The evolution of the imperial idea and U.S. national identity

Diplomatic History

Volumn 26, Issue 4, 2002, Pages 511-540

  Heiss, Mary Ann ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0041778790     PISSN: 01452096     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-7709.00324     Document Type: Review

References (200)

1. A. P. Thornton uses this term in a peculiarly British sense in The Imperial Idea and Its Enemies: A Study in British Power (Garden City, NJ, 1968). Here it will be used more broadly to apply to imperial ventures in general.
2. For the persistence of these ideas see, among other sources, Whitney T. Perkins, Denial of Empire: The United States and Its Dependencies (Leyden, 1962), 343;
3. Thomas A. Bailey, The Man in the Street: The Impact of American Public Opinion on Foreign Policy (Gloucester, MA, 1964), 276-77;
4. A. E. Campbell, ed., Expansion and Imperialism (New York, 1970), 8;
5. William Appleman Williams, History as a Way of Learning Articles, Excerpts, and Essays (New York, 1973), 137;
6. Charles L. Sanford, ed., Manifest Destiny and the Imperialism Question (New York, 1974), 8;
7. Alexander DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana (New York, 1976), 241;
8. Jim Hanson, The Decline of the American Empire (Westport, CT, 1993), 2;
9. Amy Kaplan, "'Left Alone with America': The Absence of Empire in the Study of American Culture,"
10. and Walter Benn Michaels, "Anti-Imperial Americanism," in Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Kaplan and Donald E. Pease (Durham, 1993), 3-21, 365-91;
11. William Earl Weeks, "American Nationalism, American Imperialism: An Interpretation of United States Political Economy, 1789-1861," Journal of the Early Republic 14 (Winter 1994): 485-95;
12. Joseph A. Fry, "Imperialism, American Style, 1890-1916," in American Foreign Relations Reconsidered, 1890-1993, ed. Gordon Martel (London, 1994), 52-70;
13. Dominic Lieven, Empire The Russian Empire and Its Rivals (New Haven, CT, 2000), 112;
14. Walter LaFeber, "The American View of Decolonization, 1776-1920: An Ironic Legacy," in The United States and Decolonization: Power and Freedom, ed. David Ryan and Victor Pungong (New York, 2000), 24-40;
15. and, most recently, Paul A. Kramer, "Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule between the British and United States Empires, 1880-1910," Journal of American History 88 (March 2002): 1315-53. Kramer, in fact, notes the accepted wisdom among Americans that their nation has been not only a "nonempire" but an "antiempire."
16. The most complete explication of the imperial nature of the United States is William Appleman Williams, Empire as a Way of Life: An Essay on the Causes and Character of America's Present Predicament, along with a Few Thoughts about an Alternative (New York, 1980).
17. For a focus on the twentieth century see Robert J. McMahon, "The Republic as Empire: American Foreign Policy in the 'American Century,'" in Perspectives on Modern America: Making Sense of the Twentieth Century, ed. Harvard Sitkoff (New York, 2001), 80-100.
18. John Lewis Gaddis, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History (New York, 1997), 27.
19. For a related formulation see Geir Lundestad, The American "Empire" and Other Studies of U.S. Foreign Policy in a Comparative Perspective (Oxford, 1990), 37.
20. A. E. Campbell, "The Paradox of Imperialism: The American Case," in Imperialism and After: Continuities and Discontinuities, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Jürgen Osterhammel (London, 1986), 34;
21. Ernest W. Lefever, America's Imperial Burden: Is the Past Prologue? (Boulder, 1999), 19.
22. Tony Smith, The Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-Industrializing World Since 1815 (New York, 1981), 6;
23. D. K. Fieldhouse, Colonialism, 1870-1945: An Introduction (New York, 1981), 1. Similar formulations may be found in
24. R aymond F. Betts, Europe Overseas: Phases of Imperialism (New York, 1968), 5;
25. DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana, x, 241;
26. Serge Ricard, "Expansionists and Anti-Expansionists of 1898: The Unfinished Debate," in An American Empire: Expansionist Culture and Policies, 1881-1917, ed. Ricard (Aix-en-Provence, 1990), 59-67, 60;
27. and David S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some Are So Poor (New York, 1998), 422.
