Natural history spiritualized: Civilizing islanders, cultivating breadfruit, and collecting souls

History of Science

Volumn 39, Issue 4, 2001, Pages 417-443

  Sivasundaram, Sujit ^a  

^a CHRIST S COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0042695967     PISSN: 00732753     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/007327530103900402     Document Type: Review

References (157)

1. Rev. Robert Jack, "The future prosperity of the Church, the effect of Divine influence", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14 and 15, 1807 and also the Report of the Directors (London, 1807), 54-79, p. 55.
2. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
3. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
4. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
5. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
6. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
7. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
8. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
9. The London Missionary Society was first called "The Missionary Society", to emphasise its pan-evangelical vision. For a recent history of the missionary movement see: Susan Thorne, Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England (Stanford, Calif., 1999), and Brian Stanley, The Bible and the flag: Protestant missions and British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Leicester, 1990). For a nineteenth-century history of the London Missionary Society see: Richard Lovett, The history of the London Missionary Society (London, 1899). Other good references to the London Missionary Society include Roger Martin, Evangelicals united: Ecumenical stirrings in pre-Victorian Britain 1795-1830 (London, 1983), and Stephen Orchard, "The origins of the London Missionary Society" in Journal of the United Reformed Church History Society, xxiii (1996), 440-58. For discussion of missionary politics and the civilizing mission, see Andrew Porter, "Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780-1914", Journal of imperial and commonwealth history, xx (1992), 370-90. Also Brian Stanley, "Commerce and Christianity: Providence theory, the missionary movement and the imperialism of free trade, 1842-1860", The historical journal, xxvi (1983), 71-94, and Andrew Porter, "Commerce and Christianity: The rise and fall of a missionary slogan", The historical journal, xviii (1985), 597-621.
10. For evangelical history see: Boyd Hilton, Age of atonement: The influence of evangelicalism on social and economic thought, 1785-1865 (Oxford, 1988), and David Bebbington, Evangelicalism in modern Britain: A history from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989). For pre-millenarianism see J. F. C. Harrison. The Second Coming: Popular millenarianism, 1780-1850 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979).
11. For evangelical history see: Boyd Hilton, Age of atonement: The influence of evangelicalism on social and economic thought, 1785-1865 (Oxford, 1988), and David Bebbington, Evangelicalism in modern Britain: A history from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989). For pre-millenarianism see J. F. C. Harrison. The Second Coming: Popular millenarianism, 1780-1850 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979).
12. For evangelical history see: Boyd Hilton, Age of atonement: The influence of evangelicalism on social and economic thought, 1785-1865 (Oxford, 1988), and David Bebbington, Evangelicalism in modern Britain: A history from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989). For pre-millenarianism see J. F. C. Harrison. The Second Coming: Popular millenarianism, 1780-1850 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979).
13. For secondary sources on the history of cultivation in the early nineteenth century see R. Grove, Green imperialism: Colonial expansion, tropical island Edens, and the origins of environmentalism. 1600-1860 (Cambridge, 1995).
14. For the relationship between husbandry and spiritual growth see John Flavel, Husbandry spiritualised, abridged and republished by Rev. C. Bradley (London, 1822), and Richard Pearsall, Contemplations on the ocean, the harvest, sickness and the Last Judgement (London, 1802).
15. For the relationship between husbandry and spiritual growth see John Flavel, Husbandry spiritualised, abridged and republished by Rev. C. Bradley (London, 1822), and Richard Pearsall, Contemplations on the ocean, the harvest, sickness and the Last Judgement (London, 1802).
16. James Fisher, A spring-day; or contemplations on several occurrences which naturally strike the eye in that delightful season (Edinburgh, 1808), 109.
17. Ibid., 100.
18. Ibid., 108.
19. Ibid., 99.
20. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
21. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
22. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
23. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
24. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
25. For studies of improvement and cultivation in the late eighteenth century see Simon Schaffer, "The Earth's fertility as a social fact in early modern Britain", in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds), Nature and society in historical context (Cambridge, 1997), 124-47. For the culture of improvement surrounding Joseph Banks see John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994), and Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998); and Harold Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820 (London, 1987). For a study of collecting in natural history see Nicholas Jardine, Emma Spary and James Secord (eds), The cultures of natural history (Cambridge, 1995), and John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (eds), The cultures of collecting (London, 1994).
