textual, "anthropological mode" of understanding, especially in the work of E. P. Thompson who did indeed lurch toward anthropology but without abandoning his concern for the economic, political, and intellectual context of consciousness. Thompson was a social historian who used a variety of evidence - economic, political, and cultural - to drive home his points about working class identity. See ibid., 345-346. See, too, Gouk, "Beyond Rationality."
50. Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 218 (quotation), 219.
51. Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 220-221
52. Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 220-221 (quotations), 223. See also Hunt, The New Cultured History, 4-5, and 10 for her own misgivings about cultural reductionism. On Thompson's worries, see his The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (New York, 1978). Critics of quantitative social history can point to work that nonquantitative social historians would also find disquieting not simply because of its statistical, sociological bent but because such work seems divorced from Hobsbawm's understanding of social history. See, for example, Larry J. Griffin and Marcel van der Linden, eds., New Methods for Social History (Cambridge, 1999).
53. Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 220-221 (quotations), 223. See also Hunt, The New Cultured History, 4-5, and 10 for her own misgivings about cultural reductionism. On Thompson's worries, see his The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (New York, 1978). Critics of quantitative social history can point to work that nonquantitative social historians would also find disquieting not simply because of its statistical, sociological bent but because such work seems divorced from Hobsbawm's understanding of social history. See, for example, Larry J. Griffin and Marcel van der Linden, eds., New Methods for Social History (Cambridge, 1999).
54. Appleby, Hunt, and Jacob, Telling the Truth about History, 220-221 (quotations), 223. See also Hunt, The New Cultured History, 4-5, and 10 for her own misgivings about cultural reductionism. On Thompson's worries, see his The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (New York, 1978). Critics of quantitative social history can point to work that nonquantitative social historians would also find disquieting not simply because of its statistical, sociological bent but because such work seems divorced from Hobsbawm's understanding of social history. See, for example, Larry J. Griffin and Marcel van der Linden, eds., New Methods for Social History (Cambridge, 1999).
55. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 82, 86. Hobsbawm understood that social history is difficult to write effectively, and even E. P. Thompson's Making of the English Working Class "is no more than a great torso," even though it did much to further the writing of social history. Difficult did not mean undesirable, however, and Hobsbawm plainly called for social history to continue along this trajectory,
56. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things : Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2000), 18; Lucien Febvre, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century: The Religion of Rabelais, Beatrice Gottlieb, trans. (Cambridge, 1982), 423-442; Robert Mandrou, Introduction to Modern France, 1500-1640: An Essay in Historical Psychology, R. E. Hallmark, trans. (New York, 1976). For a brief discussion of the influence of the Annales school and its limitations, see Jay, Downcast Eyes, 34-35 esp.
57. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things : Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2000), 18; Lucien Febvre, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century: The Religion of Rabelais, Beatrice Gottlieb, trans. (Cambridge, 1982), 423-442; Robert Mandrou, Introduction to Modern France, 1500-1640: An Essay in Historical Psychology, R. E. Hallmark, trans. (New York, 1976). For a brief discussion of the influence of the Annales school and its limitations, see Jay, Downcast Eyes, 34-35 esp.
58. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things : Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2000), 18; Lucien Febvre, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century: The Religion of Rabelais, Beatrice Gottlieb, trans. (Cambridge, 1982), 423-442; Robert Mandrou, Introduction to Modern France, 1500-1640: An Essay in Historical Psychology, R. E. Hallmark, trans. (New York, 1976). For a brief discussion of the influence of the Annales school and its limitations, see Jay, Downcast Eyes, 34-35 esp.
59. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things : Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2000), 18; Lucien Febvre, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century: The Religion of Rabelais, Beatrice Gottlieb, trans. (Cambridge, 1982), 423-442; Robert Mandrou, Introduction to Modern France, 1500-1640: An Essay in Historical Psychology, R. E. Hallmark, trans. (New York, 1976). For a brief discussion of the influence of the Annales school and its limitations, see Jay, Downcast Eyes, 34-35 esp.
60. Schmidt, Hearing Things, 38-77 esp., quotations on 66, 9, and, on ventriloquism, see ch.4. For Butler's comment, see his review, "Listening for God in America," Reviews in American History, 29 (Dec. 2001): 500.
61. Schmidt, Hearing Things, 38-77 esp., quotations on 66, 9, and, on ventriloquism, see ch.4. For Butler's comment, see his review, "Listening for God in America," Reviews in American History, 29 (Dec. 2001): 500.
