Farmers and managerial capitalism: The Saskatchewan cooperative elevator company

Agricultural History

Volumn 70, Issue 4, 1996, Pages 626-652

  Irwin, Robert ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0043251390     PISSN: 00021482     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (89)

1. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
2. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
3. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
4. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
5. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
6. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
7. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
8. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
9. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
10. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
11. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
12. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
13. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
14. Is farming a business or a way of life? See Ian MacPherson and John Herd Thompson, "The Business of Agriculture: Prairie Farmers and the Adoption of 'Business Methods,' 1880-1950," in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 1, ed. Peter Batkerville (Victoria, B.C: Public History Group, 1989), 245-69; John Herd Thompson, "Writing About Agriculture and Rural Life," in Writing About Canada, ed. John Schultz (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall, 1990), 97-119; Paul Voisey's work is the best example of this interpretation; see Voisey, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Voisey, "A Mix-Up over Mixed Farming: The Curious History of the Agricultural Diversification Movement in a Single Crop Area of Southern Alberta," in Building Beyond the Homestead, ed. David C. Jones and Ian MacPherson (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1988), 179-206. Two other recent works that accept the capitalist nature of the western Canadian former are Lyle Dick, Farmers "Making Good": The Development of Abernethy and District (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1989); and David C. Jones, Empire of Dust: Settling and Abandoning the Prairie Dry Belt (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1987). The issue of Agricultural History 51 (February 1977) contains a series of articles on the economic philosophy of farmers; see especially Robert E. Ankli, "Farm Income in the Great Plains and Canadian Prairies, 1920-1940"; and Kenneth Norrie, "Dry Farming and the Economics of Risk Bearing: The Canadian Prairies, 1870-1930." Other important essays include John Herd Thompson, "Permanently Wasteful but Immediately Profitable: Prairie Agriculture and the Great War," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1976), 193-206; Robert Ankli and Robert Litt, "The Growth of Prairie Agriculture: Economic Considerations," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 1, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1978), 35-64; Trevor J. O. Dick, "Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairie, 1900-30," Journal of Economic History 40 (March 1980): 105-10; Robert Ankli, Dan Helsberg, and John Herd Thompson, "The Adoption of the Gasoline Tractor in Western Canada," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 2, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont.: Langdale Press, 1980), 9-40. For a discussion of the new rural history, see Robert Swierenga, "The Malin Thesis of Grassland Acculturation and the New Rural History," in Canadian Papers in Rural History, vol. 5, ed. Donald Akenson (Gananoque, Ont: Langdale Press, 1986), 11-21.
15. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
16. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
17. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
18. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
19. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
20. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
21. In Canadian history, C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953) was the first to argue that farmers represented the displaced petit-bourgeois or middle class. The theoretical concepts which have come to dominate literature on populism can be found in Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John Richards, "Populism: A Qualified Defense," Studies in Political Economy 5 (Spring 1981): 5-28; J. F. Conway, "The Nature of Populism: A Clarification," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 137-44; and Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977). A variety of studies utilize these models. For two examples, see Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Cooperative Movement in English Canada, 1900-1945 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979); and Alvin Finkel, The Social Credit Phenomenon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989).
