Deconstructing trafficking in women: The example of Russia

Millenium

Volumn 27, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 995-1021

  Pickup, Francine ^a,b  

^a LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS   (United Kingdom)

^b Gender and Learning Team ^*  (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0043034440     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/03058298980270040401     Document Type: Article

References (131)

1. See the report on the mission to Poland on the issue of trafficking and forced prostitution of women to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. Radhika Coomeraswamy, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences (24 May to 1 June 1996 E/CN.4/1997/47/Add.1), p. 11.
2. 'Trafficking in Women from the Former Soviet Union', The Forced Migration Monitor, (No. 19, September 1997).
3. Martina Vandenburg, 'The Invisible Woman', The Moscow Times, 8 October 1997, p 8.
4. Attended by approximately 100 representatives from NGOs, governments, the United Nations, and the European Commission, the Moscow conference aimed to facilitate cooperation between Russian nongovernmental groups and international NGOs, devise conference resolutions for governments and nonstate actors, and undertake activities to address the problem of trafficking.
5. A documentary produced and directed by Gillian Caldwell, Bought and Sold: An Investigative Documentary about the International Trade in Women, Global Survival Network, 1997. The documentary was funded by the Open Society Institute of the Soros Foundation.
6. International Organisation for Migration (IOM), 'Trafficking and Prostitution: The Growing Exploitation of Migrant Women from Central and Eastern Europe', Migration Information Program (Budapest: International Organisation for Migration (IOM), May 1995).
7. Sonic states have developed innovative anti-trafficking initiatives implementing measures designed to support women victims. In 1988, the Dutch government granted temporary residence permits for victims of trafficking. The Dutch Aliens Law states that the mere suspicion of trafficking is sufficient for a woman to be granted a stay of deportation while she determines whether or not to testify. In 1993, the stay of deportation was extended to non-victim witnesses who are willing to testify. If the woman decides to testily against the criminal networks that brought her into the country or forced her into abusive working conditions, the women's deportation proceedings are postponed for the duration of the judicial proceedings. During this time she is entitled to social security benefits and legal, medical and psychological assistance.
8. IOM, op. cit., in note 6, p. 8.
9. Synonymous with brothel prostitution, it involved forcing women into prostitution by kidnapping, drugging and beating them. See, Edward J. Bristow, Prostitution and Prejudice: The Jewish Fight against White Slavery 1870-1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).
10. Ibid., p. 56.
11. Ibid., p. 52.
12. Congress on the White Slave Traffic: Transactions of the International Congress on the White Slave Trade (London: Office of the National Vigilance Association, 1899), p. 26.
13. Laurie Bernstein, Sonia's Daughters: Prostitutes and their Regulation in Imperial Russia (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995), p.10.
14. Donna Guy, Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), p. 14-16.
15. Phillipa Levine, 'Venereal Disease, Prostitution and the Politics of Empire: The Case of British India', The Journal of the History of Sexuality (Vol. 4, No. 4, 1994) pp. 579-602.
16. Bernstein, op. cit., in note 13, p. 97.
17. The term economic restructuring is defined as the reshaping of a country's economy to be more market oriented and is used here in preference to structural adjustment because it refers to wider economic reforms (perestroika, shock-therapy, IMF credit and conditionality, etc.) than just the package of policies associated with the IMF and World Bank.
18. The term 'feminisation of poverty' purports that '[w]omen tend to be disproportionately represented among the poor the poorer the family the more likely it is to be headed by a woman'. In World Bank, Women In Development: Issues for Economic and Sector Analysis, Women In Development Division, Discussion Paper No. 269, (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1989), p. iv.
19. Monica Fong, 'The Role of Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy', Studies in Economic Transformation, Paper No. 10 (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1993), p. 22.
20. Sue Bridger and Rebecca Kay, 'Gender and Generation in the new Russian Labour Market', in Hilary Pilkington (ed.), Gender, Generation and Identity in Contemporary Russia (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 22.