26. Richard Drayton, Nature's government: Science, imperial Britain and the 'improvement' of the world (New Haven, 2000). For more on the religious dimensions of cultivation see Grove, op. cit. (ref. 4).
27. Richard Drayton, Nature's government: Science, imperial Britain and the 'improvement' of the world (New Haven, 2000). For more on the religious dimensions of cultivation see Grove, op. cit. (ref. 4).
28. For agrarian patriotism see C. A. Bayly, The imperial meridian: The British Empire and the world 1780-1830 (London, 1989).
29. For evangelical theories of personal perfectionism see Bebbington, op. cit. (ref. 3), 22, 62. The biblical text from which the theory that good deeds serve as evidence of faith arises is James 2:15-17.
30. The machinery of conversion has been discussed by Boyd Hilton, op. cit. (ref. 3), 298-314, esp. pp. 303, 313.
31. For missionaries' involvement with science see Neil Gunson, "British missionaries and their contribution to science in the Pacific Islands", in R. Macleod and F. Rehbock (eds), Darwin's laboratory: Evolutionary theory and natural history in the Pacific (Honolulu, 1994), 283-316; and Neil Gunson, Messengers of grace: Evangelical missionaries in the South Seas, 1797-1860 (Melbourne, 1978).
32. For missionaries' involvement with science see Neil Gunson, "British missionaries and their contribution to science in the Pacific Islands", in R. Macleod and F. Rehbock (eds), Darwin's laboratory: Evolutionary theory and natural history in the Pacific (Honolulu, 1994), 283-316; and Neil Gunson, Messengers of grace: Evangelical missionaries in the South Seas, 1797-1860 (Melbourne, 1978).
33. For the distinction between the human and the animal see Erica Fudge, Ruth Gilbert and Susan Wiseman (eds), At the borders of the human: Beasts, bodies and natural philosophy in the earlv modern period (Basingstoke, 1999).
34. This corresponds to their views on theology of nature, which is distinct from natural theology. See John Hedley Brooke, "Natural theology from Boyle to Paley", in John Hedley Brooke, R. Hookyaas and Clive Lawless (eds), New interactions between theology and science (Milton Keynes, 1974), 8-54, pp. 8, 9, and John Hedley Brooke, "The natural theology of the geologists: Some theological strata", in L. J. Jordanova and R. Porter (eds), Images of the Earth: Essays in the history of the environmental sciences (Chalfont St Giles, 1979), 39-64.
35. This corresponds to their views on theology of nature, which is distinct from natural theology. See John Hedley Brooke, "Natural theology from Boyle to Paley", in John Hedley Brooke, R. Hookyaas and Clive Lawless (eds), New interactions between theology and science (Milton Keynes, 1974), 8-54, pp. 8, 9, and John Hedley Brooke, "The natural theology of the geologists: Some theological strata", in L. J. Jordanova and R. Porter (eds), Images of the Earth: Essays in the history of the environmental sciences (Chalfont St Giles, 1979), 39-64.
36. For a discussion of evangelical views of natural theology and theology of nature see Jonathan Topham, "Science, natural theology and evangelicalism in early nineteenth century Scotland", in David Livingstone, D. G. Hart and Mark Noll (eds), Evangelicals and science in historical perspective (Oxford, 1999), 142-74. For more on natural theology see John Brooke and Geoffrey Cantor (eds), Reconstructing nature: The engagement of science and religion (Edinburgh, 1998).
37. For a discussion of evangelical views of natural theology and theology of nature see Jonathan Topham, "Science, natural theology and evangelicalism in early nineteenth century Scotland", in David Livingstone, D. G. Hart and Mark Noll (eds), Evangelicals and science in historical perspective (Oxford, 1999), 142-74. For more on natural theology see John Brooke and Geoffrey Cantor (eds), Reconstructing nature: The engagement of science and religion (Edinburgh, 1998).