22. David Laycock, Populism and Democratic Thought (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 267, 275-86.
23. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
24. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
25. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
26. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
27. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
28. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
29. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler,
30. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
31. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
32. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
33. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
34. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
35. The key studies on Progressivism are primarily American works. See for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and Richard L. McCormick and Arthur Link, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1983); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis In Modern American History," Business History Review 44 (August 1970): 279-90. Canadian work in the 1950s and 1960s accepted that the western Canadian farm movement fit into the Progressive tradition. See William Lewis Morton, The Progressive Party (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950); Vernon Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); and Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel as the Religion of the Grain Growers' Movement," in The West and the Nation, ed. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 174-86. This paper emphasizes the development of managerial capitalism. The key writer on the transition to managerial capitalism is Alfred C. Chandler; see Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1977); Thomas K. McGraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1988) also contains several important Chandler essays. One the " Co-op Elite," see L. D. Courville, " The Saskatchewan Progressives" (master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan at Regina, 1971), 107-42, especially 119-20. Some of Courville's argument is found in his essay "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," in Historical Papers/Communications Historique (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1974), 157-81. Louis Galambos, "Technology, Political Economy and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 (December 1983): 471-93. A few efforts have been made to understand the mentalité of the farmers through their leaders. See for example Jeffery Taylor's recent use of Foucault's discourse analysis to suggest that the language of the leadership reflects the realities of the power relationships within the farmers' lives. Jeffery Taylor, "The Language of Agrarianism in Manitoba, 1890-1925," Labour/Le Travail 23 (Spring 1989): 91-118; Jeffery Taylor, "Theoretical and Practical Ideologies in the Making of Early Twentieth-Century Manitoba Farm Men," Prairie Forum 17 (Spring 1992): 13-32.
36. Statutes of Saskatchewan, 1910-11, c. 39 (hereafter referred to as The Elevator Act). The campaign for reform of the grain trade in Canada has been well documented in a number of works. Two old but still useful books are William Archibald Mackintosh, Agricultural Cooperation in Western Canada (Toronto: Ryerson, 1924); and Harald Smith Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation in Western Canada (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). Fowke also dealt with this issue in National Policy, chapt. 7; as did MacPherson in Each for All, 15, 68, 87.
37. Statutes of Saskatchewan, 1910-11, c. 39 (hereafter referred to as The Elevator Act). The campaign for reform of the grain trade in Canada has been well documented in a number of works. Two old but still useful books are William Archibald Mackintosh, Agricultural Cooperation in Western Canada (Toronto: Ryerson, 1924); and Harald Smith Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation in Western Canada (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). Fowke also dealt with this issue in National Policy, chapt. 7; as did MacPherson in Each for All, 15, 68, 87.
38. Statutes of Saskatchewan, 1910-11, c. 39 (hereafter referred to as The Elevator Act). The campaign for reform of the grain trade in Canada has been well documented in a number of works. Two old but still useful books are William Archibald Mackintosh, Agricultural Cooperation in Western Canada (Toronto: Ryerson, 1924); and Harald Smith Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation in Western Canada (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). Fowke also dealt with this issue in National Policy, chapt. 7; as did MacPherson in Each for All, 15, 68, 87.
39. Statutes of Saskatchewan, 1910-11, c. 39 (hereafter referred to as The Elevator Act). The campaign for reform of the grain trade in Canada has been well documented in a number of works. Two old but still useful books are William Archibald Mackintosh, Agricultural Cooperation in Western Canada (Toronto: Ryerson, 1924); and Harald Smith Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation in Western Canada (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). Fowke also dealt with this issue in National Policy, chapt. 7; as did MacPherson in Each for All, 15, 68, 87.
40. Statutes of Saskatchewan, 1910-11, c. 39 (hereafter referred to as The Elevator Act). The campaign for reform of the grain trade in Canada has been well documented in a number of works. Two old but still useful books are William Archibald Mackintosh, Agricultural Cooperation in Western Canada (Toronto: Ryerson, 1924); and Harald Smith Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation in Western Canada (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). Fowke also dealt with this issue in National Policy, chapt. 7; as did MacPherson in Each for All, 15, 68, 87.
41. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
42. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
43. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
44. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
45. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
46. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
47. " Report of the Royal Commission on the Shipment and Transportation of Grain," Sessional Papers, 1900, No. 81; Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 39. For historical work on this issue, see Vernon Fowke, "Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 14 (May 1948): 168-75; Fowke, The National Policy, 153-65; Brian R. McCutcheon, "The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West," Prairie Forum 1 (Spring 1976): 79-94; and David J. Hall, "The Manitoba Grain Act: An Agrarian Magna Charta?" Prairie Forum 4 (Spring 1979): 105-20; "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade in Canada (1906)," Sessional Papers, 1908, No. 59.
