Machina ex deo: William Harvey and the meaning of instrument

Journal of the History of Ideas

Volumn 61, Issue 4, 2000, Pages 577-593

  Bates, Don ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0042223798     PISSN: 00225037     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3654070     Document Type: Article

References (136)

1. Exercitationes de generatione animalium. Quibus accedunt quaedam de partu, de membranis ac humoribus uteri, et de conceptione (London, 1651), 249 (Ex. 71), emphasis added; hereafter cited as DGA. In this edition, all exercises after no. 4 are incorrectly numbered, so, throughout this paper, the correct number, rather than the one which appears in his book, will be cited instead. Unless otherwise stated, all translations from Latin are my own.
2. His Discourse had appeared anonymously in 1637; the Meditations in 1641; Principles of Philosophy, 1644; and Passions of the Soul, 1649.
3. His Discourse had appeared anonymously in 1637; the Meditations in 1641; Principles of Philosophy, 1644; and Passions of the Soul, 1649.
4. His Discourse had appeared anonymously in 1637; the Meditations in 1641; Principles of Philosophy, 1644; and Passions of the Soul, 1649.
5. His Discourse had appeared anonymously in 1637; the Meditations in 1641; Principles of Philosophy, 1644; and Passions of the Soul, 1649.
6. Ranging from 1624 to the 1640s.
7. DGA 75 (Ex. 25).
8. See Stephen Menn, "The Intellectual Setting," in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth Century Philosophy, ed. D. Garber and M. Ayers (Cambridge, 1998), 33-88, esp. 38-47.
9. Or, perhaps, psycho-socially constructed.
10. In the way that, for example, a housebuilder or physician is a craftsman (P.A. 639b 15-19). See Friedrich Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman in Greek Thought," JHI, 24 (1963), 473-96, 477. "For a philosopher who condemned all metaphor as obscure, Aristotle is ... extraordinarily free with implicit and explicit comparisons of every kind between the role of physis and the technai" (G. E. R. Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science [Berkeley, 1987], 188).
11. In the way that, for example, a housebuilder or physician is a craftsman (P.A. 639b 15-19). See Friedrich Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman in Greek Thought," JHI, 24 (1963), 473-96, 477. "For a philosopher who condemned all metaphor as obscure, Aristotle is ... extraordinarily free with implicit and explicit comparisons of every kind between the role of physis and the technai" (G. E. R. Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science [Berkeley, 1987], 188).
12. Physics 199a 15seqq.; see also 199b 28seqq. Unless otherwise specified, all Aristotelian quotations are from translations in the Loeb Classical Library editions. See Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 487f.
13. Physics 199a 15seqq.; see also 199b 28seqq. Unless otherwise specified, all Aristotelian quotations are from translations in the Loeb Classical Library editions. See Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 487f.
14. Physics 199a 15seqq.; see also 199b 28seqq. Unless otherwise specified, all Aristotelian quotations are from translations in the Loeb Classical Library editions. See Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 487f.
15. "One may regard the structure of the organ [i.e., lung] as very like that of both the bellows of a forge; for heart and lung conform closely to this shape" (On respiration 480a 20seqq.).
16. r).
17. G.A. 789b 6-13.
18. And sometimes roughly translated as "breath."
19. Oxford English Dictionary, where, in the introduction to the entry for "organ." it is explaining its original Greek meaning.
20. G.A. 789b 12-15; emphasis in the Loeb translation.
21. "... each of the parts of the body, like every other instrument, is for the sake of some purpose." Moreover, "for the sake of those functions ... they are naturally adapted" (P.A. 645b 15seq.).
22. Physics 199a 20-30. Quotation from Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 488.
23. Physics 199a 20-30. Quotation from Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 488.
24. Though, just because their behavior is so purposeful "some raise the question whether the works of spiders and ants ... should be attributed to intelligence ..." (Aristotle, ibid.).
25. 199a 24 and translator's footnote.
26. Motu animalium, 703a 30-34; see also 701a 30seqq.
27. Motu animalium, 703a 30-34; see also 701a 30seqq.
28. From the Greek techne, meaning "art."
29. In fact, it must surely be this ancient conceptual legacy that accounts for the muddled language of our present-day mechanical discourse, as when we speak about something obeying the second law of thermodynamics.
