Matthew Paris's attitudes toward Anglo-Jewry

Journal of Medieval History

Volumn 23, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 139-162

  Menache, Sophia ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF HAIFA   (Israel)

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EID: 0041637113     PISSN: 03044181     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/S0304-4181(97)00003-1     Document Type: Article

References (204)

1. C. Roth, 'Why Anglo-Jewish History?'. Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England [hereafter T.J.H.S.E.]. 22 (1970), 29.
2. J. Shatzmiller, 'Calendar of the Plea Rolls', The Jewish Quarterly Review, 68:3 (1978), 173.
3. On Matthew's historical activity in St Albans and the compilation of his work, see F. M. Powicke, 'The Compilation of the Chronica Majora of Matthew Paris', Modern Philology, 38 (1940-1941), 315; cf. R. Kay, 'Wendover's Last Annal', English Historical Review, 84 (1969), 785, who claims that Matthew actually began his original writing in 1234, when he succeeded Roger of Wendover in the scriptorium.
4. On Matthew's historical activity in St Albans and the compilation of his work, see F. M. Powicke, 'The Compilation of the Chronica Majora of Matthew Paris', Modern Philology, 38 (1940-1941), 315; cf. R. Kay, 'Wendover's Last Annal', English Historical Review, 84 (1969), 785, who claims that Matthew actually began his original writing in 1234, when he succeeded Roger of Wendover in the scriptorium.
5. R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge, 1958), 117, 125, 131, 150 ; see also J. J. Bagley, Historical Interpretation: Sources of English Medieval History, 1066-1540 (Harmondsworth, 1965), 56; B. Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages (New York, 1974), 161.
6. R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge, 1958), 117, 125, 131, 150 ; see also J. J. Bagley, Historical Interpretation: Sources of English Medieval History, 1066-1540 (Harmondsworth, 1965), 56; B. Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages (New York, 1974), 161.
7. R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge, 1958), 117, 125, 131, 150 ; see also J. J. Bagley, Historical Interpretation: Sources of English Medieval History, 1066-1540 (Harmondsworth, 1965), 56; B. Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages (New York, 1974), 161.
8. R. N. Berard, 'Grapes of the Cask: A Triptych of Mediaeval English Monastic Historiography', Studia Monastica, 24 (1982), 96.
9. W. J. Brandt, The Shape of Medieval History: Studies in Modes of Perception (New Haven, 1966), 51, 76. On Matthew's antagonism to king and pope, see R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, 150.
10. W. J. Brandt, The Shape of Medieval History: Studies in Modes of Perception (New Haven, 1966), 51, 76. On Matthew's antagonism to king and pope, see R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, 150.
11. R. Vaughan, The Illustrated Chronicles of Matthew Paris: Observations of Thirteenth-Century Life (Cambridge, 1993), x. See also D. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, 1216-1340, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1948), vol. 1, 293-4; V. H. Galbraith, 'Roger Wendover and Matthew Paris' (given originally as a lecture in Glasgow in 1944), in: V. H. Galbraith, Kings and Chroniclers (London, 1982), 38-9.
12. R. Vaughan, The Illustrated Chronicles of Matthew Paris: Observations of Thirteenth-Century Life (Cambridge, 1993), x. See also D. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, 1216-1340, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1948), vol. 1, 293-4; V. H. Galbraith, 'Roger Wendover and Matthew Paris' (given originally as a lecture in Glasgow in 1944), in: V. H. Galbraith, Kings and Chroniclers (London, 1982), 38-9.
13. R. Vaughan, The Illustrated Chronicles of Matthew Paris: Observations of Thirteenth-Century Life (Cambridge, 1993), x. See also D. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, 1216-1340, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1948), vol. 1, 293-4; V. H. Galbraith, 'Roger Wendover and Matthew Paris' (given originally as a lecture in Glasgow in 1944), in: V. H. Galbraith, Kings and Chroniclers (London, 1982), 38-9.
14. R. Vaughan, The Illustrated Chronicles of Matthew Paris: Observations of Thirteenth-Century Life (Cambridge, 1993), x. See also D. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, 1216-1340, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1948), vol. 1, 293-4; V. H. Galbraith, 'Roger Wendover and Matthew Paris' (given originally as a lecture in Glasgow in 1944), in: V. H. Galbraith, Kings and Chroniclers (London, 1982), 38-9.
15. This opinion was shared by Walter Rye in 1887, see his 'The Persecutions of the Jews in England', in: Papers Read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition (London, 1888), 158.
16. P. R. Hyams, 'The Jewish Minority in Medieval England, 1066-1290', Journal of Jewish Studies, 25 (1974), 282-3.
17. R. Stacey, '1240-60: A Watershed in Anglo-Jewish Relations?', Historical Research, 61-145 (1988), 149-50.
18. G. I. Langmuir, 'The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England: Reflections on Medieval Anti-Semitism', Traditio, 19 (1963), 192. See also G. I. Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 294-305.
19. G. I. Langmuir, 'The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England: Reflections on Medieval Anti-Semitism', Traditio, 19 (1963), 192. See also G. I. Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 294-305.
20. S. Baron, 'Nationalism and Intolerance: Babylon to the Seventeenth Century', The Menorah Journal, 16 (1929), 503 ff.;
21. S. Baron, Under Church and Empire, in: A Social and Religious History of the Jews, vol. 9 (New York, 1965), 6-8.
22. The impact of Matthew is well shown by the profuse quotations of his work in contemporary chronicles. See above, note 7, and A. Grandsen, Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974), 371-2.