28. Ralph H. Gabriel, "History and the American Past," in American Perspectives: The National Self-Image in the Twentieth Century, ed. Robert E. Spiller and Eric Larrabee (Cambridge, MA, 1961), 1-16, 1.
29. Additionally, see Liah Greenfield, "The Origins and Nature of American Nationalism in Comparative Perspective," in The American Nation, National Identity, Nationalism, ed. Knud Krakau (New Brunswick, 1997), 19-21;
30. and Neil Renwick, America's World Identity: The Politics of Exclusion (New York, 2000).
31. Emily Rosenberg, "A Call to Revolution: A Roundtable on Early U.S. Foreign Relations," Diplomatic History 22 (Winter 1998): 65-70, 67.
32. For one recent exploration of the construction of a distinct American identity see Marguerite S. Shaffer, See America First Tourism and the National Identity, 1880-1940 (Washington, DC, 2001).
33. See Rob Kroes, "The American Identity, or How to 'Elevate Them Guns a Little Lower,'" in American Identity: Fusion and Fragmentation, ed. Kroes (Amsterdam, 1980), 9-15, 9-10.
34. David Thelen, "Making History and Making the United States," Journal of American Studies 32 (December 1998): 373-97.
35. DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana, 244.
36. Walter McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World since 1776 (Boston, 1997), 78, makes much of Franklin's territorial demands and their relationship to the developing U.S. conception of the role that land would play in the formation of the nation's identity.
37. For general U.S. ideas about expansion during this period see Paul A. Varg, America, from Client State to world Power: Six Major Transitions in United States Foreign Relations (Norman, OK, 1990), 6.
38. For early discussions of the U.S. stance against European presence on the continent see Leland Dewitt Baldwin, The Meaning of America: Essays toward an Understanding of the American Spirit (Pittsburgh, 1955), 292.
39. For Madison see Williams, History as a Way of Learning, 15;
40. and Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansionism and the Empire of Right (New York, 1995), 18.
41. For Jefferson see Robert L. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1990);
42. Lawrence S. Kaplan, Thomas Jefferson: Westward the Course of Empire (Wilmington, DE, 1999);
43. and Peter S. Onuf, Jefferson's Empire: The Language of American Nationhood (Charlottesville, VA, 2000).
44. Countless scholars have detailed the presence of expansion in U.S. foreign and domestic ideology since the nation's founding. For a sampling of this scholarship see, among others, Louis L. Snyder, ed., The Imperialism Reader: Documents and Readings on Modern Expansionism (Princeton, NJ, 1962), 47;
45. Lloyd C. Gardner, Imperial America: American Foreign Policy since 1898 (New York, 1976), 1-15;
46. DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana, ix-x;
47. Hanson, The Decline of the American Empire, 4-6.
48. For the close relationship between foreign policy and republican government see James E. Lewis, Jr., The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood: The United States and the Collapse of the Spanish Empire, 1783-1829 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998).
49. For thought-provoking discussions of the U.S. need to drive the Europeans out of North America see McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State, 57-78;
50. and Patrick J. Buchanan, A Republic, Not an Empire: Reclaiming America's Destiny (Washington, DC, 1999), 59-60.
51. The best discussion of Louisiana remains, after more than twenty-five years, DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana.
52. LaFeber, "The American View of Decolonization," 26.
53. Beveridge, quoted in editors' introduction to chapter 4, "Manifest Destiny and the American Mission," in Readings in American Nationalism, ed. Hans Kohn and Daniel Walden (New York, 1970), 68.
54. DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana, 254.
55. For Jefferson's pride upon acquiring Louisiana see DeConde, This Affair of Louisiana, 254 ibid.
56. Lewis, The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood, explicates the early threat that Spain and the dissolution of its New World empire posed for U.S. security.
57. For Adams's stirring defense of violence as a tactic under certain circumstances see William Earl Weeks, "John Quincy Adams's 'Great Gun' and the Rhetoric of American Empire," Diplomatic History 14 (Winter 1990): 25-42.
58. The best detailed treatment of the treaty is William Earl Weeks, John Quincy Adams and American Global Empire (Lexington, KY, 1992).
59. Older, but still valuable, is Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1949).
60. For this historiographical controversy see, among other sources, Sidney Lens, The Forging of the American Empire (New York, 1971), 94;
61. Lloyd C. Gardner, Walter F. LaFeber, and Thomas J. McCormick, Creation of the American Empire, 2d ed. (Chicago, 1976), 1:104;
62. and Weeks, John Quincy Adams, 1.