30. Arthur L. Peck, "The Connate Pneuma: An Essential Factor in Aristotle's Solutions to the Problems of Reproduction and Sensation," in Science Medicine and History, ed. E. Ashworth Underwood (Oxford, 1953), 111-21, 112.
31. As Geoffrey Lloyd says of Aristotle's cosmology, "in the doctrine of the prime mover ideas from physics, from psychology and from theology are welded into a single complex whole" (Aristotle: The Growth and Structure of His Thought [Cambridge, 1968], 154).
32. Heinrich von Staden, "Teleology and Mechanism: Aristotelian Biology and Early Hellenistic Medicine," in Aristotelische Biologie: Intentionen, Methoden, Ergebnisse, ed. Wolfgang Kullmann and Sabine Föllinger (Stuttgart, 1997), 183-208, 207, where he compares Aristotle's use of techne with mechane.
33. G.A. 731b 30seqq.; De anima 415b 1-9.
34. G.A. 731b 30seqq.; De anima 415b 1-9.
35. Solmsen, "Nature as Craftsman," 495.
36. It must not be forgotten, however, that Aristotle did not always speak in clearly technical terms. To the passage just quoted above, Solmsen adds that, for Aristotle, nature "operates in ways so ingenious and ... so intelligent and pursues its 'ends' so consistently that we often find it difficult to see the difference between its procedure and those of a conscious agent. These difficulties inherent in Aristotle's teleology are well known," and Solmsen illustrates this by quoting Aristotle to the effect that " 'Nature, like a sensible human being, always assigns an organ to an animal that can use it ... she always does the best she can in the circumstances' (which accounts for the fact that man is endowed with hands)," 16f. The Aristotelian quotation is from P. A. 68a10seqq.
37. G.A. 741b 8. At 734b 10 Aristotle uses the same analogy and elaborates on it.
38. And, significantly, Aristotle often refers to that plan, or "defining formula" part of his form as its "logos." See G.A. 734b 34-735a 2. and A. L. Peck, in the introduction to the Loeb Classical Library edition, xliv.
39. Ernst Mayr, "The Idea of Teleology," JHI, 53 (1992), 117-35, 121 and 123: see also 126-30.
40. Since "psyche" was also used by Plato to mean something much more intellectually active, and since something more akin to his notion of the word (and its Latin equivalent "anima") then spread into later ancient philosophies and Christianity, it has long been conventional to use "soul" to translate Aristotle's version of psyche, as well. But, in his case, "soul" is probably at least as inappropriate as "program" is, if not more so.
41. Or organs. Right up until Harvey's time, the Latin terms "instrumentum" and "organum" were treated synonymously as translations of the Greek term organon.
42. At G.A. 736b 28seq., for example. With respect to the mechanistic element, Marjorie Grene has argued that, in Aristotelian teleology, there is "absolutely no question of any kind of 'purpose' here," (Marjorie Grene, "Aristotle and Modern Biology," JHI, 33 [1972], 395-424, 398). I would be more inclined to say that any perceived purposefulness had been programmed into the matter, while at the same time conceding that Aristotle did not conceive of any author for that program. Its purposefulness had already existed from eternity.
43. The most notable exception being Erasistratus and his followers. For a very relevant discussion of both Erasistratean and Aristotelian mechanism, their relationship to teleology, and much else in this paper, see von Staden, "Teleology and Mechanism."
44. For a comparison of Aristotle's and Galen's teleology, and the exploration of several of the ideas being discussed here, see R. J. Hankinson, "Galen and the Best of All Possible Worlds," Classical Quarterly, 39 (1989), 206-27.
45. And, as is well known, Aristotle's interest in anatomy was dominated by his desire to shed some light on the nature of the "psyche." See G. E. R. Lloyd, Aristotelian Explorations (Cambridge, 1996), ch. 2, "The relationship of psychology to zoology," 38-66.
46. Quotation from Motu animalium, 703a 30seqq. Moreover, his view is holistic in that "constituent material parts cannot be said to have the characteristics they do ... outside the composite whole" (Lloyd, ibid., 62, emphasis in original).
47. G. E. R. Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," Sudhoffs Archiv, 59 (1975), 113-47. See also idem, Magic, Reason and Experience: Studies in the Origin and Development of Greek Science (Cambridge, 1979), 163f, and Shigehisa Kuriyama, "Varieties of Haptic Experience: A Comparative Study of Greek and Chinese Pulse Diagnosis" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard, 1986), ch. 6. "The Rise of Greek Anatomy," 177-209.
