Revisiting Canada's civilian women during World War II

Histoire Sociale

Volumn 30, Issue 60, 1997, Pages 238-266

  Keshen, Jeff ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0043266398     PISSN: 00182257     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (198)

1. Ruth Roach Pierson, They're Still Women After All: Canadian Women and the Second World War (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1986).
2. A good analysis on the "social construction of gender" is found in Joan Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis", American Historical Review, vol. 101 (1986), pp. 1053-1074.
3. See, for example, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, "Pigeon-Holed and Forgotten: The Work of the Subcommittee on the Post-War Problems of Women, 1943", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 15, no. 29 (1982), pp. 239-259; Ellen Scheinberg, "The Tale of Tessie the Textile Worker: Female Textile Workers in Cornwall During World War II", Labour/Le Travail, vol. 33 (1994), pp. 153-186. Diane Forestell alludes to progressive attitudes that developed towards the employment of women during the war, but does not pursue this theme to suggest a possible impact. See "The Necessity of Sacrifice for the Nation at War: Women's Labour Force Participation, 1939-1946", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 22, no. 44 (1989), pp. 323-343.
4. See, for example, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, "Pigeon-Holed and Forgotten: The Work of the Subcommittee on the Post-War Problems of Women, 1943", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 15, no. 29 (1982), pp. 239-259; Ellen Scheinberg, "The Tale of Tessie the Textile Worker: Female Textile Workers in Cornwall During World War II", Labour/Le Travail, vol. 33 (1994), pp. 153-186. Diane Forestell alludes to progressive attitudes that developed towards the employment of women during the war, but does not pursue this theme to suggest a possible impact. See "The Necessity of Sacrifice for the Nation at War: Women's Labour Force Participation, 1939-1946", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 22, no. 44 (1989), pp. 323-343.
5. See, for example, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, "Pigeon-Holed and Forgotten: The Work of the Subcommittee on the Post-War Problems of Women, 1943", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 15, no. 29 (1982), pp. 239-259; Ellen Scheinberg, "The Tale of Tessie the Textile Worker: Female Textile Workers in Cornwall During World War II", Labour/Le Travail, vol. 33 (1994), pp. 153-186. Diane Forestell alludes to progressive attitudes that developed towards the employment of women during the war, but does not pursue this theme to suggest a possible impact. See "The Necessity of Sacrifice for the Nation at War: Women's Labour Force Participation, 1939-1946", Histoire sociale/ Social History, vol. 22, no. 44 (1989), pp. 323-343.
6. Pierson's book also advances this thesis with respect to the approximately 40,000 women who joined the three auxiliary services of the Canadian military. They're Still Women After All, chaps. 3-6.
7. In 1945 the total circulation of daily newspapers in Canada stood at 2,230,929. The circulation of weekly newspapers added 1,979,903 subscribers. By comparison, in 1945 there were 1,759,100 yearly renewable radio licences issued to Canadians. Canada Year Book, 1948-1949, pp. 767, 789.
8. Admittedly, there are potential pitfalls in turning to press copy, public opinion polls, and especially oral testimony to obtain evidence: the possibility that political agendas, leading questions, the tendency to embellish, lapses in memory, and the influence of later events may create inaccurate reinterpretations. Ruth Pierson, who is dubious about the use of oral testimony from women who lived through World War II, writes that "we need to examine that memory in relation to the powerful wartime discourses of gender reinforcement." Nevertheless, such sources, when linked to concrete transformations, can go a long way towards explaining causation. Moreover, I view underlying social opinion as more divided than does Pierson and as having provided room for limited progress. See Ruth Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History" in Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Randall, eds., Writing Women's History: International Perspectives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 91-92. In adopting my methodology towards the use of printed and oral evidence, I have been guided by Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1967); John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1991); and Paul Thompson, Voice of the Past, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford, 1988). A good example in which press opinion and wider factual information were joined to make an argument about the status of women, albeit somewhat at variance from the interpretation advanced here, is found in Veronica Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives and the Construction of the Middle-Class, 1945-60", Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 29, no. 3 (1994), pp. 5-25.
9. Admittedly, there are potential pitfalls in turning to press copy, public opinion polls, and especially oral testimony to obtain evidence: the possibility that political agendas, leading questions, the tendency to embellish, lapses in memory, and the influence of later events may create inaccurate reinterpretations. Ruth Pierson, who is dubious about the use of oral testimony from women who lived through World War II, writes that "we need to examine that memory in relation to the powerful wartime discourses of gender reinforcement." Nevertheless, such sources, when linked to concrete transformations, can go a long way towards explaining causation. Moreover, I view underlying social opinion as more divided than does Pierson and as having provided room for limited progress. See Ruth Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History" in Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Randall, eds., Writing Women's History: International Perspectives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 91-92. In adopting my methodology towards the use of printed and oral evidence, I have been guided by Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1967); John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1991); and Paul Thompson, Voice of the Past, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford, 1988). A good example in which press opinion and wider factual information were joined to make an argument about the status of women, albeit somewhat at variance from the interpretation advanced here, is found in Veronica Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives and the Construction of the Middle-Class, 1945-60", Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 29, no. 3 (1994), pp. 5-25.