48. For the Manitoba experience, see John Everitt, " A Tragic Muddle and a Cooperative Success: An Account of Two Elevator Experiments in Manitoba, 1906-28," Manitoba History 18 (Autumn 1989): 12-24. On the Saskatchewan decision, see Duff S. Spafford, "The Elevator Issue, the Organised Farmers and the Government, 1908-11," Saskatchewan History 15 (Autumn 1962): 81-92; and Robert Irwin, "The Better Sense of the Farm Population: The Partridge Plan and Grain Marketing in Saskatchewan," Prairie Forum 18 (Spring 1993): 35-52; Report of the Saskatchewan Royal Commission on Elevators (Regina, Sask.: Government Printer, 1910).
49. For the Manitoba experience, see John Everitt, " A Tragic Muddle and a Cooperative Success: An Account of Two Elevator Experiments in Manitoba, 1906-28," Manitoba History 18 (Autumn 1989): 12-24. On the Saskatchewan decision, see Duff S. Spafford, "The Elevator Issue, the Organised Farmers and the Government, 1908-11," Saskatchewan History 15 (Autumn 1962): 81-92; and Robert Irwin, "The Better Sense of the Farm Population: The Partridge Plan and Grain Marketing in Saskatchewan," Prairie Forum 18 (Spring 1993): 35-52; Report of the Saskatchewan Royal Commission on Elevators (Regina, Sask.: Government Printer, 1910).
50. For the Manitoba experience, see John Everitt, " A Tragic Muddle and a Cooperative Success: An Account of Two Elevator Experiments in Manitoba, 1906-28," Manitoba History 18 (Autumn 1989): 12-24. On the Saskatchewan decision, see Duff S. Spafford, "The Elevator Issue, the Organised Farmers and the Government, 1908-11," Saskatchewan History 15 (Autumn 1962): 81-92; and Robert Irwin, "The Better Sense of the Farm Population: The Partridge Plan and Grain Marketing in Saskatchewan," Prairie Forum 18 (Spring 1993): 35-52; Report of the Saskatchewan Royal Commission on Elevators (Regina, Sask.: Government Printer, 1910).
51. For the Manitoba experience, see John Everitt, " A Tragic Muddle and a Cooperative Success: An Account of Two Elevator Experiments in Manitoba, 1906-28," Manitoba History 18 (Autumn 1989): 12-24. On the Saskatchewan decision, see Duff S. Spafford, "The Elevator Issue, the Organised Farmers and the Government, 1908-11," Saskatchewan History 15 (Autumn 1962): 81-92; and Robert Irwin, "The Better Sense of the Farm Population: The Partridge Plan and Grain Marketing in Saskatchewan," Prairie Forum 18 (Spring 1993): 35-52; Report of the Saskatchewan Royal Commission on Elevators (Regina, Sask.: Government Printer, 1910).
52. The Elevator Act, secs. 3, 7, 13. Section 13 was amended in 1912 to allow a single farmer twenty shares.
53. The Elevator Act, secs. 14 and 16; Saskatchewan Cooperative Elevator Company (hereafter referred to as SCEC) bylaw 14 amended this provision to one vote per shareholder; SCEC bylaws as revised 11 November 1914, sec. 5, S-B1, Saskatchewan Archives Board (hereafter referred to as SAB); Grain Growers' Guide (hereafter referred to as GGG), 22 March 1911, 3.
54. The Elevator Act, sec. 8-11.
55. SCEC bylaws, 11 November 1914; SCEC bylaw 5 s. 8, bylaw 6 s. 1, and bylaw 15, SAB; SCEC minutes, 6 July 1911, 6-16, SAB.