48. G. E. R. Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," Sudhoffs Archiv, 59 (1975), 113-47. See also idem, Magic, Reason and Experience: Studies in the Origin and Development of Greek Science (Cambridge, 1979), 163f, and Shigehisa Kuriyama, "Varieties of Haptic Experience: A Comparative Study of Greek and Chinese Pulse Diagnosis" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard, 1986), ch. 6. "The Rise of Greek Anatomy," 177-209.
49. G. E. R. Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," Sudhoffs Archiv, 59 (1975), 113-47. See also idem, Magic, Reason and Experience: Studies in the Origin and Development of Greek Science (Cambridge, 1979), 163f, and Shigehisa Kuriyama, "Varieties of Haptic Experience: A Comparative Study of Greek and Chinese Pulse Diagnosis" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard, 1986), ch. 6. "The Rise of Greek Anatomy," 177-209.
50. See above, note 15.
51. See P.A. 687a 20. Long before Harvey's time it had become a cliche' that "the hand is called the instrument of instruments" (organum organorum. DGA 252 [Ex. 72]; also, Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, 7).
52. See P.A. 687a 20. Long before Harvey's time it had become a cliche' that "the hand is called the instrument of instruments" (organum organorum. DGA 252 [Ex. 72]; also, Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, 7).
53. See P.A. 687a 20. Long before Harvey's time it had become a cliche' that "the hand is called the instrument of instruments" (organum organorum. DGA 252 [Ex. 72]; also, Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, 7).
54. See the quotation from Boyle's "Essay Containing a requisite Digression concerning those that would exclude the Diety from intermeddling with Matter" (1663), in Timothy Shanahan, "God and Nature in the Thought of Robert Boyle," Journal of the History of Philosophy, 26 (1988), 547-69, 564.
55. See the quotation from Boyle's "Essay Containing a requisite Digression concerning those that would exclude the Diety from intermeddling with Matter" (1663), in Timothy Shanahan, "God and Nature in the Thought of Robert Boyle," Journal of the History of Philosophy, 26 (1988), 547-69, 564.
56. "Aristotle ... shares with his Hellenistic counterparts a keen awareness of the precision of missiles and siege engines" (von Staden, "Teleology and Mechanism," 207).
57. See von Staden's detailed account of the parallels between Erasistratus's model of the heart and the water pump invented by Ctesibius (ibid., 202f). See also idem, "Body and Machine: Interactions Between Medicine, Mechanics, and Philosophy in Early Alexandria," in Alexandria and Alexandrianism (Malibu, 1996), 85-106.
58. See von Staden's detailed account of the parallels between Erasistratus's model of the heart and the water pump invented by Ctesibius (ibid., 202f). See also idem, "Body and Machine: Interactions Between Medicine, Mechanics, and Philosophy in Early Alexandria," in Alexandria and Alexandrianism (Malibu, 1996), 85-106.
59. The word "determined" still reflects this convergence because, at the same time that it connotes "deterministic" in our mechanical sense, it also implies that, further back in the causal chain, there was a determining agent.
60. As Lloyd has shown, the flow even of Aristotle's reasoning was frequently in the, for us, counter-intuitive direction of inferring structure from function ("The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," in Aristotle on Mind and the Senses, ed. G. E. R. Lloyd and G. E. L. Owen [Cambridge, 1975], 215-39, and his own commentary on that paper, The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," ch. 10 in Methods and Problems in Greek Science [Cambridge, 1991], 224-29, esp. 224-26, as well as idem, Aristotelian Explorations, 50.)
61. As Lloyd has shown, the flow even of Aristotle's reasoning was frequently in the, for us, counter-intuitive direction of inferring structure from function ("The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," in Aristotle on Mind and the Senses, ed. G. E. R. Lloyd and G. E. L. Owen [Cambridge, 1975], 215-39, and his own commentary on that paper, The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," ch. 10 in Methods and Problems in Greek Science [Cambridge, 1991], 224-29, esp. 224-26, as well as idem, Aristotelian Explorations, 50.)
62. As Lloyd has shown, the flow even of Aristotle's reasoning was frequently in the, for us, counter-intuitive direction of inferring structure from function ("The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," in Aristotle on Mind and the Senses, ed. G. E. R. Lloyd and G. E. L. Owen [Cambridge, 1975], 215-39, and his own commentary on that paper, The Empirical Basis of the Physiology of the Parva Naturalia," ch. 10 in Methods and Problems in Greek Science [Cambridge, 1991], 224-29, esp. 224-26, as well as idem, Aristotelian Explorations, 50.)