62. Alain Corbin, Time, Desire and Horror: Towards a History of the Senses, Jean Birrell, trans. (Cambridge, 1995), 181-182, 183; Schmidt, Hearing Things, 18; Alain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination, Miriam Kochan, Roy Porter, and Christopher Prendergast, trans. (Cambridge, 1986), 141, 199, 231-232, 94-96, 140; Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88.
63. Alain Corbin, Time, Desire and Horror: Towards a History of the Senses, Jean Birrell, trans. (Cambridge, 1995), 181-182, 183; Schmidt, Hearing Things, 18; Alain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination, Miriam Kochan, Roy Porter, and Christopher Prendergast, trans. (Cambridge, 1986), 141, 199, 231-232, 94-96, 140; Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88.
64. Alain Corbin, Time, Desire and Horror: Towards a History of the Senses, Jean Birrell, trans. (Cambridge, 1995), 181-182, 183; Schmidt, Hearing Things, 18; Alain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination, Miriam Kochan, Roy Porter, and Christopher Prendergast, trans. (Cambridge, 1986), 141, 199, 231-232, 94-96, 140; Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88.
65. Alain Corbin, Time, Desire and Horror: Towards a History of the Senses, Jean Birrell, trans. (Cambridge, 1995), 181-182, 183; Schmidt, Hearing Things, 18; Alain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination, Miriam Kochan, Roy Porter, and Christopher Prendergast, trans. (Cambridge, 1986), 141, 199, 231-232, 94-96, 140; Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 88.
66. David Howes, "Scent and Sensibility," Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 13 (1989): 93; Corbin, Foul and the Fragrant, 77-85 esp.
67. David Howes, "Scent and Sensibility," Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 13 (1989): 93; Corbin, Foul and the Fragrant, 77-85 esp.
68. Alain Corbin, Village Bells: Sound and Meaning in the 19th-Century French Countryside, Martin Thom, trans. (New York, 1998), xi-xii.
69. Corbin, Village Bells, xv, xvii, 3, 288-289, 4-5, 288. Although Corbin is appreciative of the value of studying "rough music" (along the lines of E. P. Thompson) and while he doesn't disagree with the interpretative thrust of such an inquiry, he argues that the emotional power of bells gives us access to deep collective identities. See ibid., 288; E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music," in his Customs in Common (London, 1991), 467-538.
70. Corbin, Village Bells, xv, xvii, 3, 288-289, 4-5, 288. Although Corbin is appreciative of the value of studying "rough music" (along the lines of E. P. Thompson) and while he doesn't disagree with the interpretative thrust of such an inquiry, he argues that the emotional power of bells gives us access to deep collective identities. See ibid., 288; E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music," in his Customs in Common (London, 1991), 467-538.
71. Corbin, Village Bells, xv, xvii, 3, 288-289, 4-5, 288. Although Corbin is appreciative of the value of studying "rough music" (along the lines of E. P. Thompson) and while he doesn't disagree with the interpretative thrust of such an inquiry, he argues that the emotional power of bells gives us access to deep collective identities. See ibid., 288; E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music," in his Customs in Common (London, 1991), 467-538.
72. Corbin, Village Bells, 289, 299, 80-93, 110-118, 391-392, 306-307.
73. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," 83-85.
74. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
75. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
76. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
77. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
78. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
79. Raymond W. Smilor, "Confronting the Industrial Environment: The Noise Problem in America, 1893-1932" (Ph.D diss., University of Texas, 1978); "Cacophony at 34th and 6th: The Noise Problem in America, 1900-1930," American Studies, 18 (1977): 23-38; "Personal Boundaries in the Urban Environment: The Legal Attack on Noise: 1865-1930, Environmental Review, 3 (1979): 24-36; "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1883-1932," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin, 1980): 135-151. See also Bernard Hibbitts, "Making Sense of Metaphors: Visuality, Aurality, and the Reconfiguration of American Legal Discourse," 16 Cardozo Law Review 229 (1994) available online at http://www.law.pitt.edu/hibbitts/meta_int.html (15/1/00). On the northern celebration of the sounds of modernity, see my Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs 4-7.
80. Emily Thompson, The Soundscape of Modernity ; Architectural Acoustics and the Culture of Listening in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, 2002), 1. While Schafer's concern was to sensitize our ears to effect changes in public policy and while the associated investigators in the World Soundscape Project tend to record existing sounds in order to protect them from future cacophonies, Schafer's conceptualization of a soundscape - and associated soundmarks - was, in essence, formulated along historical lines and took into account the kind of psychological, material, and cultural aural and auditory interactions dealt with by both Corbin and Thompson. See R. Murray Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World (Rochester, 1994), 3-12; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth Century America, 262-265.