63. For a helpful, though now somewhat dated, discussion of the historiography of the Monroe Doctrine see Jerald A. Combs, "The Origins of the Monroe Doctrine: A Survey of Interpretations by United States Historians," Australian Journal of Politics and History 27 (1981): 186-96.
64. See, on this point, Baldwin, The Meaning of America, 292;
65. Frederick Merk, The Monroe Doctrine and American Expansionism, 1843-1849 (New York, 1968), 289;
66. and Gardner, LaFeber, and McCormick, Creation of the American Empire 1:102.
67. See Lens, Forging of the American Empire, 94;
68. Michael Parenti, "Virtue Faces the World," in Trends and Tragedies in American Foreign Policy, ed. Parenti (Boston, 1971), 15-16;
69. William Bloom, Personal Identity National Identity, and International Relations (Cambridge, UK, 1990), 92;
70. and Siobhán McEvoy-Levy, American Exceptionalism and U.S. Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War (New York, 2001), 25.
71. See, for example, Varg, America, From Client State to World Power, 105.
72. See Merk, The Monroe Doctrine and American Expansionism, 289;
73. and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Cycles of American History (Boston, 1986), 146.
74. Ephraim Douglass Adams, The Power of Ideals in American History (1913; reprint, New York, 1969), 6. For similar sentiments see Harry Ammon, James Monroe (New York, 1971), 491-92.
75. William Appleman Williams, The Contours of American History (Cleveland, 1961), 215,
76. quoted in Walter LaFeber, "The Evolution of the Monroe Doctrine from Monroe to Reagan," in Redefining the Past: Essays in Diplomatic History in Honor of William Appleman Williams, ed. Lloyd C. Gardner (Corvallis, OR, 1986), 122.
77. For the settlements with Britain see Howard Jones and Donald A. Rakestraw, Prologue to Manifest Destiny: Anglo-American Relations in the 1840s (Wilmington, DE, 1997).
78. The literature on the idea of American exceptionalism is vast. Representative recent studies include Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism:A Double-Edged Sword (New York, 1996);
79. Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism (Jackson, MS, 1998);
80. and McEvoy-Levy, American Exceptionalism and U.S. Foreign Policy.
81. A fine older study is Russell B. Nye, This Almost Chosen People: Essays in the History of American Ideas (East Lansing, MI, 1966).
82. A provocative recent account is Stephanson, Manifest Destiny.
83. Older studies include Norman A. Graebner, ed., Manifest Destiny (Indianapolis, 1968);
84. Frederick Merk, Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation (New York, 1970);
85. and Thomas R. Hietala, Manifest Design: Anxious Aggrandizement in Late Jacksonian America (Ithaca, NY, 1985).
86. David Waldstreicher, In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776-1820 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1997).
87. For the construction of a national identity in general during this period see Nye, This Almost Chosen People, 48, 80;
88. Fred Somkin, Unquiet Eagle: Memory and Desire in the Idea of American Freedom, 1815-1860 (Ithaca, NY, 1967), 3;
89. Sacvan Bercovitch, "Fusion and Fragmentation: The American Identity," in The American Identity, ed. Kroes, 19-45;
90. and Stephanson, Manifest Destiny, xiv, 20.
91. As Serge Ricard has noted, "[O]nce the right to protect oneself from potentially dangerous neighbors was put forward as the fundamental justification" of U.S. policy, security could be applied in virtually any instance. See Ricard, "The Exceptionalist Syndrome in U.S. Continental and Overseas Expansion," in Reflections on American Exceptionalism, ed. David K. Adams and Cornelius A. von Minnen (Keele, 1994), 73-82, 75.
92. For extensive coverage of these subjects see, among other sources, David M. Pletcher, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War(Columbia, MO, 1973);
93. Donald S. Frazier, ed., The United States and Mexico at War: Nineteenth-Century Expansionism and Conflict (New York, 1998);
94. and Richard V. Francaviglia and Douglas W. Richmond, eds., Dueling Eagles:Reinterpreting the U.S.-Mexican War, 1846-1848(Fort Worth, 2000).
95. For the British threat see, for example, V. G. Kiernan, America: The New Imperialism: From White Settlement to World Hegemony (London, 1978), 17.