63. The significant exception of Erasistratus (whose followers were still prominent at the time of Galen) has already been mentioned. Nowhere did Erasistratus display a more mechanical approach than in his explanations concerning the structure and actions of the heart and its valves (C. R. S. Harris, The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine [Oxford, 1973], 196-98, 226). For Erasistratus's description of actual experiments to demonstrate that these valves prevent a backward flow, see Heinrich von Staden, "Experiment and Experience in Hellenistic Medicine," Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 22 (1975), 178-99, 184.
64. The significant exception of Erasistratus (whose followers were still prominent at the time of Galen) has already been mentioned. Nowhere did Erasistratus display a more mechanical approach than in his explanations concerning the structure and actions of the heart and its valves (C. R. S. Harris, The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine [Oxford, 1973], 196-98, 226). For Erasistratus's description of actual experiments to demonstrate that these valves prevent a backward flow, see Heinrich von Staden, "Experiment and Experience in Hellenistic Medicine," Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 22 (1975), 178-99, 184.
65. "The critical role played by teleology in the rise of Greek anatomy is one which has not been sufficiently appreciated" (Kuriyama, "Varieties of Haptic Experience," 192).
66. See Ackerknecht's argument that even the practices of autopsy and dissection in many societies did not lead to "anatomical knowledge," at least of the kind developed in the western tradition (Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Primitive Autopsies and the History of Anatomy," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 13 [1943], 334-39). Nor, apparently, did the practice of divination through the inspection of entrails in ancient Greece contribute to anatomical knowledge (Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," 131, n. 71). And see D. C. Epler, Jr., "Bloodletting in Early Chinese Medicine and Its Relation to The Origin of Acupuncture" (Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 54 [1980], 337-67), esp. 361f.
67. See Ackerknecht's argument that even the practices of autopsy and dissection in many societies did not lead to "anatomical knowledge," at least of the kind developed in the western tradition (Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Primitive Autopsies and the History of Anatomy," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 13 [1943], 334-39). Nor, apparently, did the practice of divination through the inspection of entrails in ancient Greece contribute to anatomical knowledge (Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," 131, n. 71). And see D. C. Epler, Jr., "Bloodletting in Early Chinese Medicine and Its Relation to The Origin of Acupuncture" (Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 54 [1980], 337-67), esp. 361f.
68. See Ackerknecht's argument that even the practices of autopsy and dissection in many societies did not lead to "anatomical knowledge," at least of the kind developed in the western tradition (Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Primitive Autopsies and the History of Anatomy," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 13 [1943], 334-39). Nor, apparently, did the practice of divination through the inspection of entrails in ancient Greece contribute to anatomical knowledge (Lloyd, "Alcmaeon and the Early History of Dissection," 131, n. 71). And see D. C. Epler, Jr., "Bloodletting in Early Chinese Medicine and Its Relation to The Origin of Acupuncture" (Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 54 [1980], 337-67), esp. 361f.
69. For a general description and analysis of sixteenth-century anatomy, see Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomical Renaissance (Aldershot, 1997). See also Vivian Nutton, "The Anatomy of the Soul in Early Renaissance Medicine," in The Human Embryo: Aristotle and the Arabic and European Traditions, ed. G. R. Dunstan (Exeter, 1990), 136-57.
70. For a general description and analysis of sixteenth-century anatomy, see Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomical Renaissance (Aldershot, 1997). See also Vivian Nutton, "The Anatomy of the Soul in Early Renaissance Medicine," in The Human Embryo: Aristotle and the Arabic and European Traditions, ed. G. R. Dunstan (Exeter, 1990), 136-57.
71. Nancy G. Siraisi, "Vesalius and the Reading of Galen's Teleology," Renaissance Quarterly, 50 (1997), 1-37, 10 and 12. I wish to thank Sachiko Kusukawa for drawing this article to my attention.
72. "divine machinata est," ibid., 16. Also see 19, 30 and 32.
73. See William Harvey, Disputations Touching the Generation of Animals, tr. with intro. and notes by Gweneth Whitteridge (Oxford, 1981), xxii-iv.