38. See Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 42.
39. For Banks's assistance with the passage of the missionaries see Sir Joseph Banks to Rev. George Burden, 13 January 1810, Dawson Turner Correspondence (hereafter DTC), Natural History Museum, London (hereafter NHM), Banks Archive Identifier (hereafter BAI): HLC951030/008.03810. For Banks's advice on the publication of the travel narrative see Sir Joseph Banks to Rev. Thomas Haweis, 6 May 1799, British Library, BAI: HLC951101/045.03799. For Banks's insistence on women not being sent to the South Pacific see Sir Joseph Banks to Rev. Thomas Haweis, 28 September 1799, Sutro Library California (hereafter SLC), BAI: JSB941103/014.03799.
40. See Susan Pearce, On collecting: An investigation into collecting in the European tradition (London, 1994), 254.
41. See Greg Dening, Mr. Bligh's bad language, passion, power and theatre on the Bounty (Cambridge, 1992), for an excellent account of the mutiny. This quote is cited on p. 81.
42. Cited in Nigel Hepper (ed.), Plant hunting for Kew (London, 1989), 3.
43. For Wardian Cases see David Allen, The naturalist in Britain: A social history (Harmondsworth, 1976), 134.
44. For the relationship between Banks and the Royal Horticultural Society see Brent Elliot, "The promotion of horticulture", in R. E. R. Banks et al. (eds). Sir Joseph Banks: A global perspective (London, 1994), 117-31. Banks was also involved with the Joint Stock Farming Society, which hoped to reinvigorate rural life in the Highlands of Scotland. See Sir John Sinclair, Bart, Proposals for establishing by subscription, a Joint Stock Farming Society for ascertaining the principles of agricultural improvement (London, 1799).
45. For the relationship between Banks and the Royal Horticultural Society see Brent Elliot, "The promotion of horticulture", in R. E. R. Banks et al. (eds). Sir Joseph Banks: A global perspective (London, 1994), 117-31. Banks was also involved with the Joint Stock Farming Society, which hoped to reinvigorate rural life in the Highlands of Scotland. See Sir John Sinclair, Bart, Proposals for establishing by subscription, a Joint Stock Farming Society for ascertaining the principles of agricultural improvement (London, 1799).
46. "Preface" in Transactions of the Horticultural Society, ii (1817), pp. i-viii, see pp. ii-iii.
47. Joseph Banks, "Some hints respecting the proper mode of inuring tender plants to our climate", read at the Royal Horticultural Society, 3 December 1805, in Transactions of the Horticultural Society, i (1812), 21-25, pp. 22-24.
48. Botanical register, 1817, Tab. 220.
49. Joseph Banks, A short account of the cause of disease in corn called by farmers the blight, the mildew and the rust (London, 1815). 403-4.
50. Ibid., 406.
51. Joseph Banks, "Notes on the first appearance of the Aphis Lanigera", Transactions of the Horticultural Society, ii (1817), 162-9, p. 167.
52. Rev. Thomas Haweis to Sir Joseph Banks, (?) June 1791, SLC, BAI: HBC930718/001.03791.
53. Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 42; Gascoigne, Science (ref. 10), 185. For an earlier debate about the "paradox" of this correspondence see: W. P. Strauss, "Paradoxical co-operation: Sir Joseph Banks and the London Missionary Society", Historical studies Australia and New Zealand, xi (1963-65), 246-52, and W. N. Gunson, "Co-operation without paradox: A reply to Dr. Strauss", ibid., 513-34.
54. Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 42; Gascoigne, Science (ref. 10), 185. For an earlier debate about the "paradox" of this correspondence see: W. P. Strauss, "Paradoxical co-operation: Sir Joseph Banks and the London Missionary Society", Historical studies Australia and New Zealand, xi (1963-65), 246-52, and W. N. Gunson, "Co-operation without paradox: A reply to Dr. Strauss", ibid., 513-34.
55. Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 42; Gascoigne, Science (ref. 10), 185. For an earlier debate about the "paradox" of this correspondence see: W. P. Strauss, "Paradoxical co-operation: Sir Joseph Banks and the London Missionary Society", Historical studies Australia and New Zealand, xi (1963-65), 246-52, and W. N. Gunson, "Co-operation without paradox: A reply to Dr. Strauss", ibid., 513-34.
56. Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 42; Gascoigne, Science (ref. 10), 185. For an earlier debate about the "paradox" of this correspondence see: W. P. Strauss, "Paradoxical co-operation: Sir Joseph Banks and the London Missionary Society", Historical studies Australia and New Zealand, xi (1963-65), 246-52, and W. N. Gunson, "Co-operation without paradox: A reply to Dr. Strauss", ibid., 513-34.
57. Rev. Thomas Haweis to Sir Joseph Banks, 12 September 1798, SLC, BAI: JSB941102/012.03798.
58. Rev. Thomas Haweis to Sir Joseph Banks, 14 September 1799, SLC, BAI: JSB941102/013.03798.
59. Rev. Thomas Haweis to Sir Joseph Banks, 26 January 1798, SLC, BAI: JSB941103/004.03799.
60. Rev. Thomas Haweis to Sir Joseph Banks, 25 March 1799, SLC, BAI: JSB941103/005.03799.
61. Sir Joseph Banks to Rev. Thomas Haweis, 11 September 1798, SLC, BAI: JSB941102/011.03798.
62. For more on what Banks would have thought of Haweis see the satirical pamphlet, widely read in Banks's circle, that ridiculed Haweis: A letter from Omai to the Right Honourable Earl … of late … Lord … translated from the Ulaiatean tongue. In which amongst other things is fairly and regularly stated the nature of original sin; together with a proposal for planting Christianity in the islands of the Pacific Ocean, Boston Public Library, Massachusetts. The comment that faith and grace were antithetical to Banks is also made by Gascoigne. Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (ref. 10), 43.
63. Much has been written of the reception of Omai by Banks and his circle. See E. H. McCormick, Omai, Pacific envoy (Auckland, 1977).
64. Rev. Thomas Haweis, "The very possible success of a proper mission to the South Sea Islands", Evangelical magazine, iii (1795), 261-70, p. 263. For another evangelical criticism of the reception of Omai see Daniel Tyerman and George Bennet, Journal of voyages and travels deputed from the London Missionary Society to visit the various stations in the South Sea Islands, China, India &c in the years 1821 and 1829 compiled from original documents by James Montgomery (London, 1831), ii, 114.
65. Rev. Thomas Haweis, "The very possible success of a proper mission to the South Sea Islands", Evangelical magazine, iii (1795), 261-70, p. 263. For another evangelical criticism of the reception of Omai see Daniel Tyerman and George Bennet, Journal of voyages and travels deputed from the London Missionary Society to visit the various stations in the South Sea Islands, China, India &c in the years 1821 and 1829 compiled from original documents by James Montgomery (London, 1831), ii, 114.
66. Joseph Banks, The Endeavour journal of Joseph Banks 1768-1771 (London, 1896), i, 305-13, 316.
67. Georg Foster, A voyage round the world (London, 1777), i, 388-9.
68. James Cook, Voyage towards the South Pole (London, 1777), i, plate lvii.
69. Cited in Gillian Beer, "Travelling the other way", in Jardine et al. (eds), op. cit. (ref. 10), 332-7, pp. 332-3.
70. The King James version of the Holy Bible, Mark 4:7.
71. Cited by Martin, op. cit. (ref. 2), 45.
72. Ibid., 40-59.
73. Orchard, op. cit. (ref. 2), 451. Also see Martin, op. cit. (ref. 2), 207.
74. Orchard, op. cit. (ref. 2), 451. Also see Martin, op. cit. (ref. 2), 207.
75. Charles Simeon, The true test of religion in the soul or practical Christianity delineated (Cambridge, 1817), 9.
76. Ibid., 10-11.
77. Charles Simeon, Helps to composition or five hundred skeletons of sermons, several being the substance of sermons preached before the University (Cambridge, 1802), ii, 105-6.