81. Emily Thompson, The Soundscape of Modernity ; Architectural Acoustics and the Culture of Listening in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, 2002), 1. While Schafer's concern was to sensitize our ears to effect changes in public policy and while the associated investigators in the World Soundscape Project tend to record existing sounds in order to protect them from future cacophonies, Schafer's conceptualization of a soundscape - and associated soundmarks - was, in essence, formulated along historical lines and took into account the kind of psychological, material, and cultural aural and auditory interactions dealt with by both Corbin and Thompson. See R. Murray Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World (Rochester, 1994), 3-12; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth Century America, 262-265.
82. Emily Thompson, The Soundscape of Modernity ; Architectural Acoustics and the Culture of Listening in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, 2002), 1. While Schafer's concern was to sensitize our ears to effect changes in public policy and while the associated investigators in the World Soundscape Project tend to record existing sounds in order to protect them from future cacophonies, Schafer's conceptualization of a soundscape - and associated soundmarks - was, in essence, formulated along historical lines and took into account the kind of psychological, material, and cultural aural and auditory interactions dealt with by both Corbin and Thompson. See R. Murray Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World (Rochester, 1994), 3-12; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth Century America, 262-265.
83. Thompson, Soundscape of Modernity, 1-4, ch.5.
84. Thompson, Soundscape of Modernity, ch.4, 9-11. Thompson notes that she has been "particularly inspired by the material histories of Wolfgang Schivelbusch" (329, n21.) Douglas Kahn, "Introduction: Histories of Sound Once Removed," in Douglas Kahn and Gregory Whitehead, eds., Wireless Imagination: Sound, Radio, and the Avant-Garde (Cambridge, 1992), 1-29. See also Hillel Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel: The History of Noise, " Chronicle of Higher Education (January 9, 1998): B8.
85. Thompson, Soundscape of Modernity, ch.4, 9-11. Thompson notes that she has been "particularly inspired by the material histories of Wolfgang Schivelbusch" (329, n21.) Douglas Kahn, "Introduction: Histories of Sound Once Removed," in Douglas Kahn and Gregory Whitehead, eds., Wireless Imagination: Sound, Radio, and the Avant-Garde (Cambridge, 1992), 1-29. See also Hillel Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel: The History of Noise, " Chronicle of Higher Education (January 9, 1998): B8.
86. Thompson, Soundscape of Modernity, ch.4, 9-11. Thompson notes that she has been "particularly inspired by the material histories of Wolfgang Schivelbusch" (329, n21.) Douglas Kahn, "Introduction: Histories of Sound Once Removed," in Douglas Kahn and Gregory Whitehead, eds., Wireless Imagination: Sound, Radio, and the Avant-Garde (Cambridge, 1992), 1-29. See also Hillel Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel: The History of Noise, " Chronicle of Higher Education (January 9, 1998): B8.
87. Richard Cullen Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being: Soundways in Early America" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 2001), 6, 7. A revised version of Rath's dissertation is scheduled for publication by Cornell University Press in the fall of 2003. Our understanding of the senses in early America promises to be greatly enriched and expanded with the publication, also in the fall of 2003, of Peter Charles Hoffer's study, Sensory Worlds in Early America (The Johns Hopkins University Press). Professor Hoffer kindly provided me with a draft of the introduction to his book, which, from my reading, also seems influenced by social history (hereinafter cited as "Introduction.") A full evaluation of Hoffer's important study obviously awaits its publication, however. For a sampling of recent work on speech, see, for example, Edward G. Gray, New World Babel: Languages and Nations in Early America (Princeton, 1999) ; Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (New York, 1998); and Christopher Grasso, A Speaking Aristocracy: Transforming Public Discourse in Eighteenth-Century Connecticut (Chapel Hill, 1999).
88. Richard Cullen Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being: Soundways in Early America" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 2001), 6, 7. A revised version of Rath's dissertation is scheduled for publication by Cornell University Press in the fall of 2003. Our understanding of the senses in early America promises to be greatly enriched and expanded with the publication, also in the fall of 2003, of Peter Charles Hoffer's study, Sensory Worlds in Early America (The Johns Hopkins University Press). Professor Hoffer kindly provided me with a draft of the introduction to his book, which, from my reading, also seems influenced by social history (hereinafter cited as "Introduction.") A full evaluation of Hoffer's important study obviously awaits its publication, however. For a sampling of recent work on speech, see, for example, Edward G. Gray, New World Babel: Languages and Nations in Early America (Princeton, 1999) ; Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (New York, 1998); and Christopher Grasso, A Speaking Aristocracy: Transforming Public Discourse in Eighteenth-Century Connecticut (Chapel Hill, 1999).