74. "He mentions 128 types of animal life" (F. J. Cole, "Harvey's Animals," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 12 [1957], 106). See also idem, A History of Comparative Anatomy (1944; New York, 1975), 129f. Regarding the royal deer, see DGA 217-44 (Exx. 64-70). Regarding his natural philosophy in general, see C. J. Cook, "Text and Context: The Philosophical Structure of the Writings of William Harvey Illuminated by Disputes in Renaissance Philosophy" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1995), 247-52; also Walter Pagel, William Harvey's Biological Ideas (New York, 1967).
75. "He mentions 128 types of animal life" (F. J. Cole, "Harvey's Animals," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 12 [1957], 106). See also idem, A History of Comparative Anatomy (1944; New York, 1975), 129f. Regarding the royal deer, see DGA 217-44 (Exx. 64-70). Regarding his natural philosophy in general, see C. J. Cook, "Text and Context: The Philosophical Structure of the Writings of William Harvey Illuminated by Disputes in Renaissance Philosophy" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1995), 247-52; also Walter Pagel, William Harvey's Biological Ideas (New York, 1967).
76. "He mentions 128 types of animal life" (F. J. Cole, "Harvey's Animals," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 12 [1957], 106). See also idem, A History of Comparative Anatomy (1944; New York, 1975), 129f. Regarding the royal deer, see DGA 217-44 (Exx. 64-70). Regarding his natural philosophy in general, see C. J. Cook, "Text and Context: The Philosophical Structure of the Writings of William Harvey Illuminated by Disputes in Renaissance Philosophy" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1995), 247-52; also Walter Pagel, William Harvey's Biological Ideas (New York, 1967).
77. "He mentions 128 types of animal life" (F. J. Cole, "Harvey's Animals," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 12 [1957], 106). See also idem, A History of Comparative Anatomy (1944; New York, 1975), 129f. Regarding the royal deer, see DGA 217-44 (Exx. 64-70). Regarding his natural philosophy in general, see C. J. Cook, "Text and Context: The Philosophical Structure of the Writings of William Harvey Illuminated by Disputes in Renaissance Philosophy" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1995), 247-52; also Walter Pagel, William Harvey's Biological Ideas (New York, 1967).
78. "He mentions 128 types of animal life" (F. J. Cole, "Harvey's Animals," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 12 [1957], 106). See also idem, A History of Comparative Anatomy (1944; New York, 1975), 129f. Regarding the royal deer, see DGA 217-44 (Exx. 64-70). Regarding his natural philosophy in general, see C. J. Cook, "Text and Context: The Philosophical Structure of the Writings of William Harvey Illuminated by Disputes in Renaissance Philosophy" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1995), 247-52; also Walter Pagel, William Harvey's Biological Ideas (New York, 1967).
79. DGA 293-301 (De conceptione);
80. see also, 112 (Ex. 41) and 132f. (Ex. 47).
81. Such issues permeate the whole of De generatione animalium, but see in particular DGA 139 (Ex. 49); see also Cook, "Text and Context," 225-40.
82. Such issues permeate the whole of De generatione animalium, but see in particular DGA 139 (Ex. 49); see also Cook, "Text and Context," 225-40.
83. Harvey marvels at the fact that the blood comes into being and is moved before the organs for making and moving it; and that there is sensation and movement in the foetus before it has a brain (DGA 189f. and passim in Ex. 57).
84. "For, (as Seneca says) 'in the seed the whole plan (ratio) of the future man is contained. And the infant, still unborn, possesses the conditions (legem) for a beard and grey hair' " (DGA 175 [Ex. 55]).
85. See Cook, "Text and Context," 225-40, 165-76 and 211-19.
86. DGA 139 (Ex. 49).
87. DGA 144 (Ex. 50).
88. Ibid. For Aristotle, only the rational soul of man came from without and was transcendently divine (G.A. 736b 27 and 737a 10).
89. Ibid. For Aristotle, only the rational soul of man came from without and was transcendently divine (G.A. 736b 27 and 737a 10).
90. Ibid. For Aristotle, only the rational soul of man came from without and was transcendently divine (G.A. 736b 27 and 737a 10).
91. For his doubts about atoms and elements, DGA 28f. (Ex. 11); 254 (Ex. 72). Altogether, calling upon the words of Aristotle, Harvey rejected the possibility of any method that reasoned from a priori premises, since everything starts from sense (DGA B4rf. [Praefatio]). See also Catherine Wilson, "Visual Surface and Visual Symbol: The Microscope and the Occult in Early Modern Science," JHI, 49 (1988), 85-108.