21. Simon Clarke, Poverty in Russia: A Report Prepared for the Department for International Development (Coventry: University of Warwick Centre for Comparative Labour Studies, 1997) p. 1.
22. There is debate about whether unemployment in Russia is a female problem. Predictions and statistics at the outset of reform suggested that this was indeed the case. See Yelena Mezentseva, 'What Does the Future Hold? (Some Thoughts on the Prospects for Women's Employment)', in Anastasia Posadskaya (ed.), Women In Russia: a New Era in Russian Feminism , trans. K. Clark (London: Verso, 1994), p. 77; See also Natalia Rimashevskaia, 'Perestroika and the Status of Women in the Soviet Union', in Shirin Rai, Hilary Pilkington, and Annie Phizacklea (eds.), Women in the Face of Change: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China (New York, NY: Routledge, 1992) p. 16. A growing body of evidence suggests that while registered unemployment is dominated by women, unemployment overall is more a male phenomenon. See Galina Monousona, 'How Vulnerable is Women's Unemployment in Russia?', in Simon Clarke (ed.), Structural Adjustment without Mass Employment? Lessons from Russia (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 1998), pp. 200-215. Women, who cannot afford to leave their jobs, are holding on to them against all odds. See Sarah Ashwin and Elain Bowers, 'Do Russian Women Want to Work?', in Mary Buckley (ed.), Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997).
23. There is debate about whether unemployment in Russia is a female problem. Predictions and statistics at the outset of reform suggested that this was indeed the case. See Yelena Mezentseva, 'What Does the Future Hold? (Some Thoughts on the Prospects for Women's Employment)', in Anastasia Posadskaya (ed.), Women In Russia: a New Era in Russian Feminism , trans. K. Clark (London: Verso, 1994), p. 77; See also Natalia Rimashevskaia, 'Perestroika and the Status of Women in the Soviet Union', in Shirin Rai, Hilary Pilkington, and Annie Phizacklea (eds.), Women in the Face of Change: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China (New York, NY: Routledge, 1992) p. 16. A growing body of evidence suggests that while registered unemployment is dominated by women, unemployment overall is more a male phenomenon. See Galina Monousona, 'How Vulnerable is Women's Unemployment in Russia?', in Simon Clarke (ed.), Structural Adjustment without Mass Employment? Lessons from Russia (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 1998), pp. 200-215. Women, who cannot afford to leave their jobs, are holding on to them against all odds. See Sarah Ashwin and Elain Bowers, 'Do Russian Women Want to Work?', in Mary Buckley (ed.), Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997).
24. There is debate about whether unemployment in Russia is a female problem. Predictions and statistics at the outset of reform suggested that this was indeed the case. See Yelena Mezentseva, 'What Does the Future Hold? (Some Thoughts on the Prospects for Women's Employment)', in Anastasia Posadskaya (ed.), Women In Russia: a New Era in Russian Feminism , trans. K. Clark (London: Verso, 1994), p. 77; See also Natalia Rimashevskaia, 'Perestroika and the Status of Women in the Soviet Union', in Shirin Rai, Hilary Pilkington, and Annie Phizacklea (eds.), Women in the Face of Change: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China (New York, NY: Routledge, 1992) p. 16. A growing body of evidence suggests that while registered unemployment is dominated by women, unemployment overall is more a male phenomenon. See Galina Monousona, 'How Vulnerable is Women's Unemployment in Russia?', in Simon Clarke (ed.), Structural Adjustment without Mass Employment? Lessons from Russia (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 1998), pp. 200-215. Women, who cannot afford to leave their jobs, are holding on to them against all odds. See Sarah Ashwin and Elain Bowers, 'Do Russian Women Want to Work?', in Mary Buckley (ed.), Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997).