89. Richard Cullen Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being: Soundways in Early America" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 2001), 6, 7. A revised version of Rath's dissertation is scheduled for publication by Cornell University Press in the fall of 2003. Our understanding of the senses in early America promises to be greatly enriched and expanded with the publication, also in the fall of 2003, of Peter Charles Hoffer's study, Sensory Worlds in Early America (The Johns Hopkins University Press). Professor Hoffer kindly provided me with a draft of the introduction to his book, which, from my reading, also seems influenced by social history (hereinafter cited as "Introduction.") A full evaluation of Hoffer's important study obviously awaits its publication, however. For a sampling of recent work on speech, see, for example, Edward G. Gray, New World Babel: Languages and Nations in Early America (Princeton, 1999) ; Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (New York, 1998); and Christopher Grasso, A Speaking Aristocracy: Transforming Public Discourse in Eighteenth-Century Connecticut (Chapel Hill, 1999).
90. Richard Cullen Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being: Soundways in Early America" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 2001), 6, 7. A revised version of Rath's dissertation is scheduled for publication by Cornell University Press in the fall of 2003. Our understanding of the senses in early America promises to be greatly enriched and expanded with the publication, also in the fall of 2003, of Peter Charles Hoffer's study, Sensory Worlds in Early America (The Johns Hopkins University Press). Professor Hoffer kindly provided me with a draft of the introduction to his book, which, from my reading, also seems influenced by social history (hereinafter cited as "Introduction.") A full evaluation of Hoffer's important study obviously awaits its publication, however. For a sampling of recent work on speech, see, for example, Edward G. Gray, New World Babel: Languages and Nations in Early America (Princeton, 1999) ; Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (New York, 1998); and Christopher Grasso, A Speaking Aristocracy: Transforming Public Discourse in Eighteenth-Century Connecticut (Chapel Hill, 1999).
91. Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being," 3-4, 5, n.5, 10. While acknowledging some of McLuhan's clumsier formulations, Rath nonetheless (and rightly) suggests that McLuhan's work was instrumental in alerting us to the notion that senses have a history and that one way to approach that history is through an examination in the shift in the ratio of the senses as a consequence of the invention and dissemination of print. See ibid., 11, 14, 92-93, 96, esp. n.3.
92. Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being," 3-4, 5, n.5, 10. While acknowledging some of McLuhan's clumsier formulations, Rath nonetheless (and rightly) suggests that McLuhan's work was instrumental in alerting us to the notion that senses have a history and that one way to approach that history is through an examination in the shift in the ratio of the senses as a consequence of the invention and dissemination of print. See ibid., 11, 14, 92-93, 96, esp. n.3.
93. Rath, "Worlds Chanted into Being," 24, 30, 94, 90-107, 117, 160-178, 191-194.
94. Constance Classen, David Howes, and Anthony Synnott, Aroma: The Cultural History of Smell (London, 1994), [ii], 3, 7, 8.
95. James H. Johnson, Listening in Paris: A Cultural History (Berkeley, 1995), 1-4, 6, 228-229.
96. It is also worthwhile remembering that insights on the history of the senses can be gleaned from some unexpected quarters. As Anthony Synnott explains in a brief but insightful essay on "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," many thinkers were aware of the role of hearing, touch, smell, and taste in human affairs and, as such, have something to teach us about our own often unwitting acceptance of the notion of modernity as an exclusively visualist aesthetic. In fact, we have a good deal to learn by looking backwards and social historians, with their interest in interplay, breadth, depth, and multiplicity, are well suited to reading and rereading pre twentieth-century texts for clues on how to venture beyond the eye. While we can leave aside the important discussion about how Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Descartes, Hume, Adam Smith, Hegel, and Marx, among others, ranked the senses - vision nearly always came out on top because of its association with reason, the other senses nearly always being more visceral and animalistic - it is worth pausing to consider briefly how one of these thinkers understood the senses. Of these thinkers, only Marx, arguably a social historian of the first order, offered an explicit incorporation of the senses into a model of historical development and, in the process, ventured a resounding rejection of most Western thinking on the topic that touted the primacy of the eye. His most pronounced comments on the senses are in Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, where he examines the impact of capitalism on the sense of self. Marx's observations on the senses occur in the context of his discussion on the "social mode of existence," alienation, and the degradation of the senses as a result of the emergence of private property under capitalism. For Marx, "man is affirmed in his objective world not only in the act of thinking but with all his senses" and he claimed that the "forming of the five senses is a labor of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present." Thus, Marx suggested that an understanding of the history of human experience must take into account the mediation of the world in its full sensory capacity and to understand how historical developments, in particular the ascendancy of capitalist social and economic relations, shaped the forming of those senses and how they impacted on notions of self, freedom, and dependency. See Anthony Synnott, "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, in David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991 ), 70. See also, Jay, Downcast Eyes, ch. 1; Adam Smith, "Of the External Senses," in his Essays on Philosophical Subjects, W. P. D. Wightman, ed. (Indianapolis, 1982), 135-168. Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, 103, 108-109. For the influence of Marx's observations, see Sterne, "Audible Past," 33, 35-36, 34, 28, 38-39.