78. Ibid., i, 58.
79. Ibid., ii, 105.
80. J. Lowndes, "3rd lecture on Rhetoric" in Transcribed notes from Dr. Bogue's Lectures on Rhetoric, L 14/1, Dr. Williams's Library, London (hereafter DWL), 23.
81. Ibid., 26.
82. J. Lowndes, "4th lecture on Rhetoric" in Lowndes, op. cit. (ref. 54), 36.
83. Ibid., 39.
84. Lowndes, "3rd lecture on Rhetoric" (ref. 54), 27.
85. Ibid., 30.
86. Ibid., 21.
87. All ibid., 29.
88. All from Lowndes, "4th lecture on Rhetoric" (ref. 56), 36.
89. Quotations in this paragraph are from Jack, op. cit. (ref. 1), 58, 60, 60, 63.
90. Rev. John Hey, "The fulness of time", in Sermons preached in London at the formation of the Missionary Society, September 22, 23 and 24, 1795 (London, 1795), 73-90, p. 80.
91. Ibid., 82.
92. Anon., "Introduction" in Four sermons preached in London at the fourth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10 and 11, 1798 (London, 1798), pp. iii-iv, p. iv.
93. I am indebted to Patricia Fara for pointing this out to me.
94. For a similar study see Michael Newton, "Bodies without souls: The case of Peter the Wild Boy", in Fudge et al. (eds), op. cit. (ref. 16), 196-214.
95. Cited in Gunson, op. cit. (ref. 15), 189.
96. For Temoteitei's article see Anon., "Biography: Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 3-14.
97. See Joanna Woodall, "Introduction", in J. Woodall (ed.), Portraiture: Facing the subject (Manchester, 1997), 1-25, p. 5.
98. For the argument that the eye is the window of the soul see John Gage, "Photographic likeness", in Woodall (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 60), 119-30.
99. For the use of Khoi-khoi for Hottentot see Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial eyes: Travel writing and transculturation (London, 1992), 40.
100. Anon., "Contemporary journals", Monthly repository, xv (1820), 540-3, p. 541. I thank Jonathan Topham for this reference.
101. It has been pointed to me by Rev. Brian Macdonald-Milne, former missionary to the South Pacific, that Polynesian islanders usually did not wear clothes above the waist. I do not think that this changes the argument. His lack of clothes was greatly dissimilar to how the subjects who usually appeared on these pages were presented.
102. For the setting up of missionary schools in the South Pacific see Gunson, op. cit. (ref. 15).
103. Bernard Smith, Imagining the Pacific: In the wake of the Cook voyage (New Haven, 1992).
104. Pearce, op. cit. (ref. 21), 181, argues that naming is central to all collecting.
105. This is closely related to the naming of slaves in Britain: they also often lost their names.
106. Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70), 3.
107. Letter dated 29 April 1844 from John Vine Hall to the Directors, CWM, SOAS, Home Correspondence Box 8.
108. Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70), 4.
109. Ibid., 4.
110. See Woodall, op. cit. (ref. 71). She has argued that the pleasure in viewing a portrait comes from the substitution of the portrait for something distant or absent.
111. Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70), 7.
112. Ibid., 7.
113. Banks, op. cit. (ref. 27), 21.
114. A. Rosenthal, "She's got the look! Eighteenth century female portrait painters and the psychology of a potentially dangerous employment", in Woodall (ed), op. cit. (ref. 60), 147-66, p. 147.
115. Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70), 3.
116. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
117. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
118. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
119. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
120. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of
121. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
122. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
123. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
124. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
125. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
126. I have been able to trace the records for sixteen islanders who were placed in the Society's care in the period from its commencement to 1850. David Bogue wrote concerning one to Joseph Hardcastle in a letter dated 11 January 1799, Home Correspondence, Box 1, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (hereafter CWM, SOAS, UL). This could have been one of the lads mentioned in W. Wilson, A missionary voyage to the Southern Pacific ocean performed in the years 1796, 1797, 1798 in the ship Duff (London, 1799), 114. Temoteitei was the third and his records are in Anon., "South Seas", Evangelical magazine, vii (1799), 261-2, p. 262; Anon., op. cit. (ref. 70); and Anon., "Temoteitei", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 552. The fourth was brought to the country by Mr Hodges from Port Jackson and was ten years old. His records appears in Anon., "Missionary Society", Evangelical magazine, viii (1800), 338-9, p. 338. The report for the next year mentions two boys and two men brought under the Society's protection that year. Assuming that one of them was the aforementioned, this provides us with three more. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the seventh general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12 and 14, 1801 to which are prefixed the report of the Directors (London, 1808), 1-18, p. 5. Two youths are said to been brought under the instruction of the Moravians in a school in Merfield, Yorks. By a conservative estimate we may assume that one of these was of the number before, as we are told the others mentioned before died in the same year. The record for the two youths trained by the Moravians appear in Anon., "Report of the Directors to the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society", in Four sermons preached in London at the ninth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 10, 11, 12, 1803 also the report of the Directors (London, 1803), 1-32, p. 10, and Anon., "Report of the Directors" in Four sermons preached in London at the tenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 9, 10, 11, 1804 (London, 1804), 3-24, p. 5. These two were dead by the end of 1804. Two more youths were brought under the Society's protection in 1807. See Anon., "Report of the Directors to the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 14, 1807", in Four sermons preached in London at the thirteenth general meeting of the Missionary Society, May 13, 14, 15, 1807 also the report of the Directors (London, 1807), 3-36, p. 16. One of them was Tapeoe, whose treatment was criticized at length in the press and by a certain individual who wrote to the Directors under the pseudonym Amicus. For this exchange see Letter dated 1 October 1807 from Ammicus to the Editor of the Evangelical magazine, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Also letter dated 26 September 1807 from Rev. T. Haweis to the Directorate, Home Correspondence, Box 2, CWM, SOAS, UL. Tapeoe was dead by 1814, see Anon., "Extract of a letter from Mr. Bicknell", Evangelical magazine, xxii (1814), 569. Three other islanders, Tomma, Terea and Tenavow, and Tapeoe also were mentioned in the lengthy account of the treatment of these islanders written in protest to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. See Joseph Fox, An appeal to the members of the London Missionary Society against a resolution of the Directors of that Society dated 26 March 1810 with remarks on certain proceedings relative to the Otaheitan and Jewish missions (London, 1810). Rev. John Williams mentions one islander whom he brought back to England to aid him with the Scriptures, and then also notes that a Captain Green brought back two islanders, one a Rarotongan, and the other "an interesting lad the principal chief of Nikikiva, one of the Marquesan islanders", see Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 21 May 1835, Rev. John Williams to the Directorate, 5 August 1837, and Rev. John Williams to Rev. J. Arundel, 23 August 1835; Home Correspondence, Box 6, CWM, SOAS, UL. Two islanders were taken on a relentless tour of missionary societies in 1843, leading to the death of one of them who was the chief, Leora, see Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 30 October 1843, and Rev. J. Alexander to Rev. J. Arundel, 4 November 1843; Home Correspondence, Box 8, CWM, SOAS, UL. A similar tale was told in relation to Kiro, a Rarotongan, who was put on display at missionary meetings. See Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 31 December 1847, and Rev. A. Leith to the Directorate, 30 July 1847; Home Correspondence Box 9, CWM, SOAS, UL.
127. John Love, Addresses to the people of Otaheiti with a short address to the members of the Missionary Society in London (London, 1796), 14.
128. John Williams, "The Missionary pleading for the perishing heathen: A sermon preached at Surrey Chapel on Sunday Evening October 8th 1837", The pastoral echo: Nineteen sermons by eminent dissenting ministers and others (London, 1837), 307-323, p. 309.
129. Ibid., 311.
130. Ibid., 310.
131. Ibid., 315-16.
132. These islanders were put to a Lancasterian mode of education. See Gunson, op. cit. (ref. 15), 238.
133. Tyerman and Bennet, op. cit. (ref. 40), ii, 123.
134. Ibid., 124.
135. Ibid., 124.
136. Ibid., 125.
137. There were many competing theories of the after-life and the intermediary state. See G. Rowell, Hell and the Victorians: A study of nineteenth century theological controversies concerning eternal punishment and the future life (Oxford, 1974), and Michael Wheeler, Heaven, hell and the Victorians (Cambridge, 1994).