25. There is debate about whether unemployment in Russia is a female problem. Predictions and statistics at the outset of reform suggested that this was indeed the case. See Yelena Mezentseva, 'What Does the Future Hold? (Some Thoughts on the Prospects for Women's Employment)', in Anastasia Posadskaya (ed.), Women In Russia: a New Era in Russian Feminism , trans. K. Clark (London: Verso, 1994), p. 77; See also Natalia Rimashevskaia, 'Perestroika and the Status of Women in the Soviet Union', in Shirin Rai, Hilary Pilkington, and Annie Phizacklea (eds.), Women in the Face of Change: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China (New York, NY: Routledge, 1992) p. 16. A growing body of evidence suggests that while registered unemployment is dominated by women, unemployment overall is more a male phenomenon. See Galina Monousona, 'How Vulnerable is Women's Unemployment in Russia?', in Simon Clarke (ed.), Structural Adjustment without Mass Employment? Lessons from Russia (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 1998), pp. 200-215. Women, who cannot afford to leave their jobs, are holding on to them against all odds. See Sarah Ashwin and Elain Bowers, 'Do Russian Women Want to Work?', in Mary Buckley (ed.), Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997).
26. A 1996 International Labour Organisation report describes the 'feminisation' of international labour migration as 'one of the most striking economic and social phenomena of recent times'. Lin Lim and Nana Oisha, International Labour Migration and Asian Women: Distinctive Characteristics and Policy Concerns (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1996).
27. This includes beauty contests, domestic and overseas modelling, prostitution, telephone sex, and mail-order brides.
28. Mail-order bride processes are not trafficking per se. For example, there is a difference between a situation where the fiancé visa is used as a trafficking mechanism but the woman enters into some other kind of work relationship, and a situation where the woman herself uses the fiancé visa merely to enter the country. Whichever the scenario, immigration and marriage laws and the lack of access for noncitizens to legal and social services do however often make women who enter a country as 'brides' particularly vulnerable to violence.
29. Deborah Hastings, 'Russian Women A Fast Growing Market', Associated Press, 28 November 1998.
30. Larissa Bogdanova, writing on provincial young women with rich Moscow 'sugar daddies' explains that '[t]o return to the provinces and to live as poorly as your parents would be like dying. So there is no choice! You have to pay for your right to live in the capital, to have a good job and a flat with what you have got. With your body....Today thousands of girls are calmly and calculatedly selling themselves. The stupider ones do it just for money, those with more brains and bigger plans do it for a prestigious job and a place to live'. Larissa Bogdanova '"Uzh zamuzh..." ili novoe pokolenie vybiraet?', Rabotnitsa 6 1993, p. 28. Cited in Sue Bridger, Rebecca Kay, and Kathryn Pinnick, No More Heroines? Russia, Women, and the Market (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 178.
31. Larissa Bogdanova, writing on provincial young women with rich Moscow 'sugar daddies' explains that '[t]o return to the provinces and to live as poorly as your parents would be like dying. So there is no choice! You have to pay for your right to live in the capital, to have a good job and a flat with what you have got. With your body....Today thousands of girls are calmly and calculatedly selling themselves. The stupider ones do it just for money, those with more brains and bigger plans do it for a prestigious job and a place to live'. Larissa Bogdanova '"Uzh zamuzh..." ili novoe pokolenie vybiraet?', Rabotnitsa 6 1993, p. 28. Cited in Sue Bridger, Rebecca Kay, and Kathryn Pinnick, No More Heroines? Russia, Women, and the Market (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 178.
32. Data in the report is based on completed questionnaires collected from 155 women who were assisted by the Dutch Foundation Against Trafficking in Women (STV). This data and information provided by government officials and NGOs in Belgium, the Netherlands, Hungary, and Switzerland formed the basis of the report. 44 cases were from Central Europe (mainly Czech Republic and Poland); 64 from Eastern Europe and the CIS (mainly Russia and the Ukraine); and 47 from developing countries (25 from Latin America, 13 from Asia and 9 from Africa). For the report, see IOM, op cit., in note 6.