92. For his doubts about atoms and elements, DGA 28f. (Ex. 11); 254 (Ex. 72). Altogether, calling upon the words of Aristotle, Harvey rejected the possibility of any method that reasoned from a priori premises, since everything starts from sense (DGA B4rf. [Praefatio]). See also Catherine Wilson, "Visual Surface and Visual Symbol: The Microscope and the Occult in Early Modern Science," JHI, 49 (1988), 85-108.
93. For his doubts about atoms and elements, DGA 28f. (Ex. 11); 254 (Ex. 72). Altogether, calling upon the words of Aristotle, Harvey rejected the possibility of any method that reasoned from a priori premises, since everything starts from sense (DGA B4rf. [Praefatio]). See also Catherine Wilson, "Visual Surface and Visual Symbol: The Microscope and the Occult in Early Modern Science," JHI, 49 (1988), 85-108.
94. For some of the difficulties that generation created for mechanists, see A. J. Pyle, "Animal Generation and the Mechanical Philosophy: Some Light on the Role of Biology in the Scientific Revolution." History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences, 9 (1987), 225-54.
95. Exercitatio anatomica de circulatione sanguinis (Cambridge, 1649), 64; also 61. "There is no need ... to call gods upon the scene," and, "to multiply entities is superfluous" (DGA 244 [Ex. 71]).
96. Exercitatio anatomica de circulatione sanguinis (Cambridge, 1649), 64; also 61. "There is no need ... to call gods upon the scene," and, "to multiply entities is superfluous" (DGA 244 [Ex. 71]).
97. DGA 145f (Ex. 50); 249 (Ex. 71). See also Exercitatio anatomica de circulatione sanguinis, 62f.
98. DGA 145f (Ex. 50); 249 (Ex. 71). See also Exercitatio anatomica de circulatione sanguinis, 62f.
99. DGA 145f (Ex. 50).
100. Ibid., 146, emphasis added.
101. Cook, "Text and Context," 205.
102. During the development of the foetus, "many actions of the formative faculty are observed following each other in order (just as we see in automata, or self-moving machines, where one wheel moves the next wheel)" (DGA 181 [Ex. 56]). See Aristotle, G.A. 741b 6-9.
103. During the development of the foetus, "many actions of the formative faculty are observed following each other in order (just as we see in automata, or self-moving machines, where one wheel moves the next wheel)" (DGA 181 [Ex. 56]). See Aristotle, G.A. 741b 6-9.
104. DGA 146 (Ex. 50), emphasis added.
105. For Nature finally just is God (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]).
106. Ibid., 147.
107. v.
108. v.
109. DGA 143 (Ex. 50). As a contemporary English translation put it, some are "factiva, Making, and some, activa, Doing" (Anatomical Exercitations Concerning the Generation of Living Creatures [London, 1653], 262). From the twelfth century onward, this distinction - though not with quite the meaning that Harvey is going to give to it - was a hallmark of the Aristotelian division of the arts in medieval Europe (Elspeth Whitney, Paradise Restored: The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity Through the Thirteenth Century, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 80 [Philadelphia, 1990], passim).
110. DGA 143 (Ex. 50). As a contemporary English translation put it, some are "factiva, Making, and some, activa, Doing" (Anatomical Exercitations Concerning the Generation of Living Creatures [London, 1653], 262). From the twelfth century onward, this distinction - though not with quite the meaning that Harvey is going to give to it - was a hallmark of the Aristotelian division of the arts in medieval Europe (Elspeth Whitney, Paradise Restored: The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity Through the Thirteenth Century, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 80 [Philadelphia, 1990], passim).
111. DGA 143 (Ex. 50). As a contemporary English translation put it, some are "factiva, Making, and some, activa, Doing" (Anatomical Exercitations Concerning the Generation of Living Creatures [London, 1653], 262). From the twelfth century onward, this distinction -though not with quite the meaning that Harvey is going to give to it - was a hallmark of the Aristotelian division of the arts in medieval Europe (Elspeth Whitney, Paradise Restored: The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity Through the Thirteenth Century, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 80 [Philadelphia, 1990], passim).
112. DCA 143 (Ex. 50). Further on, he contrasts an instrument conjoined to the first efficient - the hand of the craftsman for instance - with one that is separated from it, such as an arrow loosed from the bow (ibid., 144).