138. There were many competing theories of the after-life and the intermediary state. See G. Rowell, Hell and the Victorians: A study of nineteenth century theological controversies concerning eternal punishment and the future life (Oxford, 1974), and Michael Wheeler, Heaven, hell and the Victorians (Cambridge, 1994).
139. Tyerman and Bennet, op. cit. (ref. 40), 126-7.
140. Anon., "Temoteitei" (ref. 90), 522.
141. Alexander to Arundel, 30 October 1843 (ref. 90).
142. For examples of missionary maps see James Nisbet, The children's missionary map of the world (London, 1844), and James Nisbet, The pictorial missionary map of the world (London, 1861?). Also, for an interesting and lengthy account of how missionary societies hoped to use maps, see American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions on the use of missionary maps at the Monthly Concert (Boston, 1842).
143. For examples of missionary maps see James Nisbet, The children's missionary map of the world (London, 1844), and James Nisbet, The pictorial missionary map of the world (London, 1861?). Also, for an interesting and lengthy account of how missionary societies hoped to use maps, see American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions on the use of missionary maps at the Monthly Concert (Boston, 1842).
144. For examples of missionary maps see James Nisbet, The children's missionary map of the world (London, 1844), and James Nisbet, The pictorial missionary map of the world (London, 1861?). Also, for an interesting and lengthy account of how missionary societies hoped to use maps, see American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions on the use of missionary maps at the Monthly Concert (Boston, 1842).
145. Susan Stewart, On longing: Narratives of the miniature, the gigantic, the souvenir and the collection (Baltimore, 1984), 154.
146. See Robert C. Schmitt, "The missionary 'Censuses' of Tahiti 1797-1830", Journal of the Polynesian Society, lxxvi (1967), 27-34. He says that missionaries were responsible for at least eleven cited surveys: two for 1797, one for each of 1802, 1803, 1808, 1818, 1823, 1824 and 1828, and two for 1829.
147. Janet Browne, The s ecular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven, 1983).
148. Martin Rudwick, "The emergence of a visual language for geological science 1760-1840", History of science, xiv (1976), 149-95.
149. American Board of Commissioners (ref. 105), 10.
150. Morning chronicle, 19 July 1808. It was acceptable to put Tapeoe in a cage because he hadn't converted. Converted Pacific islanders, on the other hand, were taken on a relentless tour of missionary meetings by the third decade of the nineteenth century. This led on at least one occasion to death by illness. For the death of the Chief Leora see Alexander to Arundel, 4 November 1843 (ref. 90): "When Mr. Heath was here, he complained much of the conduct of the Directors - and what he said, both publicly and privately left upon many minds the impression that he and the natives were worked beyond their strength and against the remonstrance which they had made." Also see Lieth to Directorate, 30 July 1847 (ref. 90), for an account of the public display of Kiro: "I have found that he is invariably worse after a journey, also after the excitement of a meeting & although I have taken utmost care of him he is constantly taking colds."
151. Fox, op. cit. (ref. 90), 27.
152. Ibid., 42.
153. Ibid., 66.
154. Ibid., 39. See also letters from Sir Joseph Banks to Rev. George Burder, 13 January 1810 and 15 January 1810, Joseph Banks Archives (hereafter JBI), NHM, BAI: HLC951030/008.03810 and HLC951030/009.03810. And letter from Sir Joseph Banks to Sir John Beckett, 21 August 1810, relating how he has "induced" the LMS to pay for Tapeoe's maintenance till his departure, JBI, NHM, BAI: HLC951009/021.03810.
155. See Bayly, op. cit. (ref. 12).
156. Nicholas Jardine and Emma Spary, "The natures of cultural history", in Jardine, Spary and Secord (eds), op. cit. (ref 10), 3-13, p. 8.
157. Pearce, op. cit. (ref. 21), 254.