33. Special Body of Experts on Traffic in Women and Children, Report of the Special Body of Experts on Traffic in Women and Children (Report LN4.1927.2) (Geneva: League of Nations, 1927), p. 197. A later agreement signed on 11 October 1933 removed the condition of coercion, but only with regard to the international traffic in women. See, International Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in Women of Full Age (Report (Geneva: League of Nations, 1934), Article 1, p. 437.
34. Special Body of Experts on Traffic in Women and Children, Report of the Special Body of Experts on Traffic in Women and Children (Report LN4.1927.2) (Geneva: League of Nations, 1927), p. 197. A later agreement signed on 11 October 1933 removed the condition of coercion, but only with regard to the international traffic in women. See, International Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in Women of Full Age (Report (Geneva: League of Nations, 1934), Article 1, p. 437.
35. Because of the ineffectiveness of the 1904 Agreement, states party to it adopted the 1910 International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic, which criminalised the procurement of women by the trafficker (Article 2, p. 270). However, like the 1904 Agreement, it did not, in spite of its gravity, penalise brothel owners seeing that it was governed exclusively by international legislation (Final Protocol D, p. 279). See International Agreement for the Suppression of the 'White Slave Traffic' (Report I LNTS 83) (Geneva: League of Nations, 1920) and International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic (London: His Majesty's Stationary Office, 1912).
36. Because of the ineffectiveness of the 1904 Agreement, states party to it adopted the 1910 International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic, which criminalised the procurement of women by the trafficker (Article 2, p. 270). However, like the 1904 Agreement, it did not, in spite of its gravity, penalise brothel owners seeing that it was governed exclusively by international legislation (Final Protocol D, p. 279). See International Agreement for the Suppression of the 'White Slave Traffic' (Report I LNTS 83) (Geneva: League of Nations, 1920) and International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic (London: His Majesty's Stationary Office, 1912).
37. Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others (96 UNTS 271) (Geneva: United Nations, 1950).
38. Ibid., p. 272.
39. Ibid., p. 274.
40. The 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women presents a continuation of the abolitionist ideology. Article 6 dealing with prostitution and trafficking calls upon state parties to 'take all appropriate measures...to suppress all forms of traffic in women and the exploitation of prostitution of women'. See Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (United Nations General Assembly Resolution 34/180) (New York, NY: United Nations, 1980), p. 195.
41. 1950 Convention, op. cit., in note 31, p. 276.
42. Joan Fitzpatrick, 'The Use of International Human Rights Norms to Combat Violence Against Women', in Rebecca Cook (ed.), Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspective (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), p. 551.
43. Stephanie Farrior, 'The International Law on Trafficking in Women and Children for Prostitution: Making it Live Up to its Potential', Harvard Human Rights Journal (Vol. 10, No. 5, 1997), p. 218.
44. 1950 Convention, op. cit., in note 31, p. 282.
45. Licia Brussa, 'Survey on Prostitution, Migration and Traffic in Women: History and Current Situation', for the Council of Europe, European Committee for Equality between Women and Men, Seminar on Action Against Traffic in Women and Forced Prostitution as Violations of Human Rights and Human Dignity, (EG/PROST (91) 2, 1991 Strasbourg) p. 24.
46. UNESCO and CATW, The Penn Slate Report: International Meeting of Experts on Sexual Exploitation, Violence and Prostitution (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State College, 1992), p. 1.
47. Susan Edwards, 'The Legal Regulation of Prostitution: a human rights issue', in Graham Scambler and Annette Scambler (eds.), Rethinking Prostitution: Purchasing Sex in the 1990s (Routledge: London, 1997), p. 74.
48. United Nations, 'Note by the Secretariat: Addendum. Contribution by the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia', World Conference on Human Rights, Preparatory Committee, Geneva, 19-30 April 1993.