96. See David Healy, U.S. Expansionism: The Imperialist Urge in the 18905 (Madison, WI, 1970), 22.
97. For the European scramble for empire in the nineteenth century see, among others, Stephanson, Manifest Destiny, 72-73;
98. and Robin Winks, "Imperialism," in The Comparative Approach to American History, ed. C. Vann Woodward (New York, 1997), 253-70, 261.
99. For this idea generally see Milton Plesur, America's Outward Thrust: Approaches to Foreign Affairs, 1865-1890 (De Kalb, IL, 1971), 130.
100. For Samoa see Ernest L. Klein, Our Appointment with Destiny: America's Role on the World Stage (New York, 1952), 121;
101. Joseph A. Fry, "Phases of Empire: Late Nineteenth-Century U.S. Foreign Relations," in The Gilded Age: Essays on the Origins of Modern America, ed. Charles W. Calhoun (Wilmington, DE, 1996), 261-88, 267;
102. and Edward P. Crapol, James G. Blaine: Architect of Empire (Wilmington, DE, 2000), 116-18.
103. Among the discussions of the Venezuela dispute are the still-valuable text by Albert Bushnell Hart, The Foundations of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1910), 212;
104. and Walter LaFeber, The American Search for Opportunity, 1865-1913 (New York, 1993), 123-26.
105. Richard Olney, "Richard Olney on Venezuela and U.S. 'Fiat' in the Western Hemisphere, 1895," in Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, vol. 1, From 1920, 4th ed., ed. Thomas G. Paterson and Dennis Merrill (Lexington, MA, 1995), 357.
106. For post-Venezuela boosts in U.S. confidence see Charles S. Campbell, The Transformation of American Foreign Relations, 1865-1900 (New York, 1976), xv.
107. See Ernest R. May, Imperial Democracy: The Emergence of America as a Great Power (New York, 1961), 25;
108. E. Berkeley Tompkins, Anti-Imperialism in the United States: The Great Debate, 1890-1920 (Philadelphia, 1970), 4-5, 115;
109. Plesur, America's Ouward Thrust, 228-36;
110. and Fry, "Phases of Empire," 265-67.
111. For these prestige concerns see Lawrence S. Kaplan, "Frederick Jackson Turner and Imperialism," Social Science 27 (January 1952): 12-16, 13;
112. Klein, Our Appointment with Destiny, 95, 120;
113. Ernest R. May, "Emergence to World Power," in The Reconstruction of American History, ed. John Higham (London, 1962), 180-96, 181;
114. Plesur, America's Outward Thrust, 10;
115. Kroes, "The American Identity," 9;
116. and McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State, 120-21.
117. For just a sampling of the scholarly work on these and related topics see Ernest R. May, American Imperialism: A Speculative Essay (New York, 1968);
118. Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven, CT, 1998);
119. Louis A. Pérez, Jr., The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998);
120. and Frank Ninkovich, The United States and Imperialism (Malden, MA, 2001).
121. On this issue see Winks, "Imperialism," 263-65;
122. and LaFeber, "The American View of Decolonization," 31.
123. For contemporary understandings of the changes that came after 1898 see Robert Endicott Osgood, Ideals and Self-interest in America's Foreign Relations: The Great Transformation of the Twentieth Century (Chicago, 1953), 59;
124. Healy, U.S. Expansionism, 247;
125. Michaels, "Anti-Imperial Americanism," 366;
126. Frank Ninkovich, Modernity and Power. A History of the Domino Theory in the Twentieth Century (Chicago, 1994), 5;
127. Ninkovich, The United States and Imperialism, 9-47;
128. and Stephanson, Manifest Destiny, 102-3.
129. For these identity questions see, for example, May, Imperial Democracy, 269-70;
130. Healy, U.S. Expansionism, 232, 247, 253-54;
131. and Frank Ninkovich, The Wilsonian Century: U.S. Foreign Policy since 1900 (Chicago, 1999), 19-20.
132. For this point see McMahon, "The Republic as Empire," 87.
133. "The Roosevelt Corollary, 1904," in Major Problems of American Foreign Relations, ed. Paterson and Merrill, 1:507.