10. Admittedly, there are potential pitfalls in turning to press copy, public opinion polls, and especially oral testimony to obtain evidence: the possibility that political agendas, leading questions, the tendency to embellish, lapses in memory, and the influence of later events may create inaccurate reinterpretations. Ruth Pierson, who is dubious about the use of oral testimony from women who lived through World War II, writes that "we need to examine that memory in relation to the powerful wartime discourses of gender reinforcement." Nevertheless, such sources, when linked to concrete transformations, can go a long way towards explaining causation. Moreover, I view underlying social opinion as more divided than does Pierson and as having provided room for limited progress. See Ruth Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History" in Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Randall, eds., Writing Women's History: International Perspectives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 91-92. In adopting my methodology towards the use of printed and oral evidence, I have been guided by Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1967); John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1991); and Paul Thompson, Voice of the Past, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford, 1988). A good example in which press opinion and wider factual information were joined to make an argument about the status of women, albeit somewhat at variance from the interpretation advanced here, is found in Veronica Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives and the Construction of the Middle-Class, 1945-60", Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 29, no. 3 (1994), pp. 5-25.
11. Admittedly, there are potential pitfalls in turning to press copy, public opinion polls, and especially oral testimony to obtain evidence: the possibility that political agendas, leading questions, the tendency to embellish, lapses in memory, and the influence of later events may create inaccurate reinterpretations. Ruth Pierson, who is dubious about the use of oral testimony from women who lived through World War II, writes that "we need to examine that memory in relation to the powerful wartime discourses of gender reinforcement." Nevertheless, such sources, when linked to concrete transformations, can go a long way towards explaining causation. Moreover, I view underlying social opinion as more divided than does Pierson and as having provided room for limited progress. See Ruth Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History" in Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Randall, eds., Writing Women's History: International Perspectives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 91-92. In adopting my methodology towards the use of printed and oral evidence, I have been guided by Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1967); John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1991); and Paul Thompson, Voice of the Past, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford, 1988). A good example in which press opinion and wider factual information were joined to make an argument about the status of women, albeit somewhat at variance from the interpretation advanced here, is found in Veronica Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives and the Construction of the Middle-Class, 1945-60", Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 29, no. 3 (1994), pp. 5-25.
12. Admittedly, there are potential pitfalls in turning to press copy, public opinion polls, and especially oral testimony to obtain evidence: the possibility that political agendas, leading questions, the tendency to embellish, lapses in memory, and the influence of later events may create inaccurate reinterpretations. Ruth Pierson, who is dubious about the use of oral testimony from women who lived through World War II, writes that "we need to examine that memory in relation to the powerful wartime discourses of gender reinforcement." Nevertheless, such sources, when linked to concrete transformations, can go a long way towards explaining causation. Moreover, I view underlying social opinion as more divided than does Pierson and as having provided room for limited progress. See Ruth Pierson, "Experience, Difference, Dominance and Voice in the Writing of Canadian Women's History" in Karen Offen, Ruth Roach Pierson, and Jane Randall, eds., Writing Women's History: International Perspectives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 91-92. In adopting my methodology towards the use of printed and oral evidence, I have been guided by Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1967); John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1991); and Paul Thompson, Voice of the Past, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford, 1988). A good example in which press opinion and wider factual information were joined to make an argument about the status of women, albeit somewhat at variance from the interpretation advanced here, is found in Veronica Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives and the Construction of the Middle-Class, 1945-60", Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 29, no. 3 (1994), pp. 5-25.
13. Between 1937 and 1944, monthly sales of Chatelaine increased from 214,742 to 252,403. The Toronto Star, which served a major centre of war production, saw its average daily sales rise from 268,213 in 1943 to 306,839 by 1945. See McKim's Directory of Canadian Publications (Montreal: A. McKim Limited); N. W. Ayer & Son, Directory of Newspapers and Periodicals (Philadelphia: N. W. Ayer and Son, 1944). This notion of press power derives from the "interdependence theory" of mass communication. On its application to the issue of gender stereotyping, see Gertrude Joch Robinson, "The Media and Social Change: Thirty Years of Magazine Coverage of Women and Work (1950-1977)", Atlantis, vol. 8, no. 2 (1983), p. 88.
14. Between 1937 and 1944, monthly sales of Chatelaine increased from 214,742 to 252,403. The Toronto Star, which served a major centre of war production, saw its average daily sales rise from 268,213 in 1943 to 306,839 by 1945. See McKim's Directory of Canadian Publications (Montreal: A. McKim Limited); N. W. Ayer & Son, Directory of Newspapers and Periodicals (Philadelphia: N. W. Ayer and Son, 1944). This notion of press power derives from the "interdependence theory" of mass communication. On its application to the issue of gender stereotyping, see Gertrude Joch Robinson, "The Media and Social Change: Thirty Years of Magazine Coverage of Women and Work (1950-1977)", Atlantis, vol. 8, no. 2 (1983), p. 88.
15. Between 1937 and 1944, monthly sales of Chatelaine increased from 214,742 to 252,403. The Toronto Star, which served a major centre of war production, saw its average daily sales rise from 268,213 in 1943 to 306,839 by 1945. See McKim's Directory of Canadian Publications (Montreal: A. McKim Limited); N. W. Ayer & Son, Directory of Newspapers and Periodicals (Philadelphia: N. W. Ayer and Son, 1944). This notion of press power derives from the "interdependence theory" of mass communication. On its application to the issue of gender stereotyping, see Gertrude Joch Robinson, "The Media and Social Change: Thirty Years of Magazine Coverage of Women and Work (1950-1977)", Atlantis, vol. 8, no. 2 (1983), p. 88.
16. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
17. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
18. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
19. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
20. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
21. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
22. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
23. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
24. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
25. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
26. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
27. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
28. Leila Rupp argues that government propaganda recruiting women into war-related jobs stressed "patriotism" as a rallying cry, thus indicating the "emergency" and hence temporary nature of the employment. See Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Also of that school emphasizing the limited impact that World War II had upon the status of women in the workplace are Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); and Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987). William Chafe's The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991) maintains that the migration of so many women into unconventional jobs could not simply be brushed aside once the fighting stopped. Maureen Honey's study of government propaganda found not only imagery promoting traditional views of femininity, but also messages strengthening female self-esteem by highlighting their ability to perform a wide variety of so-called male occupations. See Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Susan Hartmann noted that by 1947 women began returning to the workplace in large numbers, and that by the end of the decade their aggregate presence in the paid employment market exceeded wartime peaks, thus indicating that things did not "return ... to the status quo ante bellum". See The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 26-27. Moreover, recent work on the 1950s demonstrates that the domestification of women was not nearly as complete as folklore suggests. For the United States, see Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor, Surviving in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford, 1987); Eileen Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Joanne Meyerowitz, Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). Some Canadian scholarship alludes to the fact that women, as a result of their wartime experiences, obtained a stronger foothold in the job market or came to demonstrate disillusionment with the post-war emphasis upon domesticity. See Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gail Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson, and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), chap. 12; Veronica Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams and the Suburban Experiment in Canada, 1945-60", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 4 (1991), pp. 471-504, and "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", pp. 5-25. However, the preponderance of scholarly opinion, particularly within Canada, conveys disappointment over a pattern of post-war female employment that still reflected a "social construction of gender" that justified widespread inequality.
29. This theory is mentioned in Doug Owram, Born at the Right Time (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996).
30. Norma E. Walmsley, "The Gatineau Hills: Love at First Sight", Up the Gatineau!, vol. 22 (1996), p. 9.
31. Author's interview with Laura Harrison, Edmonton, May 20, 1993.
32. Maclean's, July 1, 1941, p. 27.
33. Maclean's, June 15, 1940, p. 26; M. Susan Bland, "Henrietta the Homemaker and Rosie the Riveter: Images of Women in Advertising in Maclean's Magazine, 1939-1950", Atlanlis, vol. 8, no. 2 (1983), p. 80.
34. Maclean's, June 15, 1940, p. 26; M. Susan Bland, "Henrietta the Homemaker and Rosie the Riveter: Images of Women in Advertising in Maclean's Magazine, 1939-1950", Atlanlis, vol. 8, no. 2 (1983), p. 80.
35. Chatelaine, January 1939, p. 28.
36. Phyllis Lassner, "The Quiet Revolution: World War II and the English Domestic Novel", Mosaic, vol. 23, no. 3 (1990), p. 90.
37. Chatelaine, January 1945, pp. 6-7.
38. See, for example, Chatelaine, November 1939, pp. 10-11; Maclean's, June 1, 1941, p. 2.
39. See, for example, Chatelaine, November 1939, pp. 10-11; Maclean's, June 1, 1941, p. 2.
40. National Archives of Canada (hereafter NAC), National Council of Women of Canada papers (hereafter NCWC), MG28 I 25, vol. 66, file 2, clipping from Toronto Globe and Mail, November 2, 1939, n.p.
41. Author's interview with Laura Harrison, Edmonton, May 20, 1993.
42. NAC, William Lyon Mackenzie King papers (hereafter WLMK), MG26, series J2, vol. 226, file "National Reg of Women, 1940".
43. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 33-39; Canadian Welfare, July 1943, p. 7.
44. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 33-39; Canadian Welfare, July 1943, p. 7.
45. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 30-33.
46. Mayfair, July 1943, p. 85; Jean Bruce, Back the Attack! Canadian Women During the Second World War - at Home and Abroad (Toronto: Macmillan, 1985), p. 117.
47. Mayfair, July 1943, p. 85; Jean Bruce, Back the Attack! Canadian Women During the Second World War - at Home and Abroad (Toronto: Macmillan, 1985), p. 117.
48. Chatelaine, June 1944, p. 76.
49. Chatelaine, November 1942, pp. 72, 75.
50. For example, Leena Turner of Toronto recalled the "sense of importance" she felt from "going into the bank myself to do the family finances". NAC, Audiovisual Division (hereafter AV), tape R-8550, interview with Leena Turner.
51. Saturday Night, October 31, 1942, p. 29. Also see Alan Brown, "Child Care in Wartime", Canadian Journal of Public Health, 1940, p. 107.
52. Saturday Night, October 31, 1942, p. 29. Also see Alan Brown, "Child Care in Wartime", Canadian Journal of Public Health, 1940, p. 107.
53. Private collection held by Mary Tasker, Toronto. Grace Craig to Jim Craig, March 18, 1944.
54. Nancy Keifer and Ruth Roach Pierson, "The War Effort and Women Students at the University of Toronto, 1939-1945" in Paul Axelrod, ed., Youth, University and Canadian Society: Essays in the History of Higher Education (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989), pp. 163-176.
55. Gateway, October 13, 1943, p. 3.
56. Author's survey of wartime issues of the Gateway, and the edition for October 16, 1942, p. 1.
57. M. C. Urquhart and K. A. H. Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1965), p. 601; Canada Year Book, 1940, p. 976, and 1948-1949, pp. 320-321.