49. It was less important to regulate the movement of working class and non-white women. For example, many of the predominantly European Governments with colonies who signed the 1950 Convention reserved the right not to apply the Convention to their colonies, op. cit., in note 31, p. 89.
50. Farrior, op. cit., in note 37, p. 217.
51. United Nations, The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (UN 2764) (Geneva: United Nations, 1994), p. X.
52. United Nations, The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, Fourth World Conference on Women (New York, NY: United Nations, 1996), p. 74. d113(b). At the Beijing Conference, the Human Rights Caucus compiled a report which states: '[t]he prostitution subgroup of the Human Rights Caucus lobbied strongly for the deletion of "prostitution" per se as an example of violence against women. Centre for Women's Global Leadership, Report of the Women's Human Rights Caucus at the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing (New Brunswick, NJ: Douglass College, 1996), p. 16.
53. United Nations, The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, Fourth World Conference on Women (New York, NY: United Nations, 1996), p. 74. d113(b). At the Beijing Conference, the Human Rights Caucus compiled a report which states: '[t]he prostitution subgroup of the Human Rights Caucus lobbied strongly for the deletion of "prostitution" per se as an example of violence against women. Centre for Women's Global Leadership, Report of the Women's Human Rights Caucus at the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing (New Brunswick, NJ: Douglass College, 1996), p. 16.
54. See Radhika Coomeraswamy, Preliminary Report on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences, presented to the 51st session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights held in 1995 (E/CN.4/1995/42), paragraph 205.
55. Lin Lap-Chew, Workshop on the International Trafficking in Women: New Insights on Strategies to Combat Trafficking in Women. 13-19 March 1993 (Amsterdam: Foundation Against Trafficking in Women, 1993).
56. See for example, Kathleen Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality: The Global Exploitation of Women (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1995), pp. 233-34. For further examples of this approach, see UNESCO who work closely with CATW. For example, see UNESCO, International Meeting of Experts on the Social and Cultural Causes of Prostitution and Strategies for the Struggle Against the Prostitution and Sexual Exploitation of Women-Final Report (SHS-85/Conf. 177/20, 1-179) (Paris: United Nations, 1986).
57. See for example, Kathleen Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality: The Global Exploitation of Women (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1995), pp. 233-34. For further examples of this approach, see UNESCO who work closely with CATW. For example, see UNESCO, International Meeting of Experts on the Social and Cultural Causes of Prostitution and Strategies for the Struggle Against the Prostitution and Sexual Exploitation of Women-Final Report (SHS-85/Conf. 177/20, 1-179) (Paris: United Nations, 1986).
58. See interview with NWSP coordinator, Cheryl Overs. Joe Doezema, 'International Activism' in Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema (eds.), Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 205.
59. Marjan Wijers and Lin Lap-Chew, Trafficking in Women Forced Labour and Slavery-Like Practices in Marriage, Domestic Labour and Prostitution (Utrecht: The Dutch Foundation Against Trafficking in Women (STV), 1997).
60. Siriporn Skrobanek, Nattaya Boonakdee, and Chutima Jantateero, The Traffic in Women: Human Realities of the International Sex Trade (London: Zed Books, 1997).
61. The Dutch Foundation Against Trafficking in Women (STV), International News Bulletin, 1 March 1996.
62. Marjan Wijers, 'Women, Labor, and Migration: The Position of Trafficked Women and Strategies for Support', in Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema (eds.), Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition (London: Rontledge, 1998), p. 78.
63. Wijers and Lap-Chew, op. cit., in note 51, p. 208.
64. Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slavery (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1984), p. 7.
65. Sexual exploitation is defined as 'a practice which by which women are sexually subjugated through abuse of women's sexuality and/or violation of physical integrity as a means of achieving power and domination including gratification, financial gain, advancement'. See Article 1, Proposed Convention Against Exploitation, in Kathleen Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality: The Global Exploitation of Women (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1995), p. 326.
66. CATW 16th session of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, 1991.
67. Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contact (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988).