56. GGG, 6 December 1911 and 21 February 1912, 10.
57. Annual Report of the Saskatchewan Cooperative Elevator Company (hereafter Co-op Report) 1913, M6[Q]Y-15-5, C. A. Dunning Papers, SAB; minutes of the SCEC executive meeting, 19 January 1914, R-71, J. A. Maharg Papers (hereafter cited as Marharg Papers), SAB. A good example of the geographic proximity of the locals are the locals at Govan, Duval, Cymric, Strasbourg, and Cupar all along an eighty-kilometer stretch of one Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) line. Department of Trade and Commerce, List of Licensed Elevators and Warehouses (Ottawa: Government Printers, 1913); Ratcliffe to Scott, 15 August 1911, M1 IV 86, 40020, Walter Scott Papers; Ratcliffe to Editor, 20 September 1911, GGG, 13; Draft of SCEC Directors Report to 1916 Annual Meeting, R-71, Maharg Papers, SAB.
58. Canada Year Book, 1916, 453; Co-op Report 1914, 6, M6[Q]Y-15-5, Dunning Papers, SAB; SCEC minutes, 19 November 1913, 34, SAB; Lewis Gabriel to Maharg, 23 June 1915, SCEC, R-71, Maharg Papers, SAB; Cooperative News, June 1916, 4.
59. Canada Year Book, 1916, 453; Co-op Report 1914, 6, M6[Q]Y-15-5, Dunning Papers, SAB; SCEC minutes, 19 November 1913, 34, SAB; Lewis Gabriel to Maharg, 23 June 1915, SCEC, R-71, Maharg Papers, SAB; Cooperative News, June 1916, 4.
60. Daily Report Forms used by the SCEC and SCEC Superintendent's Daily Report, Box 135, T. A. Crerar Papers, Queen's University Archives (hereafter QUA).
61. Langley to Editor, 4 October 1911, 13, and 21 February 1912, 18, GGG.
62. "Co-op Elevator Act Explained," 5, SCEC file, G33.7, SAB.
63. The Board of Grain Commissioners set the charges for storing and handling grain under the authority of the Canada Grain Act. In the period 1911-17 this charge was fixed at 1.75 cents per bushel. The Co-op reported that the actual cost of this service in 1914 was 2.26 cents per bushel. Cooperative News, April 1916, 5.
64. Dunning to shareholders (emphasis original), 13 August 1914, SCEC file, R-71, Maharg Papers, SAB.
65. Fowke, The National Policy, 107-15, is an excellent explanation of the street market.
66. Report of the Elevator, 23-35, 65, 96. Farmers had criticized the grain exchange and marketing practices of the elevator companies for years. See "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade of Canada (1906)." The campaign against the "competitive, speculative" market continued into the 1920s. Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation, 267-75; GGG, 11 December 1911; Cooperative News, June 1917, 7.
67. Report of the Elevator, 23-35, 65, 96. Farmers had criticized the grain exchange and marketing practices of the elevator companies for years. See "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade of Canada (1906)." The campaign against the "competitive, speculative" market continued into the 1920s. Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation, 267-75; GGG, 11 December 1911; Cooperative News, June 1917, 7.
68. Report of the Elevator, 23-35, 65, 96. Farmers had criticized the grain exchange and marketing practices of the elevator companies for years. See "Report of the Royal Commission on the Grain Trade of Canada (1906)." The campaign against the "competitive, speculative" market continued into the 1920s. Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation, 267-75; GGG, 11 December 1911; Cooperative News, June 1917, 7.
69. Dunning to Crerar, 6 February, 1 March, and 8 September 1913, Box 135, Crerar Papers, QUA; editorial, 17 December 1913, GGG; memorandum of federation, 19 October 1914, M6 Q[2], 50050-7, Dunning Papers, SAB; R. M. H. Dixon, "Charles Avery Dunning and the Wheat Marketing Problem" (master's thesis, Queen's University, 1974), 82.
70. Annual Convention Report 1914, 42, S-B2 I 3, Saskatchewan Grain Growers Association Papers (hereafter SGGA), SAB; Dunning to Chipman, 19 December 1914, M6 Q[2], 50064, Dunning Papers, SAB; Federation Program (undated), SAB, R-71, file 20, Maharg Papers.