58. M. C. Urquhart and K. A. H. Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1965), p. 601; Canada Year Book, 1940, p. 976, and 1948-1949, pp. 320-321.
59. M. C. Urquhart and K. A. H. Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1965), p. 601; Canada Year Book, 1940, p. 976, and 1948-1949, pp. 320-321.
60. Ruth Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 48-49; Ramona Rose, "'Keepers of Morale': The Vancouver Council of Women, 1939-1945" (Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1992), p. 70.
61. Ruth Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 48-49; Ramona Rose, "'Keepers of Morale': The Vancouver Council of Women, 1939-1945" (Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1992), p. 70.
62. Such was the case, it seems, with Captain McDowell's wife, who wrote in a letter almost immediately after his departure from Canada that "this is the first ... day and I am afraid the beginning of many ... that I find myself sitting at home alone with not so much as a dickybird to talk to." York University Archives, J. L. Granatstein papers, box 4, Captain C. McDowell letters, Ruth McDowell to Captain C. McDowell, November 14, 1942.
63. J. L. Granatstein and Desmond Morton, A Nation Forged in Fire: Canadians and the Second World War, 1939-1945 (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys, 1989), p. 36.
64. Saturday Night, December 15, 1943, p. 15. The dependent allowance for a wife with two children was $79 per month, but rental rates in major centres of war production commonly reached $60. Maclean's, December 15, 1940, p. 10; Canadian Welfare, November 1939, pp. 20-21.
65. Saturday Night, December 15, 1943, p. 15. The dependent allowance for a wife with two children was $79 per month, but rental rates in major centres of war production commonly reached $60. Maclean's, December 15, 1940, p. 10; Canadian Welfare, November 1939, pp. 20-21.
66. Saturday Night, December 15, 1943, p. 15. The dependent allowance for a wife with two children was $79 per month, but rental rates in major centres of war production commonly reached $60. Maclean's, December 15, 1940, p. 10; Canadian Welfare, November 1939, pp. 20-21.
67. Supplements were usually provided in cases where families exceeded six children (the top level of support under the regular dependent allowance programme), for emergency medical costs, and for funeral expenses. NAC, Department of National Defence Records (hereafter DND), RG24, vol. 6543, file 650-95-2, Minutes, Meeting of the Dependents' Board of Trustees, June 10, 1943.
68. NAC, Robert England Papers, MG30 C181, vol. 3, file 21, "Maritime Women at Work and Peace", December 1944.
69. NAC, Canada Youth Commission papers (hereafter CYC), MG28 I 11, series (c)7, vol. 42, file 5(3g), "Group Interview, General Engineering Company", 1944.
70. Statistics Canada, Incidence of Notifiable Diseases by Province, Number of Cases and Rates, 1924-1968 (Ottawa, 1970), pp. 86-87.
71. Canadian School Journal, vol. 23, no. 2 (February 1945), p. 48.
72. Lord Strathcona Horse Archives, Calgary, Regimental Orders, November 28, 1940.
73. NAC, DND, vol. 12,612, file 217-31, "Introduction to Training in Protection Against V.D."
74. For example, in Calgary, arrests of those working at brothels rose from 44 in 1938 to 75 the next year. Provincial Archives of Alberta, 68.145, Report of the Attorney-General, 1939, p. 19.
75. NAC, Canadian Council on Social Development papers (hereafter CCSD), MG28 I 10, vol. 74, file 558, clipping from Winnipeg Free Press, November 20, 1942, n.p.
76. During the war, extra police women were hired in at least Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, Halifax, Quebec City, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary, Edmonton, Victoria, and Vancouver. See Donna A. Zwicker, "Alberta Women and World War Two" (Master's thesis, University of Calgary, 1985), pp. 93-94; Calgary Police Archives, Police Commission papers (hereafter PC), file 42.11, Secretary of the Board of Police Commission to J. Miller, February 9, 1943.
77. During the war, extra police women were hired in at least Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, Halifax, Quebec City, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary, Edmonton, Victoria, and Vancouver. See Donna A. Zwicker, "Alberta Women and World War Two" (Master's thesis, University of Calgary, 1985), pp. 93-94; Calgary Police Archives, Police Commission papers (hereafter PC), file 42.11, Secretary of the Board of Police Commission to J. Miller, February 9, 1943.
78. Diane G. Forestell, "The Victorian Legacy: Historical Perspectives on the Canadian Women's Army Corps" (Ph.D. thesis, York University, 1986), p. 172.
79. PC, file 42.12, undated clipping from Calgary Albertan, n.p.
80. NAC, DND, vol. 16,643, Maple Leaf, March 26, 1945, p. 2.
81. Canada Year Book, 1945, p. 1116.
82. Forestell, "The Victorian Legacy", p. 164.
83. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 30.
84. Chatelaine, June 1943, p. 8; New Advance, February 1943, p. 16.
85. Chatelaine, June 1943, p. 8; New Advance, February 1943, p. 16.
86. In Ontario, where the concentration of war industry forced 28 government subsidized daycare centres to open, the 1,135 spaces provided equalled approximately one-quarter the number of eligible children of war workers. Meanwhile, severe opposition from Quebec's powerful Catholic Church played a key role in keeping the number of daycare facilities in that province to just six. In Quebec, the federal government's War Information Board was even compelled to dispel rumours claiming that children sent to daycare facilities would be confiscated by the state. Archives of Ontario (hereafter AO), Department of Public Welfare records, RG29, series 1, file 1-872, Survey of Dominion-Provincial Wartime Day Nursery Programme, September 1942 - September 1945; Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 53. NAC, Boards, Offices and Committees, War Information Board (hereafter BOC), RG36, series 31, vol. 13, file 8-5-2, War Information Board Current Rumour Clinic, July 17, 1943.