68. Ibid., p. 207. This approach to women as property has been criticised because in rejecting the notion of property it accepts the specific conventional, white, male definition of property in which owning a body means reducing it to a commodity.
69. Barry, op. cit., in note 56.
70. Lucinda Finley, 'The Nature of Domination and the Nature of Women: Reflections on Feminism Unmodified', North-western University Law Review, (Vol. 82, Winter, 1988) pp. 352-86.
71. Andrea Dworkin, Intercourse (New York, NY: Free Press, 1987) and Catherine MacKinnon, Towards a Feminist Theory of the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989).
72. Andrea Dworkin, Intercourse (New York, NY: Free Press, 1987) and Catherine MacKinnon, Towards a Feminist Theory of the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989).
73. Janice Raymond, Report to the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women: The United Nations, Geneva, (North Amherst, MA: CATW, 1995), p. 2.
74. Sheila Jeffreys, West Australian, 13 December 1995.
75. Barry, op. cit., in note 56.
76. Joyce Outshoorn, Dealing in Sex: The Trafficking of Women in the Netherlands. Paper presented to the European Centre for Political Research Joint Sessions of Workshops (Oslo, Norway: European Centre for Political Research, 1996) p. 16.
77. See for example, Janice Raymond 'Prostitution as Violence Against Women', Women's Global Network for Reproductive Rights (Newsletter 60, No. 4, 1997).
78. Noah Zatz, 'Sex Work/Sex Act: Law, Labor, and Desire in Constructions of Prostitution', Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society (Vol. 22, No. 2, 1997), p. 289.
79. Kamala Kempadoo, 'Introduction: Globalising Sex Workers Rights', in Kempadoo and Doezema (eds.), op. cit., in note 50, p. 3.
80. Ibid., p. 6.
81. Zatz, op. cit., note 69, p. 289.
82. Gail Pheterson, The Prostitution Prism (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996), p. 18.
83. There is debate amongst anti-trafficking campaigners surrounding the issue of whether the slavery model should be used to address trafficking in women. In defining trafficking as slavery, a broad range of human rights treaties and conventions are implicated with the result that a broader number of recourses are available to victims. Arguably however, the slavery model retains paternalistic and outmoded connotations of 'black slavery' that do not accommodate the socio-economic causes of trafficking and forced prostitution.
84. Jo Bindman, Redefining Prostitution as Sex Work on the International Agenda, (London: AntiSlavery International, 1997), p. 4.
85. For an early example of prostitutes' struggles in colonial India in the 1920-30s, see Luise White, The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nigeria (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1990).
86. Alison Murray, 'Debt-Bondage and Trafficking: Don't Believe All the Hype', in Kempadoo and Doezema (eds.), op. cit., in note 50, p. 57.
87. Jo Doezema, 'Forced Io Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy', in Kamala Kempadoo, and Jo Doezema (eds.) op. cit., in note 50, p. 35.
88. The Chinese government initially did not allow visas for sex workers. Most sex worker groups do not have resources such as email access, whereas the anti-trafficking lobby is very professional and au fait with the UN system. Alison Murray, 'Debt Bondage and Trafficking: Don't Believe the Hype', in Kempadoo and Doezema (eds.), op. cit., in note 50, p. 61.
89. Doezema, op. cit., in note 78, p. 41.
90. Ibid., p. 47.
91. It is also seen to have the effect of pitting local women against immigrant women and leading to a situation of apparent competition. It has been noted for example, that 'German prostitute women are complaining that there are too many..."cheaper" women from Eastern Europe who "spoil the market"'. Barry, op. cit., in note 56, p. 234.
92. Jo Doezema, Choice in Prostitution in Changing Faces of Prostitution (Helsinki: Unioni-The League of Finnish Feminists, 1995).
93. Barry, op. cit., in note 56, p. 53, quoted in Kempadoo, op. cit., in note 70, p. 11.
94. Cliandra Mohanty, 'Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses', in Chandra Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres, (eds.), Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 56.