134. Ricard, "The Exceptionalist Syndrome," 77-78.
135. Two older treatments are Thomas A. Bailey, "The Lodge Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine," Political Science Quarterly 48 (1955): 235-36;
136. and E. K. Chamberlin, "The Japanese Threat at Magdalena Bay," Pacific Historical Review 24 (1955): 345-59.
137. For U.S. fears of European domination of China see, for example, Campbell, The Transformation of American Foreign Relations, 309.
138. "The First Open Door Note, 1899," and "The Second Open Door Note, 1900," in Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, ed. Paterson and Merrill, 1:457, 460.
139. Excellent coverage of the Open Door policy may be found in Thomas J. McCormick, China Market: America's Quest for Informal Empire, 1893-1901 (Chicago, 1967);
140. and Marilyn Blatt Young, The Rhetoric of Empire: American China Policy, 1895-1901 (Cambridge, MA, 1968).
141. For the increasingly economic nature of U.S. needs see Carl Parrini, "Theories of Imperialism," in Redefining the Past, ed. Gardner, 65-85.
142. On the post-Open Door note optimism of U.S. policy-makers see Williams, Empire as a Way of Life, 128;
143. and David W. Noble, The End of American History: Democracy, Capitalism, and the Metaphor of Two Worlds in Anglo-American Historical Writing, 1880-1980 (Minneapolis, 1985), 125.
144. "The Fourteen Points, 1918," in Major Problems of American Foreign Relations, vol. 2, Since 1914, 4th ed., ed. Thomas G. Paterson and Dennis Merrill (Lexington, MA, 1995), 538.
145. See Lloyd Gardner, "A Progressive Foreign Policy, 1900-1921," in From Colony to Empire: Essays in the History of American Foreign Relations, ed. William Appleman Williams (New York, 1972), 203-51, 236;
146. and LaFeber, "The American View of Decolonization," 35-36.
147. For the pervasive role of race in the formulation of U.S. foreign policy see Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT, 1987);
148. and Alexander DeConde, Ethnicity, Race, and American Foreign Policy: A History (Boston, 1992).
149. On U.S. policy on these questions during World War I see LaFeber, "The American View of Decolonization," 35-58;
150. and Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order (Princeton, NJ, 1995), 201-8, 210-16.
151. Atlantic Charter as reprinted in John J. Sbrega, Anglo-American Relations and Colonialism in East Asia, 1941-1945 (New York, 1983), 284.
152. For Anglo-American disagreements over anticolonialism see Christopher Thorne, Allies of a Kind: The United States, Great Britain, and the War against Japan, 1941-1945 (New York, 1978);
153. and Wm. Roger Louis, Imperialism at Bay: The United States and the Decolonization of the British Empire, 1941-1945 (New York, 1977).
154. For an excellent overall discussion of FDR's stance on colonialism see Paul Orders, "'Adjusting to a New Period in History': Franklin Roosevelt and European Colonialism," in The United States and Decolonization, ed. Ryan and Pungong, 63-84.
155. Other perspectives include those of Hugh Tinker, "The Melting Pot of War," in World War II: Crucible of the Contemporary World: Commentary and Readings, ed. Loyd E. Lee (Armonk, NY, 1991), 136-58;
156. and Robert J. McMahon, The Limits of Empire: The United States and Southeast Asia since World War II (New York, 1999), 9-13.
157. Life editorial quoted in A. P. Thornton, Doctrines of Imperialism (New York, 1965), 211-12,
158. emphasis in Life. Additional discussion of anti-British Empire sentiment may be found in, among other sources, Roy Fraser Holland, "Mobilization, Rejuvenation, and Liquidation: Colonialism and Global War," in World War II, ed. Lee, 159-91.
159. On this apparent confluence see Michael H. Hunt, "Conclusions: The Decolonization Puzzle in U.S. Policy - Promise versus Performance," in The United States and Decolonization, ed. Ryan and Pungong, 207.
160. OSS memorandum, 2 April 1945, cited in Christopher Thorne, "Indochina and Anglo-American Relations, 1942-1945," Pacific Historical Review 45 (February 1976):73-96, 96.
161. See also Tony-Smith, The Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-Industrializing World since 1815 (New York, 1981), 172;
162. and Lieven, Empire, 64.