87. In Ontario, where the concentration of war industry forced 28 government subsidized daycare centres to open, the 1,135 spaces provided equalled approximately one-quarter the number of eligible children of war workers. Meanwhile, severe opposition from Quebec's powerful Catholic Church played a key role in keeping the number of daycare facilities in that province to just six. In Quebec, the federal government's War Information Board was even compelled to dispel rumours claiming that children sent to daycare facilities would be confiscated by the state. Archives of Ontario (hereafter AO), Department of Public Welfare records, RG29, series 1, file 1-872, Survey of Dominion-Provincial Wartime Day Nursery Programme, September 1942 - September 1945; Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 53. NAC, Boards, Offices and Committees, War Information Board (hereafter BOC), RG36, series 31, vol. 13, file 8-5-2, War Information Board Current Rumour Clinic, July 17, 1943.
88. One case was the Montreal chapter of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Mothers and Children, which faced a crisis of space in the early 1940s after receiving just 20 more applicants. NAC, WLMK, series J2, vol. 4, file "Feb. 18, 1942 to May 19, 1943", President's Report, 1942 Meeting of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Mothers and Children.
89. Charges stood at 2,099 in 1943 and 2,442 in 1944. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 913; 1943, p. 984; 1946, p. 1113; and 1947, p 283.
90. Charges stood at 2,099 in 1943 and 2,442 in 1944. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 913; 1943, p. 984; 1946, p. 1113; and 1947, p 283.
91. Charges stood at 2,099 in 1943 and 2,442 in 1944. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 913; 1943, p. 984; 1946, p. 1113; and 1947, p 283.
92. Charges stood at 2,099 in 1943 and 2,442 in 1944. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 913; 1943, p. 984; 1946, p. 1113; and 1947, p 283.
93. An October 1942 survey of 218 working mothers with 118 pre-school children in London, Ontario, revealed that 38.4% of youngsters stayed with fathers, siblings, or grandparents; 29.7% were in daycare; 15% had formal supervision from neighbours; 13.3% were with other relatives; and 3.6% enjoyed the services of a paid housekeeper Canadian Welfare, October 1942, p. 15.
94. Canada Year Book, 1946, p. 247.
95. Between 1925 and 1929, migration into Canada stood at 84,907, 135,982, 158,886, 166,783, and 164,993 for each respective year. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, Series A254-272. Meanwhile, the boom migration of the early twentieth century helps explain high delinquency rates during the 1920s through to the mid-1930s, while the trough in youth crime during the latter half of the 1930s derived in part from fewer newcomers and a low birth rate during the Great War, combined with strict immigration controls until the mid-1920s. Whereas immigration to Canada averaged 309,061 per annum from 1910 to 1914, over the next four years the mean dropped to 51,599. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272. Birth rates averaged 25.25 between 1910 and 1914 and over the next four years declined to a mean of 24.42. Canada Year Book, 1927-1928, pp. 109-110. In accounting for delinquency decreases during the mid-to late 1940s, one must note, besides the return of many working women into the home and the reappearance of fathers from the military, drastic cuts to immigration and a declining birth rate during the Great Depression. Between 1930 and 1931, immigration to Canada dropped from 104,806 to 27,530. As well, between 1929 and 1931, total births decreased from 242,246 to 228,296. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272, B1-14.
96. Between 1925 and 1929, migration into Canada stood at 84,907, 135,982, 158,886, 166,783, and 164,993 for each respective year. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, Series A254-272. Meanwhile, the boom migration of the early twentieth century helps explain high delinquency rates during the 1920s through to the mid-1930s, while the trough in youth crime during the latter half of the 1930s derived in part from fewer newcomers and a low birth rate during the Great War, combined with strict immigration controls until the mid-1920s. Whereas immigration to Canada averaged 309,061 per annum from 1910 to 1914, over the next four years the mean dropped to 51,599. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272. Birth rates averaged 25.25 between 1910 and 1914 and over the next four years declined to a mean of 24.42. Canada Year Book, 1927-1928, pp. 109-110. In accounting for delinquency decreases during the mid-to late 1940s, one must note, besides the return of many working women into the home and the reappearance of fathers from the military, drastic cuts to immigration and a declining birth rate during the Great Depression. Between 1930 and 1931, immigration to Canada dropped from 104,806 to 27,530. As well, between 1929 and 1931, total births decreased from 242,246 to 228,296. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272, B1-14.
97. Between 1925 and 1929, migration into Canada stood at 84,907, 135,982, 158,886, 166,783, and 164,993 for each respective year. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, Series A254-272. Meanwhile, the boom migration of the early twentieth century helps explain high delinquency rates during the 1920s through to the mid-1930s, while the trough in youth crime during the latter half of the 1930s derived in part from fewer newcomers and a low birth rate during the Great War, combined with strict immigration controls until the mid-1920s. Whereas immigration to Canada averaged 309,061 per annum from 1910 to 1914, over the next four years the mean dropped to 51,599. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272. Birth rates averaged 25.25 between 1910 and 1914 and over the next four years declined to a mean of 24.42. Canada Year Book, 1927-1928, pp. 109-110. In accounting for delinquency decreases during the mid-to late 1940s, one must note, besides the return of many working women into the home and the reappearance of fathers from the military, drastic cuts to immigration and a declining birth rate during the Great Depression. Between 1930 and 1931, immigration to Canada dropped from 104,806 to 27,530. As well, between 1929 and 1931, total births decreased from 242,246 to 228,296. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272, B1-14.