95. Nelleke van der Vleuten, 'Survey on 'Traffic in Women': Policies and Policy-Research in an International Context', Vena Working Paper (No. 91/1) (Leiden: Women and Autonomy Centre of Leiden University, 1991).
96. Sheila Jeffreys, The Idea of Prostitution (Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1997) p. 327.
97. Jo Bindman, 'An International Perspective on Slavery in the Sex Industry', in Kempadoo and Doezema (eds.), op. cit., in note 50, p. 66.
98. Michael Platzer, 'UN Crimes Commission Trafficking in Women and Organised Crime in Russia'. Paper presented at the Moscow conference on Trafficking in Russian Women for Prostitution, November 1997.
99. Michael Bruggeman, Europol Drugs Unit. Paper presented at the Ministerial conference on Trafficking in Women in Vienna 1996.
100. A new UN Crime Convention will address trafficking as one issue of transnational organised crime along with money laundering and small arms trafficking. The Crime Convention is scheduled for development over the next 18 months, after which point it will be submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations for a vote. One problem with the Convention at this early stage is that its resolutions do not define the term 'trafficking'.
101. Sec a report by the Israel Women's Network. Martina Vandenberg, Trafficking of Women to Israel and Forced Prostitution (Jerusalem: Israel Women's Network, 1997).
102. IOM, op. cit., in note 6, p. 19.
103. See, for example, Vladimir Isachenkov, 'Soviet Women Slavery Flourishes'. Associated Press Online (APWire: International-1106.723).
104. Some enter into the work because it requires care and feelings, likened by Wendy Chapkis to acting, psychotherapy or childcare. Wendy Chapkis, Live Sex Acts: Women Performing Erotic Labour (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997), p. 29. For many it is an opportunity to get away from home.
105. Vitit Muntarbhorn, 'Sex trade a challenge to society', The Nation (Thailand), 9 August 1993. Similarly, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography has asserted that 'the poverty argument has been overplayed. There are many poor societies that don't exploit children. And there are many rich ones that do', Cameron Barr, 'Getting Adults to Think in New Ways', Christian Science Monitor, 16 September 1996, p. 9.
106. Vitit Muntarbhorn, 'Sex trade a challenge to society', The Nation (Thailand), 9 August 1993. Similarly, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography has asserted that 'the poverty argument has been overplayed. There are many poor societies that don't exploit children. And there are many rich ones that do', Cameron Barr, 'Getting Adults to Think in New Ways', Christian Science Monitor, 16 September 1996, p. 9.
107. The New Russians are classified by Caroline Humphreys into four main types: old managers, their young entourages of kin and clients, Mafiosi, and aspirant traders and racketeers of the kiosks. Caroline Humphreys, 'Creating a Culture of Disillusionment: Consumption in Moscow, a Chronicle of Changing Times', in Daniel Miller (ed.), Worlds Apart: Modernity Through the Prism of the Local (London: Routledge, 1995) p. 64.
108. Tatiana Zabelina, 'Sexual Violence Towards Women', in Pilkington (ed.), op. cit., in note 20, p. 177.
109. United Nations, op. cit., in note 1, p. 20.
110. Janice Chuang and Lara Stemple, International Trafficking in Women: An Exploration of the Issues (unpublished manuscript).
111. The minimum standards are published in the annex of Wijers and Lap-Chew, op. cit., in note 51, p. 77.
112. Debate remains over whether it is both the movement and the coercive end conditions, or simply Hie coerced movement that is necessary for a definition.
113. The expert group made up of human rights activists, scholars, and professionals was organised by Alice Miller, Director of the Women's Rights Advocacy Program of the International Human Rights Law Group with the assistance of the Harvard Law School Human Rights Program. See the report from the Roundtable on the Meaning of 'Trafficking in Persons: A Human Rights Perspective', (unpublished report, January 1998).
