Hemispheric integration and subregionalism in the Americas

International Affairs

Volumn 79, Issue 2, 2003, Pages

  Phillips, Nicola ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0043281549     PISSN: 00205850     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-2346.00311     Document Type: Review

References (52)

1. Anthony Payne and Andrew Gamble, 'Introduction: the political economy of regionalism and world order', in Andrew Gamble and Anthony Payne, eds, Regionalism and world order (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), p. 2.
2. The members of the Mercosur (Mercado Común del Sur: Southern Common Market) are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, with Chile and Bolivia as associate members. The members of CARICOM (Caribbean Community) are Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Montserrat, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, Suriname, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago.
3. Nicola Phillips, 'Governance after financial crisis: South American perspectives on the reformulation of regionalism', New Political Economy 5: 3, 2000, p. 386.
4. Diana Tussie, 'In the whirlwind of globalization and multilateralism: the case of emerging regionalism in Latin America', in William D. Coleman and Geoffrey R. D. Underhill, eds, Regionalism and global economic integration: Europe, Asia and the America (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 92.
5. Paul Bowles, 'Regionalism and development after(?) the global financial crises', New Political Economy 5: 3, 2000, p. 439.
6. Paul Cammack, 'MERCOSUR: from domestic concerns to regional influence', in Glenn Hook and Ian Kearns, eds, Subregionalism and world order (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), p. 96.
7. Anthony Payne, 'The United States and its enterprise for the Americas', in Gamble and Payne, eds, Regionalism and world order, p. 106.
8. While not for discussion here, the interest of the EU in Mercosur can be explained most readily as a strategic response to the FTAA process, driven particularly by concerns about the dominance of the US in a future FTAA. EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy's statements consistently reflect this unease, as have those of Antonio Guerres as president of the Council of the European Union. The latter described an EU-Mercosur agricultural agreement as 'building a new multipolar world order that can limit the United States' natural hegemony' (cited in 'EU on FTAA', http://www.tradecompass.com, 15 May 2001, and also in Henry Kissinger, 'Brazil's "destiny": an obstacle to free trade?', Washington Post, 15 May 2001). The corollary is that an EU-Mercosur agreement is likely to be concluded only if an FTAA is indeed agreed in 2005.
9. While not for discussion here, the interest of the EU in Mercosur can be explained most readily as a strategic response to the FTAA process, driven particularly by concerns about the dominance of the US in a future FTAA. EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy's statements consistently reflect this unease, as have those of Antonio Guerres as president of the Council of the European Union. The latter described an EU-Mercosur agricultural agreement as 'building a new multipolar world order that can limit the United States' natural hegemony' (cited in 'EU on FTAA', http://www.tradecompass.com, 15 May 2001, and also in Henry Kissinger, 'Brazil's "destiny": an obstacle to free trade?', Washington Post, 15 May 2001). The corollary is that an EU-Mercosur agreement is likely to be concluded only if an FTAA is indeed agreed in 2005.
10. Payne, 'The United States and its enterprise for the Americas', p. 104.
11. Michael Cox, 'Whatever happened to American decline? International relations and the new United States hegemony', New Political Economy 6: 3, 2001, pp. 311-40.
12. See Robert W. Cox, 'Social forces, states and world orders: beyond international relations theory', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 10: 2, 1981, pp. 126-55; Robert W. Cox, Production, power and world order: social forces in the making of history (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987).
13. See Robert W. Cox, 'Social forces, states and world orders: beyond international relations theory', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 10: 2, 1981, pp. 126-55; Robert W. Cox, Production, power and world order: social forces in the making of history (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987).
14. Georges A. Fauriol and Sidney Weintraub, 'The century of the Americas: dawn of a new century dynamic', Washington Quarterly 24: 2, 2001, p. 144.
15. Peter Hakim, 'The uneasy Americas', Foreign Affairs, March-April 2001.
16. Victor Bulmer-Thomas and Sheila Page, 'Trade relations in the Americas: Mercosur, the Free Trade Area of the Americas and the European Union', in James Dunkerley and Victor Bulmer-Thomas, eds, The United States and Latin America: the new agenda (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 89-90; Nicola Phillips, 'Regionalising multilateralism? Hemispheric integration in the Americas and the governance of world trade', paper presented at the annual plenary meeting of the Latin American Trade Network (LATN), Santiago, Chile, 12-13 Dec. 2002.
17. Victor Bulmer-Thomas and Sheila Page, 'Trade relations in the Americas: Mercosur, the Free Trade Area of the Americas and the European Union', in James Dunkerley and Victor Bulmer-Thomas, eds, The United States and Latin America: the new agenda (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 89-90; Nicola Phillips, 'Regionalising multilateralism? Hemispheric integration in the Americas and the governance of world trade', paper presented at the annual plenary meeting of the Latin American Trade Network (LATN), Santiago, Chile, 12-13 Dec. 2002.