98. Between 1925 and 1929, migration into Canada stood at 84,907, 135,982, 158,886, 166,783, and 164,993 for each respective year. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, Series A254-272. Meanwhile, the boom migration of the early twentieth century helps explain high delinquency rates during the 1920s through to the mid-1930s, while the trough in youth crime during the latter half of the 1930s derived in part from fewer newcomers and a low birth rate during the Great War, combined with strict immigration controls until the mid-1920s. Whereas immigration to Canada averaged 309,061 per annum from 1910 to 1914, over the next four years the mean dropped to 51,599. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272. Birth rates averaged 25.25 between 1910 and 1914 and over the next four years declined to a mean of 24.42. Canada Year Book, 1927-1928, pp. 109-110. In accounting for delinquency decreases during the mid-to late 1940s, one must note, besides the return of many working women into the home and the reappearance of fathers from the military, drastic cuts to immigration and a declining birth rate during the Great Depression. Between 1930 and 1931, immigration to Canada dropped from 104,806 to 27,530. As well, between 1929 and 1931, total births decreased from 242,246 to 228,296. Urquhart and Buckley, Historical Statistics on Canada, series A254-272, B1-14.
99. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Daily Bulletin, vol. 13, no. 125, June 23, 1944.
100. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 920, and 1946, p. 1121.
101. Canada Year Book, 1942, p. 920, and 1946, p. 1121.
102. See Albert H. Burrows, "The Problem of Juvenile Delinquency", Journal of Educational Psychology, vol. 19, no. 6 (1946), pp. 384-385.
103. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 47.
104. Winnipeg Free Press, July 31, 1943, p. 18.
105. Maclean's, June 15, 1942, p. 10.
106. Saturday Night, October 17, 1942, p. 10.
107. Author's survey of the Canadian Periodical Index.
108. Chatelaine, September 1943, p. 76.
109. In 1944 women comprised 60% of British Columbia's 8,600 aircraft workers and 32% of the 45,033 in Ontario. Zwicker, "Alberta Women", p. 83.
110. Mayfair, September 1943, p. 88.
111. Between 1939 and 1944, ridership on public transportation vehicles in Canada increased from 639,631,589 to 1,404,576,434. This increase was attributable to the influx of people into cities for war jobs and the imposition of gasoline and tire rationing. See Barbara Lorenzkowski, "'Good Morning, Mrs. Motorman' - Women Streetcar Operators and Conductors in Wartime Canada, 1943-1945" (unpublished manuscript, University of Ottawa, 1996), pp. 1-19.
112. Saturday Night, June 19, 1943, p. 26.
113. NAC, AV, tape R-8548, interview with Irene Wheeler.
114. NAC, AV, tape R-8546, interview with Clara Clifford.
115. NAC, AV, tape R-8550, interview with Leena Turner.
116. Author's interview with Minnie McMillan, Edmonton, Alberta, September 28, 1992.
117. Bruce, Back the Attack!, p. 56.
118. AO, MU 3542, Women at Work (Toronto: Maclean-Hunter. 1943), pp. 10-11.
119. Forestell, "The Necessity of Sacrifice", pp. 341-342.
120. According to Gail Cuthbert-Brandt, the most concerted effort to create the subcommittee came from Margaret Wherry, vice-president of the Canadian Federation of Business and Professional Women. See "Pigeon-Holed and Forgotten", pp. 240-241.
121. Ibid., pp. 247-250.
122. Canadian Welfare, March 1944, pp. 4-5.
123. One 1943 public opinion poll showed that 80% of working women planned, if possible, to keep their jobs after the war. However, it is unclear how many of these women were willing to see veterans go without work as a result. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 78.
124. Canadian Forum, July 1943, p. 90.
125. Rose, "Keepers of Morale", p. 92.
126. Toronto Star, December 1, 1943, p. 1.
127. Public Opinion Quarterly, 1945, p. 529.
128. The Canadian Youth Commission was established in 1940 by the YMCA to gauge the opinions of those between 15 and 24 years of age. NAC, CYC, series d, file 13, "Of Things to Come - A Citizen's Forum", November 7, 1944.
129. New Advance, December 1943, pp. 15-17.
130. Mary Jane Lennon, On the Homefront: A Scrapbook of Canadian World War Two Memorabilia (Erin, Ont.: Boston Mills Press, 1981), p. 120.
131. Public Opinion Quarterly, 1945, p. 375. Also see J. L. Granatstein, Canada's War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government, 1939-1945 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975), chap. 7.
132. Public Opinion Quarterly, 1945, p. 375. Also see J. L. Granatstein, Canada's War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government, 1939-1945 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1975), chap. 7.
133. On political challenges to the King government from Canada's left-wing party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, as well as the adoption of Keynesian economic policies by the federal Liberals, see, ibid.; J. L. Granatstein, The Ottawa Men: The Civil Service Mandarins, 1935-1957 (Toronto: Oxford, 1982), chap. 6; Doug Owram, The Government Generation: Canadian Intellectuals and the State, 1900-1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), chap. 11.