97. It is also worthwhile remembering that insights on the history of the senses can be gleaned from some unexpected quarters. As Anthony Synnott explains in a brief but insightful essay on "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," many thinkers were aware of the role of hearing, touch, smell, and taste in human affairs and, as such, have something to teach us about our own often unwitting acceptance of the notion of modernity as an exclusively visualist aesthetic. In fact, we have a good deal to learn by looking backwards and social historians, with their interest in interplay, breadth, depth, and multiplicity, are well suited to reading and rereading pre twentieth-century texts for clues on how to venture beyond the eye. While we can leave aside the important discussion about how Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Descartes, Hume, Adam Smith, Hegel, and Marx, among others, ranked the senses - vision nearly always came out on top because of its association with reason, the other senses nearly always being more visceral and animalistic - it is worth pausing to consider briefly how one of these thinkers understood the senses. Of these thinkers, only Marx, arguably a social historian of the first order, offered an explicit incorporation of the senses into a model of historical development and, in the process, ventured a resounding rejection of most Western thinking on the topic that touted the primacy of the eye. His most pronounced comments on the senses are in Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, where he examines the impact of capitalism on the sense of self. Marx's observations on the senses occur in the context of his discussion on the "social mode of existence," alienation, and the degradation of the senses as a result of the emergence of private property under capitalism. For Marx, "man is affirmed in his objective world not only in the act of thinking but with all his senses" and he claimed that the "forming of the five senses is a labor of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present." Thus, Marx suggested that an understanding of the history of human experience must take into account the mediation of the world in its full sensory capacity and to understand how historical developments, in particular the ascendancy of capitalist social and economic relations, shaped the forming of those senses and how they impacted on notions of self, freedom, and dependency. See Anthony Synnott, "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, in David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991 ), 70. See also, Jay, Downcast Eyes, ch. 1; Adam Smith, "Of the External Senses," in his Essays on Philosophical Subjects, W. P. D. Wightman, ed. (Indianapolis, 1982), 135-168. Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, 103, 108-109. For the influence of Marx's observations, see Sterne, "Audible Past," 33, 35-36, 34, 28, 38-39.
98. It is also worthwhile remembering that insights on the history of the senses can be gleaned from some unexpected quarters. As Anthony Synnott explains in a brief but insightful essay on "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," many thinkers were aware of the role of hearing, touch, smell, and taste in human affairs and, as such, have something to teach us about our own often unwitting acceptance of the notion of modernity as an exclusively visualist aesthetic. In fact, we have a good deal to learn by looking backwards and social historians, with their interest in interplay, breadth, depth, and multiplicity, are well suited to reading and rereading pre twentieth-century texts for clues on how to venture beyond the eye. While we can leave aside the important discussion about how Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Descartes, Hume, Adam Smith, Hegel, and Marx, among others, ranked the senses - vision nearly always came out on top because of its association with reason, the other senses nearly always being more visceral and animalistic - it is worth pausing to consider briefly how one of these thinkers understood the senses. Of these thinkers, only Marx, arguably a social historian of the first order, offered an explicit incorporation of the senses into a model of historical development and, in the process, ventured a resounding rejection of most Western thinking on the topic that touted the primacy of the eye. His most pronounced comments on the senses are in Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, where he examines the impact of capitalism on the sense of self. Marx's observations on the senses occur in the context of his discussion on the "social mode of existence," alienation, and the degradation of the senses as a result of the emergence of private property under capitalism. For Marx, "man is affirmed in his objective world not only in the act of thinking but with all his senses" and he claimed that the "forming of the five senses is a labor of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present." Thus, Marx suggested that an understanding of the history of human experience must take into account the mediation of the world in its full sensory capacity and to understand how historical developments, in particular the ascendancy of capitalist social and economic relations, shaped the forming of those senses and how they impacted on notions of self, freedom, and dependency. See Anthony Synnott, "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, in David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991 ), 70. See also, Jay, Downcast Eyes, ch. 1; Adam Smith, "Of the External Senses," in his Essays on Philosophical Subjects, W. P. D. Wightman, ed. (Indianapolis, 1982), 135-168. Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, 103, 108-109. For the influence of Marx's observations, see Sterne, "Audible Past," 33, 35-36, 34, 28, 38-39.