18. See Diana Tussie, 'Multilateralism revisited in a globalizing world economy', Mershon International Studies Review 42, 1998, pp. 189-90.
19. Craig VanGrasstek, 'What is the FTAA's role in the USA's global strategy?'. Capítulos del SELA 54, 1998, pp. 169-70.
20. Victor Bulmer-Thomas, 'Introduction', in Victor Bulmer-Thomas, ed., Regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean: the political economy of open regionalism (London: Institute of Latin American Studies 2001), p. 8.
21. Karen Hansen-Kuhn, 'Free Trade Area of the Americas', Foreign Policy in Focus 6: 12, 2001, p. 2, http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org.
22. What formerly was known as 'fast-track' negotiating authority, having been refused to Clinton in 1998, was restyled Trade Promotion Authority by Bush in 2001 and subsequently granted by Congress in 2002.
23. Jean Grugel, 'Latin America and the remaking of the Americas', in Gamble and Payne, eds, Regionalism and world order, p. 161.
24. See Jaime Gerardo Delgado Rojas, 'Los temas no comerciales del ALCA', Contribuciones del CIEDLA 1: 61, 1999.
25. Sidney Weintraub, Development and demomcy in the Southern Cone: imperatives for US policy in South America (Washington DC: CSIS Press, 2000), p. 62.
26. Fauriol and Weintraub, 'The century of the Americas', p. 143.
27. The members of the Central American Common Market (CACM) are Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras; of the Andean Community (AC), Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela.
28. José Tavares de Araujo, 'FTAA: risks and opportunities for Brazil', Organization of American States Trade Unit, Washington DC, March 1998, p. 9.
29. Gustavo Svarzman, 'La Argentina y el Mercosur ante el proceso de integración hemisférica', Boletín Informativo Techint 295, July-Sept., p. 46.
30. Sistema Económico Latinoamericano, 'Reflexiones sobre la dinámica de las relaciones externas de América Latina y el Caribe', Capítulos del SELA 55, 1999, pp. 36-7.
31. Paul Cammack, 'Mercosur and Latin American integration', mimeo, University of Manchester, 2001, p. 1.
32. Gordon Mace and Louis Bélanger, 'The structural contexts of hemispheric regionalism: power, trade, political culture and economic development', in Gordon Mace and Louis Bélanger et al., The Americas in transition: the contours of regionalism (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), p. 42.
33. Maria Regina Soares de Lima, 'Brazil's alternative vision', in Mace, Bélanger et al., The Americas in transition, p. 136.
34. La Nación, 23 Oct. 2002; author's translation.
35. Comunidad Andina, 'El futuro de la integración política andina: reflexiones de la Secretaría General', Secretaría General, June 2001; author's translation.
36. This portion of Brazilian business refers principally to smaller domestic firms oriented largely towards the domestic markets. Recent research has demonstrated that Brazilian multinational corporations have been on the whole in favour of an FTAA, including those which are active predominantly in the domestic market. See Denilde Oliveira Holzhacker and José Augusto Guilhon Albuquerque, 'Attitudes and strategies of multinational enterprises about regional integration in Brazil', mimeo, Research Centre for International Relations, University of São Paulo, March 2002.
37. Marcelo De Paiva Abreu, 'Latin American and Caribbean interests in the WTO', in Diana Tussie, ed., Trade negotiations in Latin America: problems and prospects (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003), p. 23.
38. Phillips, 'Governance after financial crisis', pp. 393-4.
39. Andrew Hurrell, 'The politics of regional integration in MERCOSUR' in Bulmer-Thomas, ed., Regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, p. 201.
40. La Nación, 27 March 2002.
41. For example, in the FTAA negotiations Peru has taken the lead particularly on special and differential treatment for smaller countries and on indigenous rights.
42. The nine principal negotiating areas in the FTAA process, represented by the nine technical working groups established at the 1998 San José ministerial meeting, are: market access; agriculture; services; investment: government procurement; intellectual property rights; subsidies/anti-dumping/ countervailing duties; competition policy; and dispute settlement.
43. Interestingly, conversations with relevant actors have revealed that success in collective negotiation has also depended to a good degree on which country holds the presidency of the Mercosur. It worked well when Brazil held the presidency, somewhat when Argentina did, and scarcely at all when it was in Paraguayan hands. This might be to do with leadership questions, but is perhaps more to do with fundamental divergences between Paraguayan interests and those of other Mercosur members.
44. Informe ALCA, Nov. 2002.
45. I am grateful to Nora Capello in the Argentine Cancillería (Dirección de América del Norte y Asuntos Hemisféricos) for clarifying these and related issues to me.
46. Cited in Diana Tussie, 'Traversing the hemisphere: the dilemmas of a necessary friendship', paper presented at the NetAmericas conference, Washington DC, 20-21 Nov. 2002.
47. Daniel Chudnovsky and Andrés López, 'Policy competition for foreign direct investment', in Tussie, ed., Trade negotiations in Latin America, p. 151.
48. Sheila Page, 'Regional integration and the investment effect', in Bulmer-Thomas, ed., Regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, p. 53.
49. Daniel Chudnovsky, Bernardo Kosacoff and Andrés López, Las multinationales latinoamericanas: sus estrategias en un mundo globalizado (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999), p. 54.
50. Ibid., p. 32.
51. Page, 'Regional integration and the investment effect', p. 56.
52. Delgado Rojas, 'Los temas no comerciales del ALCA', p. 58.