134. On political challenges to the King government from Canada's left-wing party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, as well as the adoption of Keynesian economic policies by the federal Liberals, see, ibid.; J. L. Granatstein, The Ottawa Men: The Civil Service Mandarins, 1935-1957 (Toronto: Oxford, 1982), chap. 6; Doug Owram, The Government Generation: Canadian Intellectuals and the State, 1900-1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), chap. 11.
135. On political challenges to the King government from Canada's left-wing party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, as well as the adoption of Keynesian economic policies by the federal Liberals, see, ibid.; J. L. Granatstein, The Ottawa Men: The Civil Service Mandarins, 1935-1957 (Toronto: Oxford, 1982), chap. 6; Doug Owram, The Government Generation: Canadian Intellectuals and the State, 1900-1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), chap. 11.
136. This connection between Family Allowances and the domestification of women is suggested in NAC, BOC, series 31, vol. 8, file 2-8, undated flyer entitled "What are Family Allowances?", and CYC, series c(7), vol. 42, file 7 (3g), Quebec Conference, January 25, 1945.
137. This connection between Family Allowances and the domestification of women is suggested in NAC, BOC, series 31, vol. 8, file 2-8, undated flyer entitled "What are Family Allowances?", and CYC, series c(7), vol. 42, file 7 (3g), Quebec Conference, January 25, 1945.
138. NAC, Ian Mackenzie Papers, MG27 III B5, vol. 9, file 3-89, undated speech by Ian Mackenzie; DND, vol. 12,278, file 27-1, Bulletin on Vocational Training, 1944; BOC, series 31, vol. 14, file 8-14-C, pt. 2, Fieldon to Sutherland, January 13, 1944.
139. NAC, Ian Mackenzie Papers, MG27 III B5, vol. 9, file 3-89, undated speech by Ian Mackenzie; DND, vol. 12,278, file 27-1, Bulletin on Vocational Training, 1944; BOC, series 31, vol. 14, file 8-14-C, pt. 2, Fieldon to Sutherland, January 13, 1944.
140. NAC, Department of Veterans' Affairs records (hereafter DVA), RG38, vol. 372, file "D.V.A. New-Rel", news release entitled "Payments to Veterans", n.d.
141. Under the 1944 National Housing Act, one could acquire a home costing up to $4,000 (which was quite common at the time) for a 10% down payment (with slightly higher down payment requirements for more expensive homes). The new Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation subsidized loans at 5% interest, amortized for up to 30 years; at that rate, monthly payments on a $4,000 property came to approximately $20. John T. Saywell, Housing Canadians: Essays on the History of Residential Construction in Canada (Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada, 1975), p. 188.
142. NAC, Ministry of Labour records, RG27, vol. 2349, file 22-5-14, Memorandum on Progress of Veteran Rehabilitation, 1947.
143. In Toronto, a Day Nurseries and Day Care Parents Association desperately tried to resist this trend. By 1951, however, the moderate funding it had obtained from provincial and municipal governments ended, a victim not only of post-war pressures upon women to place first priority on family life, but also of a new Cold War atmosphere in which the association of some Communists with the daycare movement proved unacceptable. See Susan Prentice, "Workers, Mothers, and Reds: Toronto's Postwar Daycare Fight", Studies in Political Economy, vol. 30 (1989), pp. 118-132.
144. Canadian Forum, March 1946, p. 274.
145. See Ann Porter, "Women and Income Security in the Post-War Period: The Case of Unemployment Insurance, 1945-1962", Labour/Le Travail, vol. 31 (1993), p. 116.
146. Ibid., p. 115.
147. Canada Year Book, 1951, p. 166; F. H. Leacy, ed., Historical Statistics on Canada (Ottawa: Supply and Services, 1983), Series A-5.
148. Canada Year Book, 1951, p. 166; F. H. Leacy, ed., Historical Statistics on Canada (Ottawa: Supply and Services, 1983), Series A-5.
149. Author's interview with George Macmillan, Edmonton, Alberta, October 22,1992; Barry Broadfoot, The Veterans' Years (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1989), p. 86.
150. For details on the pattern of personal correspondence between Canadian soldiers and civilians during World War II, see Jeff Keshen and David Mills, "'Ich bereite mich auf den Tag vor, da es zu Ende geht!' Briefwechsel von Kanadierinnen und Kanadiern im Krieg" in Detlef Vogel and Wolfram Wette, eds., Andre Heime - Andre Menschen? (Essen: Klartex, 1995), pp. 257-282.
151. Maclean's, November 15, 1943, p. 31.
152. Tasker collection, Grace Craig to Jim Craig, July 13, 1943.
153. Canada Year Book, 1948-1949, p. 189.
154. NAC, DND, vol. 10,513, file 215 A21.009, undated sermon.
155. NAC, DND, vol. 16,643, Maple Leaf, March 16, 1945, p. 2.
156. Forestall, "The Victorian Legacy", p. 171.
157. Robert Bothwell, "War into Peace: C. D. Howe as Minister of Reconstruction", Proceedings of the Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War (Ottawa, 1977), p. 12.
158. During the initial post-war decade, suburban areas grew three times faster than city centres. Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams", p. 488.
159. Nearly 900,000 homes were built in Canada between 1945 and 1955, 65% of which were bungalows or ranch-style dwellings. Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Annual Report, 1955, p. 54.
160. Saywell, Housing Canadians, p. 202-203.
161. Buckley and Urquhart, Historical Statistics on Canada, p. 510. Also see John Miron, Housing in Postwar Canada; Demographic Change, Housing Formation, and Housing Demand (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), p. 199.