99. It is also worthwhile remembering that insights on the history of the senses can be gleaned from some unexpected quarters. As Anthony Synnott explains in a brief but insightful essay on "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," many thinkers were aware of the role of hearing, touch, smell, and taste in human affairs and, as such, have something to teach us about our own often unwitting acceptance of the notion of modernity as an exclusively visualist aesthetic. In fact, we have a good deal to learn by looking backwards and social historians, with their interest in interplay, breadth, depth, and multiplicity, are well suited to reading and rereading pre twentieth-century texts for clues on how to venture beyond the eye. While we can leave aside the important discussion about how Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Descartes, Hume, Adam Smith, Hegel, and Marx, among others, ranked the senses - vision nearly always came out on top because of its association with reason, the other senses nearly always being more visceral and animalistic - it is worth pausing to consider briefly how one of these thinkers understood the senses. Of these thinkers, only Marx, arguably a social historian of the first order, offered an explicit incorporation of the senses into a model of historical development and, in the process, ventured a resounding rejection of most Western thinking on the topic that touted the primacy of the eye. His most pronounced comments on the senses are in Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, where he examines the impact of capitalism on the sense of self. Marx's observations on the senses occur in the context of his discussion on the "social mode of existence," alienation, and the degradation of the senses as a result of the emergence of private property under capitalism. For Marx, "man is affirmed in his objective world not only in the act of thinking but with all his senses" and he claimed that the "forming of the five senses is a labor of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present." Thus, Marx suggested that an understanding of the history of human experience must take into account the mediation of the world in its full sensory capacity and to understand how historical developments, in particular the ascendancy of capitalist social and economic relations, shaped the forming of those senses and how they impacted on notions of self, freedom, and dependency. See Anthony Synnott, "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, in David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991 ), 70. See also, Jay, Downcast Eyes, ch. 1; Adam Smith, "Of the External Senses," in his Essays on Philosophical Subjects, W. P. D. Wightman, ed. (Indianapolis, 1982), 135-168. Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, 103, 108-109. For the influence of Marx's observations, see Sterne, "Audible Past," 33, 35-36, 34, 28, 38-39.
100. It is also worthwhile remembering that insights on the history of the senses can be gleaned from some unexpected quarters. As Anthony Synnott explains in a brief but insightful essay on "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," many thinkers were aware of the role of hearing, touch, smell, and taste in human affairs and, as such, have something to teach us about our own often unwitting acceptance of the notion of modernity as an exclusively visualist aesthetic. In fact, we have a good deal to learn by looking backwards and social historians, with their interest in interplay, breadth, depth, and multiplicity, are well suited to reading and rereading pre twentieth-century texts for clues on how to venture beyond the eye. While we can leave aside the important discussion about how Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Descartes, Hume, Adam Smith, Hegel, and Marx, among others, ranked the senses - vision nearly always came out on top because of its association with reason, the other senses nearly always being more visceral and animalistic - it is worth pausing to consider briefly how one of these thinkers understood the senses. Of these thinkers, only Marx, arguably a social historian of the first order, offered an explicit incorporation of the senses into a model of historical development and, in the process, ventured a resounding rejection of most Western thinking on the topic that touted the primacy of the eye. His most pronounced comments on the senses are in Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, where he examines the impact of capitalism on the sense of self. Marx's observations on the senses occur in the context of his discussion on the "social mode of existence," alienation, and the degradation of the senses as a result of the emergence of private property under capitalism. For Marx, "man is affirmed in his objective world not only in the act of thinking but with all his senses" and he claimed that the "forming of the five senses is a labor of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present." Thus, Marx suggested that an understanding of the history of human experience must take into account the mediation of the world in its full sensory capacity and to understand how historical developments, in particular the ascendancy of capitalist social and economic relations, shaped the forming of those senses and how they impacted on notions of self, freedom, and dependency. See Anthony Synnott, "Puzzling over the Senses: From Plato to Marx," The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses, in David Howes, ed. (Toronto, 1991 ), 70. See also, Jay, Downcast Eyes, ch. 1; Adam Smith, "Of the External Senses," in his Essays on Philosophical Subjects, W. P. D. Wightman, ed. (Indianapolis, 1982), 135-168. Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, 103, 108-109. For the influence of Marx's observations, see Sterne, "Audible Past," 33, 35-36, 34, 28, 38-39.
