Social insurance claims as morbidity estimates: Sickness or absence?

Social History of Medicine

Volumn 16, Issue 2, 2003, Pages 225-245

  Murray, John E ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TOLEDO   (United States)

Author keywords

Absenteeism; France; Germany; Morbidity; Mortality transition; Sickness funds; Social insurance

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; COST OF ILLNESS; FRANCE; GERMANY; HEALTH INSURANCE; HISTORY; MORBIDITY; SOCIAL SECURITY;

COST OF ILLNESS; FRANCE; GERMANY; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; INSURANCE, HEALTH; MORBIDITY; SOCIAL SECURITY;

EID: 0141540713     PISSN: 0951631X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/shm/16.2.225     Document Type: Review

References (59)

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4. See, for example, G. Alter and J. C. Riley, 'Frailty, Sickness, and Death: Models of Morbidity and Mortality in Historical Populations', Population Studies, 43 (1989), 25-46; J. C. Riley, Sick, Not Dead: The Health of British Workingmen During the Mortality Decline (Baltimore, 1997).
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8. US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor: Workmen's Insurance and Compensation Systems in Europe (Washington, 1911); G. Zacher, Die Arbeiterversicherung im Ausland (Berlin 1900-8); Statistisches Reichsamt, Statistik des Deutschen Reichs: Die Krankenversicherung (Berlin, various years).
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16. Gibbon, Medical Benefit.
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19. I address a question of particular importance, the age structure of the membership, below.
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22. All Belgian and Danish funds were voluntary. Most German and Austrian workers and French miners were required to obtain insurance, but voluntary funds operated in Germany and Austria to serve other workers. The available data do not permit separation of compulsory and voluntary funds in Austria, but in the German case compulsory and voluntary fund data were reported separately wherever possible.
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24. A. Eeckhout, Het Vraagstuk der Sociale Verzekeringen in België (Gent, 1931), p. 65; A. Jauniaux, Cent Années de Mutualité en Belgique (Brussel, 1930), p. 135.I thank Professor Rita Schepers for these references.
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32. R. Schepers, 'The Belgian Medical Profession, the Order of Physicians, and the Sickness Funds, 1900-1940', Sociology of Health and Illness, 15 (1993), 375-92, p. 379; P. Verbruggen, 'The Mutualist Movement in Belgium', in M. van der Linden (ed.), Social Security Mutualism: The Comparative History of Mutual Benefit Societies (Bern, 1996), 419-29; US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, p. 489.
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35. Gibbon, Medical Benefit, pp. 40-2; US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, p. 620; C. Herzlich, 'Evolution of Relations between French Physicians and the State, 1880-1980', Sociology of Health and Illness, 4 (1982), 241-53, p. 245; Frankel and Dawson, Workingmen's Insurance, p. 208; Mitchell, 'Function and Malfunction', p. 176.
36. Gibbon, Medical Benefit, pp. 40-2; US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, p. 620; C. Herzlich, 'Evolution of Relations between French Physicians and the State, 1880-1980', Sociology of Health and Illness, 4 (1982), 241-53, p. 245; Frankel and Dawson, Workingmen's Insurance, p. 208; Mitchell, 'Function and Malfunction', p. 176.
37. Gibbon, Medical Benefit, pp. 40-2; US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, p. 620; C. Herzlich, 'Evolution of Relations between French Physicians and the State, 1880-1980', Sociology of Health and Illness, 4 (1982), 241-53, p. 245; Frankel and Dawson, Workingmen's Insurance, p. 208; Mitchell, 'Function and Malfunction', p. 176.
38. Gibbon, Medical Benefit, pp. 40-2; US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, p. 620; C. Herzlich, 'Evolution of Relations between French Physicians and the State, 1880-1980', Sociology of Health and Illness, 4 (1982), 241-53, p. 245; Frankel and Dawson, Workingmen's Insurance, p. 208; Mitchell, 'Function and Malfunction', p. 176.
39. Schepers, 'Belgian Medical Profession', p. 379.
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47. Riley, Sick, Not Dead, pp. 174, 186, 197ff.
48. Edwards et al., 'Sickness, Insurance, and Health'. The authors conclude that, after correcting for changing proportions of members eligible for paid sick leave, incidence of claims probably rose over time.
49. Frankel and Dawson, Workingmen's Insurance, pp. 203-4.
50. Verbruggen, 'Mutualist Movement in Belgium', pp. 423-4.
51. US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, pp. 230, 468, 562, 809.
52. US Commissioner of Labor, Twenty Fourth Annual Report, pp. 1242, 1267.
53. See, for example, R. Floud, K. Wachter, and A. Gregory, Height, Health, and History: Nutritional Status in the United Kingdom, 1750-1980 (Cambridge, 1990); J. Komlos, 'The Secular Trend in the Biological Standard of Living in the United Kingdom, 1730-1860', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), 115-44; R. H. Steckel, 'A Peculiar Population: Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity', Journal of Economic History, 46 (1986), 721-41; J. B. Pritchett and H. Freudenberger, 'A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), 109-27. The consensus among anthropometric historians is probably that the original publications have withstood the assaults, but the question of selection bias remains one that each anthropometric study must address.
54. See, for example, R. Floud, K. Wachter, and A. Gregory, Height, Health, and History: Nutritional Status in the United Kingdom, 1750-1980 (Cambridge, 1990); J. Komlos, 'The Secular Trend in the Biological Standard of Living in the United Kingdom, 1730-1860', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), 115-44; R. H. Steckel, 'A Peculiar Population: Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity', Journal of Economic History, 46 (1986), 721-41; J. B. Pritchett and H. Freudenberger, 'A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), 109-27. The consensus among anthropometric historians is probably that the original publications have withstood the assaults, but the question of selection bias remains one that each anthropometric study must address.
55. See, for example, R. Floud, K. Wachter, and A. Gregory, Height, Health, and History: Nutritional Status in the United Kingdom, 1750-1980 (Cambridge, 1990); J. Komlos, 'The Secular Trend in the Biological Standard of Living in the United Kingdom, 1730-1860', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), 115-44; R. H. Steckel, 'A Peculiar Population: Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity', Journal of Economic History, 46 (1986), 721-41; J. B. Pritchett and H. Freudenberger, 'A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), 109-27. The consensus among anthropometric historians is probably that the original publications have withstood the assaults, but the question of selection bias remains one that each anthropometric study must address.
56. See, for example, R. Floud, K. Wachter, and A. Gregory, Height, Health, and History: Nutritional Status in the United Kingdom, 1750-1980 (Cambridge, 1990); J. Komlos, 'The Secular Trend in the Biological Standard of Living in the United Kingdom, 1730-1860', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), 115-44; R. H. Steckel, 'A Peculiar Population: Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity', Journal of Economic History, 46 (1986), 721-41; J. B. Pritchett and H. Freudenberger, 'A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), 109-27. The consensus among anthropometric historians is probably that the original publications have withstood the assaults, but the question of selection bias remains one that each anthropometric study must address.
57. J. C. Riley, 'From a High Mortality Regime to a High Morbidity Regime: Is Culture Everything in Sickness?', Health Transition Review, 2 (1992), 71-7, p. 75.
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