113. DCA 143 (Ex. 50). Further on, he contrasts an instrument conjoined to the first efficient - the hand of the craftsman for instance - with one that is separated from it, such as an arrow loosed from the bow (ibid., 144).
114. The phrase supra vires is used repeatedly in Ex. 71, especially in connection with the blood.
115. Speaking of the male's contribution to conception, "through so many mediators or instruments is this power, this artisan of fecundity transferred or handed on ..." (DGA 139 [Ex. 49]).
116. Insofar as they are accessible at all. The process at work in a fertilized egg, for example, seems to be the result of an arte inimitabili, modoque incomprehensibili (DGA 78 [Ex. 26]).
117. When his teacher Fabricius compared the developing embryo to building a ship, he was not contemplating "what is done by nature in the order of generation, but rather what, to his mind, ought to happen according to nature ... by a resemblance to an artificial building, as if, in fact, nature would imitate art, and not rather art nature" (DGA 172 [Ex. 54], emphasis added). See also 146 (Ex. 50).
118. v, [Praefatio]).
119. Also, see Cook, "Text and Context," 1 42-45.
120. v a Section entitled Harmonia et Rithmus, and DGA 182 (Ex. 56) about God as a potter rather than a carpenter (as discussed and cited by Cook, "Text and Context," 245, n. 467; and 249, n. 496).
121. v a Section entitled Harmonia et Rithmus, and DGA 182 (Ex. 56) about God as a potter rather than a carpenter (as discussed and cited by Cook, "Text and Context," 245, n. 467; and 249, n. 496).
122. v a Section entitled Harmonia et Rithmus, and DGA 182 (Ex. 56) about God as a potter rather than a carpenter (as discussed and cited by Cook, "Text and Context," 245, n. 467; and 249, n. 496).
123. v a Section entitled Harmonia et Rithmus, and DGA 182 (Ex. 56) about God as a potter rather than a carpenter (as discussed and cited by Cook, "Text and Context," 245, n. 467; and 249, n. 496).
124. v a Section entitled Harmonia et Rithmus, and DGA 182 (Ex. 56) about God as a potter rather than a carpenter (as discussed and cited by Cook, "Text and Context," 245, n. 467; and 249, n. 496).
125. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
126. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
127. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
128. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
129. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
130. "[F]or all things are filled with the Deity (Jovis enim plena, fiunt omnia) and the God of Nature displayeth himself in all things" (Harvey, Anatomical Exercitations, 499, original Latin at DGA 271 [De partu]). Harvey also likens the Christian God to an anima mundi (DGA 145 [Ex. 50]), but elsewhere makes clear that this is merely literary and allusive (DGA 170 [Ex. 54]). Also see the title page of Harvey, Anatomical Lectures, and Cook, "Text and Context," 249-51, regarding this phrase, Harvey's connection with Stoic thought, and the care that must be taken in interpreting Harvey's use of such expressions, generally.
131. See above, note 81. See also DGA 248 (Ex. 71); his Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus (Frankfurt, 1628), 30; and E. V. Ferrario, F. N. L. Poynter, and K. J. Franklin, "William Harvey's Debate with Caspar Hofmann on the Circulation of the Blood," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 15(1960), 16.
132. See above, note 81. See also DGA 248 (Ex. 71); his Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus (Frankfurt, 1628), 30; and E. V. Ferrario, F. N. L. Poynter, and K. J. Franklin, "William Harvey's Debate with Caspar Hofmann on the Circulation of the Blood," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 15(1960), 16.
133. See above, note 81. See also DGA 248 (Ex. 71); his Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus (Frankfurt, 1628), 30; and E. V. Ferrario, F. N. L. Poynter, and K. J. Franklin, "William Harvey's Debate with Caspar Hofmann on the Circulation of the Blood," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 15(1960), 16.
134. Along with Skepticism, Stoicism, Christianity, the Paduan Aristotelians, and his own empirical research, for all of which see Cook, "Text and Context," passim.
135. See Cook re Harvey's "theory of change," "Text and Context," 241-52; and also 93f, 126, 137, 143f. Ultimately, Harvey wants to reconcile the wondrous complexity of change in nature with the harmony and good order of the universe. To accomplish this, he combines divine intelligence with Aristotelian instrumentation.
136. McGill University.