101. Hobsbawm, "From Social History," 71. An exception is Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue, although, as Rath shows, her work focuses on words and speech, not what Rath calls paralinguistic sound.
102. The sensory construction of race in southern history is something I address in my next study, Sensing Race: From Slavery to Integration in the American South. One of the only historians to have examined the evolution of racial consciousness and racism through the nose is Winthrop D. Jordan in his still remarkable study, Black Over White: American Attitudes Toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill, 1968), 256-257, 459, 492, 501, 518. Note, too, the perceptive remarks on race and touch by Sander Gilman, "Touch Sexuality and Disease," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 215-224 esp. The literature on whiteness is voluminous, although critical engagement with it, less so. A good starting point for both a review of the literature, a critical evaluation of it, and some sturdy defenses of the concept is in "Scholarly Controversy: Whiteness and the Historians' Imagination," International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001): 1-92. On minstrelsy, see, especially, Eric Lott, Love & Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York, 1995).
103. The sensory construction of race in southern history is something I address in my next study, Sensing Race: From Slavery to Integration in the American South. One of the only historians to have examined the evolution of racial consciousness and racism through the nose is Winthrop D. Jordan in his still remarkable study, Black Over White: American Attitudes Toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill, 1968), 256-257, 459, 492, 501, 518. Note, too, the perceptive remarks on race and touch by Sander Gilman, "Touch Sexuality and Disease," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 215-224 esp. The literature on whiteness is voluminous, although critical engagement with it, less so. A good starting point for both a review of the literature, a critical evaluation of it, and some sturdy defenses of the concept is in "Scholarly Controversy: Whiteness and the Historians' Imagination," International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001): 1-92. On minstrelsy, see, especially, Eric Lott, Love & Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York, 1995).
104. The sensory construction of race in southern history is something I address in my next study, Sensing Race: From Slavery to Integration in the American South. One of the only historians to have examined the evolution of racial consciousness and racism through the nose is Winthrop D. Jordan in his still remarkable study, Black Over White: American Attitudes Toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill, 1968), 256-257, 459, 492, 501, 518. Note, too, the perceptive remarks on race and touch by Sander Gilman, "Touch Sexuality and Disease," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 215-224 esp. The literature on whiteness is voluminous, although critical engagement with it, less so. A good starting point for both a review of the literature, a critical evaluation of it, and some sturdy defenses of the concept is in "Scholarly Controversy: Whiteness and the Historians' Imagination," International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001): 1-92. On minstrelsy, see, especially, Eric Lott, Love & Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York, 1995).
105. The sensory construction of race in southern history is something I address in my next study, Sensing Race: From Slavery to Integration in the American South. One of the only historians to have examined the evolution of racial consciousness and racism through the nose is Winthrop D. Jordan in his still remarkable study, Black Over White: American Attitudes Toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill, 1968), 256-257, 459, 492, 501, 518. Note, too, the perceptive remarks on race and touch by Sander Gilman, "Touch Sexuality and Disease," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 215-224 esp. The literature on whiteness is voluminous, although critical engagement with it, less so. A good starting point for both a review of the literature, a critical evaluation of it, and some sturdy defenses of the concept is in "Scholarly Controversy: Whiteness and the Historians' Imagination," International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001): 1-92. On minstrelsy, see, especially, Eric Lott, Love & Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York, 1995).
106. See my "Echoes in Print."
107. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
108. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
109. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
110. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
111. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
112. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
113. Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows (Shippensburg, 2001). See also his "Ssh! Battle in Progress!" Civil War Times Illustrated, 35 (Dec. 1996): 56-62. Earl J. Hess is another exception and offers some helpful if brief observations on the meaning of sounds to Union soldiers. See his The Union Soldier: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence, 1997), 15-18, 28, 46, 112-113. Some of these issues concerning the literal impact and metaphorical meaning of Civil War sounds are addressed in my "Of Bells, Booms, Sounds, and Silences: Listening to the Civil War South," in The War Was You and Me: Civilians and the American Civil War, Joan Cashin, ed. (Princeton, 2002): 9-34; Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America, chs. 8, 9. hasten to note my own shortcoming here - I do not consider the important questions addressed by Ross and instead treat perceptions of sounds during the war. For social history that examines military events within a larger social framework, see J. Tracy Power, Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (Chapel Hill, 1998); Cheryl Anne Wells, "Civil War Time(s): Temporality, Identity, and Experience in America, 1861-1865" (Ph.D. diss., University of South Carolina, 2002).
114. Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel"; Hoffer, "Introduction." It should be noted that Hoffer's introduction offers a very thoughtful discussion of these issues, one worthy of greater consideration than I can offer here. Similarly, I fully expect Schwartz's forthcoming book to examine such questions and advance our understanding even further. My own position is outlined in my debate with Bruce R. Smith. See "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print," 307-315, 317-336.
115. Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel"; Hoffer, "Introduction." It should be noted that Hoffer's introduction offers a very thoughtful discussion of these issues, one worthy of greater consideration than I can offer here. Similarly, I fully expect Schwartz's forthcoming book to examine such questions and advance our understanding even further. My own position is outlined in my debate with Bruce R. Smith. See "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print," 307-315, 317-336.
116. Schwartz, "Beyond Tone and Decibel"; Hoffer, "Introduction." It should be noted that Hoffer's introduction offers a very thoughtful discussion of these issues, one worthy of greater consideration than I can offer here. Similarly, I fully expect Schwartz's forthcoming book to examine such questions and advance our understanding even further. My own position is outlined in my debate with Bruce R. Smith. See "How Sound is Sound History? A Response to Mark Smith," and my "Echoes in Print," 307-315, 317-336.
117. See, for example, Malcolm Nicolson, "The Introduction of Percussion and Stethoscopy to Early Nineteenth-Century Edinburgh," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 134-153; Charles Burnett, "Sound and Its Perception in the Middle Ages," in Burnett, Fend, and Gouk, eds., The Second Sense, 43-69; Penelope Gouk, "Some English Theories of Hearing in the Seventeenth Century: Before and After Descartes," in ibid., 95-113; D. R. Woolf, "Speech, Text, and Time: The Sense of Hearing and the Sense of the Past in Renaissance England," Albion, 18, no.2 (1986): 159-193.
118. See, for example, Malcolm Nicolson, "The Introduction of Percussion and Stethoscopy to Early Nineteenth-Century Edinburgh," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 134-153; Charles Burnett, "Sound and Its Perception in the Middle Ages," in Burnett, Fend, and Gouk, eds., The Second Sense, 43-69; Penelope Gouk, "Some English Theories of Hearing in the Seventeenth Century: Before and After Descartes," in ibid., 95-113; D. R. Woolf, "Speech, Text, and Time: The Sense of Hearing and the Sense of the Past in Renaissance England," Albion, 18, no.2 (1986): 159-193.
119. See, for example, Malcolm Nicolson, "The Introduction of Percussion and Stethoscopy to Early Nineteenth-Century Edinburgh," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 134-153; Charles Burnett, "Sound and Its Perception in the Middle Ages," in Burnett, Fend, and Gouk, eds., The Second Sense, 43-69; Penelope Gouk, "Some English Theories of Hearing in the Seventeenth Century: Before and After Descartes," in ibid., 95-113; D. R. Woolf, "Speech, Text, and Time: The Sense of Hearing and the Sense of the Past in Renaissance England," Albion, 18, no.2 (1986): 159-193.
120. See, for example, Malcolm Nicolson, "The Introduction of Percussion and Stethoscopy to Early Nineteenth-Century Edinburgh," in Bynum and Porter, eds., Medicine and the Five Senses, 134-153; Charles Burnett, "Sound and Its Perception in the Middle Ages," in Burnett, Fend, and Gouk, eds., The Second Sense, 43-69; Penelope Gouk, "Some English Theories of Hearing in the Seventeenth Century: Before and After Descartes," in ibid., 95-113; D. R. Woolf, "Speech, Text, and Time: The Sense of Hearing and the Sense of the Past in Renaissance England," Albion, 18, no.2 (1986): 159-193.
121. Daniel T. Rodgers, "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History, 79 (June, 1993): 11-38.
122. For an excellent overview on the limited inclusion of sensory history in college textbooks, and for hints that things are beginning to change, albeit modestly, see Roeder, "Coming to Our Senses," 1112-1122. As more explicit work is done on the history of the senses, I suspect that the findings of specialists will percolate into new textbooks, which is entirely appropriate since the more we ignore the smells, sounds, tastes, and textures of the past, the most we are simply repeating a trope and denying ourselves and our students to the multiple dimensions of the past.