71. SCEC minutes, 17 November 1915, 55, SAB. The resolution supported the principal of federation and required the directorate to submit the scheme for approval at the next annual general meeting. For information on the relationship between the AFCEC and the Grain Growers' Grain Company (GGGC), see the letters between F. J. Fream and Crerar in Box 107, file 25 and Box 108, file 25 and Box 109, file 25, Crerar Papers, QUA; Crerar to Dunning, 25 October 1915, Box 135, Crerar Papers, QUA. Langley told Crerar that SCEC financial obligations to Saskatchewan were his major concern.
72. Cooperative News, December 1916, 12. Maharg's criticism of the federation proposal suggested that control of the elevator system was a major stumbling block, when no proposal had ever suggested such a problem. GGGC Report 1916, 37, United Grain Growers Library; Musselman to C. Rice-Jones, 8 January 1917, Amalgamation File, SGGA, B2 II 2, SAB; Undated Speech (1917?), Box 171, Crerar Papers, QUA.
73. GGG, 22 March 1911, 3; Saskatchewan Department of Agriculture Report 1914, 189.
74. SGGA Report 1913, 12, SAB.
75. "Co-op Elevator Act Explained," 4, G33.7, SCEC file, SAB.
76. Co-op Report 1913, 26, M6[Q]Y-15-5, Dunning Papers, SAB.
77. Statutes of Saskatchewan 1913, c. 36 and c. 62.
78. Memorandum of Agreement between the SGGA and the GGGC, February 1915, SGGA, R-71, Maharg Papers, SAB; Annual Report 1916, 11, GGGC, UGG Library; letter from W. Moffat (GGGC) to J. B. Musselman, 3 August 1916, 98, SGGA Executive Minutes, SGGA, B2 I 2, SAB; undated speech by J. B. Musselman, A89 9, J. B. Musselman Papers, SAB; GGGC Report 1916, 38, UGG Library; C. Rice-Jones to Musselman, 17 January 1917, SGGA Amalgamation, SGGA, B2 II 2, SAB.
79. SGGA Report 1917, 17, SAB; Co-op shareholder to editor, Leader, 1 February 1917, Clipping Files, X3.A 41/3/2, SAB. 34. SGGA Report 1917, 21, SAB; "The Association as a Cooperative Body and How the Cooperative Elevator Company Can Assist It," 4, G34.22, SAB; SGGA Report 1917, 21, S-B2 1 3, SAB; SGGA executive minutes, 16 March 1917, 9, and 19 March 1917, 11, SGGA, S-B2 1 2, SAB.
80. SGGA executive minutes, 9 October 1917, 27, SGGA, B2 1 2, SAB; SGGA Report 1918, SAB; SCEC minutes, 21 November 1917, 73, SAB.
81. Cooperative News, December 1916.
82. For a discussion of this issue, see Patton, Grain Growers' Cooperation, 141, 148-49, and 181-83.
83. Cooperative News, February 1921, 11, and April 1924, 9.
84. Gabriel to Editor, GGG, 10 November 1915, 9.
85. Campbell to Editor, GGG, 11 February 1914, 11.
86. Kerswell to Editor, GGG, 25 March 1914, 8; SCEC minutes, 22 November 1917, 74, SAB.
87. Crerar and Dafoe (the editor of the Manitoba Free Press) are said to represent the technocratic leadership, while Henders (Manitoba Grain Growers Association president) and Chipman represent the grassroots democracy. How a disagreement between four leaders reflects a conflict within the membership is not explained. Laycock, Populism and Democratic Thought, 52-60.
88. Courville, "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," 179-81. Laycock also points out the significance of this issue, but recognizes the confusion within the movement through the selection of Musselman, the major opponent of political action, as the political organizer for the SGGA. Laycock, Populism and Democratic Thought, 42.
89. Courville, "The Conservatism of the Saskatchewan Progressives," 179-81. Laycock also points out the significance of this issue, but recognizes the confusion within the movement through the selection of Musselman, the major opponent of political action, as the political organizer for the SGGA. Laycock, Populism and Democratic Thought, 42.