163. See, in general, D. C. Watt, "American Anticolonialist Policies and the End of the European Colonial Empires, 1941-1962," in Contagious Conflict: The Impact of American Dissent on the European Left, ed. A. N. J. Den Hollander (Leiden, 1973), 93-125;
164. and Robert M. Hathaway, Ambiguous Partnership: Britain and America, 1944-1947 (New York, 1981), 46-47.
165. Roosevelt's trusteeship ideas are well discussed in Louis, Imperialism at Bay, chs. 33-34, and Victor Pungong, "The United States and the International Trusteeship System," in The United States and Decolonization, ed. Ryan and Pungong, 85-101.
166. For the anti-imperial thinking of African Americans see Penny M. von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937-1957 (Ithaca, NY, 1997).
167. On the UN Trusteeship Council see Lloyd C. Gardner, "From Liberation to Containment, 1945-1953," in From Colony to Empire, ed. Williams, 342;
168. and Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affaits, 1935-1960 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1996), 125-65.
169. "The Vietnamese Declaration of Independence, 1945," in Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, ed. Paterson and Merrill, 2:535-36.
170. See Robert J. McMahon, Colonialism and Cold War: The United States and the Struggle for Indonesian Independence, 1945-1949 (Ithaca, NY, 1981);
171. and A. J. Stockwell, "The United States and British Decolonization of Malaya, 1942-1957,"
172. and John Kent, "The United States and the Decolonization of Black Africa, 1945-1963," in The United States and Decolonization, ed. Ryan and Pungong, 188-206, 168-87.
173. See, for example, Kenton J. Clymer, The United States and Indian Independence (New York, 1995);
174. and Gary R. Hess, America Encounters India, 1941-1947 (Baltimore, 1971).
175. Consult Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, CA, 1992);
176. and H. W. Brands, Bound to Empire: The United States and the Philippines (New York, 1992).
177. For these ideas generally see Hunt, "The Decolonization Puzzle."
178. An excellent discussion of the credibility issue may he found in Robert J. McMahon, "Credibility and World Power: Exploring the Psychological Dimension in Postwar American Diplomacy," Diplomatic History 15 (Fall 1991): 455-71.
179. Examinations of the post-World War II U.S. empire are numerous. Among the best are Geir Lundestad, "The American 'Empire,' 1945-1990," in his The American "Empire,"31-115;
180. Thomas J. McCormick, America's Half-Century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War and After, 2d ed. (Baltimore, 1995);
181. and Stephen E. Ambrose and Douglas G. Brinkley, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy since 1938, 8th rev. ed. (New York, 1997).
182. Discussion of these various tools for constructing the postwar U.S. empire may be found in Chester J. Pach, Arming the Free World: The Origins of the United States Military Assistance Program, 1945-1950 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991);
183. Melvyn P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford, CA, 1992);
184. Mark Peceny, Democracy at the Point of Bayonets (University Park, PA, 1999);
185. Burton I. Kaufman, Trade and Aid: Eisenhover's Foreign Economic Policy, 1953-1961 (Baltimore, 1982);
186. and Thomas W. Zeiler, American Trade and Power in the 1960s (New York, 1992).
187. McMahon, "The Republic as Empire," 97.
188. See Gabriel Kolko, Confronting the Third World: United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1980 (New York, 1981), for one example.
189. See Lundestad, The American "Empire," 81, 112;
190. Hanson, The Decline of the American Empire, 63, 68;
191. Smith, The Pattern of Imperialism, 183-85;
192. and Lens, The Forging of the American Empire, 349, 403.
193. McMahon, "Republic as Empire," 95.
194. Examinations of these efforts to refashion the world in the postwar period include Reinhold Wagnleitner, Coca-colonization and the Cold War: The Cultural Mission of the United States in Austria after the Second World War(Chapel Hill, NC, 1994);
195. Richard F. Kuisel, Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization (Berkeley, 1996);
196. and Richard II. Pells, Not Like Us: How Europeans Have Loved, Hated, and Transformed American Culture since World War II (New York, 1997).
197. For an examination of one consequence of postwar foreign policy see David F. Schmitz, Thank God They're on Our Side: The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1921-1965 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1999).
198. On this point see, for example, Mansour Farhang, U.S. Imperialism: The Spanish-American War to the Iranian Revolution (Boston, 1981), 105.
199. Bradford Perkins, The Creation of the American Empire, 1776-1865 (New York, 1993), 6.
200. See also Bradford Perkins, The Creation of the American Empire, ibid., 46-53.