114. The new Russian constitution of 1993 allows Russians to travel abroad as a right and provides freedom of movement within Russia, enshrining 'the right to travel freely and choose one's place of stay and residence' (article 27). As a result the propiska residence permits are made unconstitutional, although Moscow City continues to apply the system. Cited in Richard Sakwa, Russian Politics and Society (New York, NY: Routledge, 1996), p. 60.
115. It differs in this respect from the 1904 Agreement in that the later limits the definition of trafficking to recruitment considering the end-purposes of trafficking to be exclusively in the realm of domestic jurisdiction.
116. Rosalind I'ctchesky's inspiration comes from two groups collectively opposing market relations. Her evidence is based in tracts of the Levellers from three hundred years ago and later slave narratives from the seventeenth century. Rosalind P. Petchesky, 'The Body as Property: A Feminist Revision', in Faye D. Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp (eds.), Conceiving the New World Order: The Global Politics of Reproduction (Berkeley, CA: California University Press, 1995), p. 400.
117. Ibid., p. 394.
118. Henrietta Moore, Feminism and Anthropology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988) p. 64.
119. Marilyn Strathern, 'Subject or Object? Women and the Circulation of Valuables in Highlands New Guinea', in Renee Hirschon (ed.), Women and Properly. Women as Property (London: Croom Helm, 1984), p. 165.
120. Ibid., p. 178.
121. Chandra Mohanty, 'Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses', in Nalini Visvanathan, Lynn Duggan, Laurie Nisonoff, Nan Wiegersma (eds.), The Women, Gender and Development Reader (London: Zed Books, 1997).
122. Geeta Chowdhry argues that the modern discourse has two overlapping strands-colonialism and liberal discourse on markets. Gceta Chowdhry, 'Engendering Development? Women in Development (WID) in International Development Regimes', in Marianne Marchand and Jane Parpart (eds.), Feminism, Postmodernism, Development (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 26.
123. Chris Corrin, Superwoman and the Double Burden: Women's Experiences of Change in Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union (London: Scarlet Press, 1992).
124. Olga Lipovskaya, 'The Mythology of Womanhood in Contemporary "Soviet" Culture', in Posadskaya (ed.), op. cit., in note 22, p. 127.
125. Domestic because during Soviet times, women are perceived as being robbed of their femininity. The consequence of Soviet policies towards women were 'involuntary emancipation', 'gender alienation' and 'having to be like a man', Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller (eds.), Gender Politics and PostCommunism: Reflections from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, (London: Routledge, 1993) p. 332. Post-Soviet policies are intended to relieve women of the dual burden of work and child-care and emphasise instead, 'returning women to their purely female mission in the home'. Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika (London: Fontana, 1988).
126. Domestic because during Soviet times, women are perceived as being robbed of their femininity. The consequence of Soviet policies towards women were 'involuntary emancipation', 'gender alienation' and 'having to be like a man', Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller (eds.), Gender Politics and PostCommunism: Reflections from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, (London: Routledge, 1993) p. 332. Post-Soviet policies are intended to relieve women of the dual burden of work and child-care and emphasise instead, 'returning women to their purely female mission in the home'. Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika (London: Fontana, 1988).
127. Marjan Wijers, 'Women, Labor, and Migration: The Position of Trafficked Women and Strategies for Support', in Kempadoo and Doezema (eds.), op. cit., in note 50.
128. Elena Tiuriukanova, Female Labour Migration from Russia (Moscow: Institute for Socio-Economic Studies of Population, 1997).
129. Ibid.
130. Laurie Heise, 'Violence, Sexuality, and Women's Lives', in Richard Parker and John Gagnon (eds.), Conceiving Sexuality: Approaches to Sex Research in a Postmodern World (New York, NY: Routledge, 1995), p. 125.
131. Henrietta Moore, A Passion for Difference (Cambridge: Polity, 1994) p. 101.