162. Buckley and Urquhart, Historical Statistics on Canada, p. 510. Also see John Miron, Housing in Postwar Canada; Demographic Change, Housing Formation, and Housing Demand (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), p. 199.
163. May, Homeward Bound, pp. 193-205.
164. Author's survey of the Canadian Periodical Index.
165. Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams", p. 476.
166. Ibid., p. 473; Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 216.
167. Ibid., p. 473; Pierson, They're Still Women After All, p. 216.
168. Quoted in Sherna Berger Gluck, "What Did Rosie the Riveter Really Think? Change and Subjective Experience: Lessons from Oral History", Southwest Economy and Society, vol. 6, no. 2 (1983), p. 59.
169. May, Homeward Bound, pp. 176-193.
170. Strong-Boag, "Home Dreams", pp. 500-503.
171. Chatelaine, March 1950, p. 26. For more detail on the dichotomous pattern of magazine content directed at Canadian women during the 1950s, see Valerie Korinek, "Roughing it in Suburbia: Reading Chatelaine Magazine" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1996).
172. Chatelaine, March 1950, p. 26. For more detail on the dichotomous pattern of magazine content directed at Canadian women during the 1950s, see Valerie Korinek, "Roughing it in Suburbia: Reading Chatelaine Magazine" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1996).
173. One could argue that 1941 is a more appropriate benchmark for comparison than 1944 since the Depression had ended and massive government recruitment of women into the workplace had yet to commence; once exceptional factors are removed from the equation, the comparison indicates the impact of World War II on the proclivity of women to work outside the home. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 215-216; Canada Year Book, 1950, pp. 670-674.
174. One could argue that 1941 is a more appropriate benchmark for comparison than 1944 since the Depression had ended and massive government recruitment of women into the workplace had yet to commence; once exceptional factors are removed from the equation, the comparison indicates the impact of World War II on the proclivity of women to work outside the home. Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 215-216; Canada Year Book, 1950, pp. 670-674.
175. Strong Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", p. 7.
176. Labour Gazette, 1954, p. 373.
177. Ibid., p. 136.
178. In 1954 Canada's Chief Statistician concluded that "the woman's place is no longer in the home, and the Canadian home is no longer what it used to be." Prentice et. al., eds., Canadian Women: A History, p. 312. This was a trend that the Labour Gazette connected to "the 1939-45 war" because "prior" to that point "the number of women working outside their homes ... was negligible". Labour Gazette, 1954, p. 530.
179. In 1954 Canada's Chief Statistician concluded that "the woman's place is no longer in the home, and the Canadian home is no longer what it used to be." Prentice et. al., eds., Canadian Women: A History, p. 312. This was a trend that the Labour Gazette connected to "the 1939-45 war" because "prior" to that point "the number of women working outside their homes ... was negligible". Labour Gazette, 1954, p. 530.
180. Strong-Boag, "Canada's Wage-Earning Wives", p. 12-13.
181. Ibid., pp. 8-9; Canada Year Book, 1955, p. 786.
182. Ibid., pp. 8-9; Canada Year Book, 1955, p. 786.
183. Saturday Night, February 15, 1947, p. 32.
184. NAC, Canadian Labour Congress papers, MG28 I 103, vol. 362, file "Ann Francis", CBC radio script entitled "Why Women Work?", December 2, 1949.
185. Lorenzkowski, "'Good Morning, Mrs. Motorman'", p. 18.
186. Women at Work in Canada (Ottawa: Women's Bureau, Department of Labour, 1957), pp. 24-25.
187. Financial Post, July 30, 1949, p. 8.
188. For a positive interpretation of DVA programmes for female veterans, see Peter Neary and Shaun Brown, "The Veterans Charter and Canadian Women" in J. L. Granatstein and Peter Neary, eds., The Good Fight: Canada and the Second World War (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1995), pp. 387-415. For a more critical view, consult Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 80-94.
189. For a positive interpretation of DVA programmes for female veterans, see Peter Neary and Shaun Brown, "The Veterans Charter and Canadian Women" in J. L. Granatstein and Peter Neary, eds., The Good Fight: Canada and the Second World War (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1995), pp. 387-415. For a more critical view, consult Pierson, They're Still Women After All, pp. 80-94.
190. Canada Year Book, 1951, pp. 302-303.
191. Ibid., 1948-1949, pp. 320-321, and 1955, p. 343.
192. Ibid., 1948-1949, pp. 320-321, and 1955, p. 343.
193. Hartmann, The Home Front and Beyond, p. 116.
194. Canadian Institute of Public Opinion, survey of April 18, 1959; Monica Boyd, Canadian Attitudes Towards Women: Thirty Years of Change (Ottawa: Department of Labour, 1984), p. 45.
195. Prentice et. al., eds., Canadian Women: A History, p. 313; Joan Sangster, Dreams of Equality: Women on the Canadian Left, 1920-1950 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1989), pp. 201-204.
196. Prentice et. al., eds., Canadian Women: A History, p. 313; Joan Sangster, Dreams of Equality: Women on the Canadian Left, 1920-1950 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1989), pp. 201-204.
197. For details, see Shirley Tillotson, "Human Rights Law as Prism: Women's Organizations, Unions, and Ontario's Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act, 1951", Canadian Historical Review, vol. 72, no. 4 (1991), pp. 532-557.
198. Porter, "Women and Income Security", p. 137.