23. A good general panorama of the times appears in J. R. Maddicott, Simon de Montfort (Cambridge, 1994), 124-91; A. Harding, England in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1993), 275-83.
24. A good general panorama of the times appears in J. R. Maddicott, Simon de Montfort (Cambridge, 1994), 124-91; A. Harding, England in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1993), 275-83.
25. Calendar of Close Rolls Preserved in the Public Record Office, 1251-1253 (London, 1892-), 312. According to Watt, 'the so-called 'Statute concerning the Jews' of January 1253 . . . is to be seen as a specific declaration of an existing policy of Church-State co-operation', J. A. Watt, 'The English Episcopate, The State and the Jews: The Evidence of the Thirteenth-Century Conciliar Decrees', in: Thirteenth Century England, ed. P. R. Coss and S. D. Lloyd, 4 vols (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1988), vol. 2, 143.
26. Calendar of Close Rolls Preserved in the Public Record Office, 1251-1253 (London, 1892-), 312. According to Watt, 'the so-called 'Statute concerning the Jews' of January 1253 . . . is to be seen as a specific declaration of an existing policy of Church-State co-operation', J. A. Watt, 'The English Episcopate, The State and the Jews: The Evidence of the Thirteenth-Century Conciliar Decrees', in: Thirteenth Century England, ed. P. R. Coss and S. D. Lloyd, 4 vols (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1988), vol. 2, 143.
27. J. H. Ramsay, The Dawn of the Constitution: The Reigns of Henry III and Edward I (1216-1307) (London and New York, 1908), 299.
28. On the stereotype of Jews in thirteenth-century England, see S. Menache, 'Faith, Myth, and Politics: The Stereotype of the Jews and their Expulsion from England and France', The Jewish Quarterly Review, 75-4 (1985), 351-74, and the bibliography included.
29. All quotations from the Chronica Majora [hereafter C.M.] follow the edition of H. Luard, 7 vols, Rolls Series (London, 1872-1883). The translations given here are from J. A. Giles, Matthew Paris' English History, 3 vols (1852; reprint, New York, 1968) [hereafter English History] with a few modifications.
30. All quotations from the Chronica Majora [hereafter C.M.] follow the edition of H. Luard, 7 vols, Rolls Series (London, 1872-1883). The translations given here are from J. A. Giles, Matthew Paris' English History, 3 vols (1852; reprint, New York, 1968) [hereafter English History] with a few modifications.
31. Langmuir, 'The Jews and the Archives', 226.
32. See, for instance, Matthew's report of divine intervention to avoid the reconstruction of the Temple by Julian the Apostate, in odium Christi (C.M., ad a. 361, I, 166).
33. Giles, English History, vol. I, 313-4; the source is the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor, P. L. vol. 198, 1498.
34. Giles, English History, vol. I, 313-4; the source is the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor, P. L. vol. 198, 1498.
35. Though at first glance this possibility seems rather imaginary, Israel J. Yuval recently claimed that revenge played a major role in medieval Ashkenazic (German) Jewish tradition, which linked redemption to the collapse of Christian political structures. See I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations', Zion, 58-1 (1993), 34-45 [Hebrew]. Yuval's thesis, however, has been criticised and nuanced, especially by M. Breuer, 'The Historian's Imagination and Historical Truth', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 317-24 [Hebrew]; and also by E. Fleischer, 'Christian-Jewish Relations in the Middle Ages Distorted', Ibid., 267-316 [Hebrew]. See, also, Yuval's response. '"The Lord will take Vengeance, Vengeance for his Temple": Historia sine ira et studio', Ibid., 351-414 [Hebrew].
36. Though at first glance this possibility seems rather imaginary, Israel J. Yuval recently claimed that revenge played a major role in medieval Ashkenazic (German) Jewish tradition, which linked redemption to the collapse of Christian political structures. See I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations', Zion, 58-1 (1993), 34-45 [Hebrew]. Yuval's thesis, however, has been criticised and nuanced, especially by M. Breuer, 'The Historian's Imagination and Historical Truth', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 317-24 [Hebrew]; and also by E. Fleischer, 'Christian-Jewish Relations in the Middle Ages Distorted', Ibid., 267-316 [Hebrew]. See, also, Yuval's response. '"The Lord will take Vengeance, Vengeance for his Temple": Historia sine ira et studio', Ibid., 351-414 [Hebrew].
37. Though at first glance this possibility seems rather imaginary, Israel J. Yuval recently claimed that revenge played a major role in medieval Ashkenazic (German) Jewish tradition, which linked redemption to the collapse of Christian political structures. See I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations', Zion, 58-1 (1993), 34-45 [Hebrew]. Yuval's thesis, however, has been criticised and nuanced, especially by M. Breuer, 'The Historian's Imagination and Historical Truth', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 317-24 [Hebrew]; and also by E. Fleischer, 'Christian-Jewish Relations in the Middle Ages Distorted', Ibid., 267-316 [Hebrew]. See, also, Yuval's response. '"The Lord will take Vengeance, Vengeance for his Temple": Historia sine ira et studio', Ibid., 351-414 [Hebrew].
38. Though at first glance this possibility seems rather imaginary, Israel J. Yuval recently claimed that revenge played a major role in medieval Ashkenazic (German) Jewish tradition, which linked redemption to the collapse of Christian political structures. See I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations', Zion, 58-1 (1993), 34-45 [Hebrew]. Yuval's thesis, however, has been criticised and nuanced, especially by M. Breuer, 'The Historian's Imagination and Historical Truth', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 317-24 [Hebrew]; and also by E. Fleischer, 'Christian-Jewish Relations in the Middle Ages Distorted', Ibid., 267-316 [Hebrew]. See, also, Yuval's response. '"The Lord will take Vengeance, Vengeance for his Temple": Historia sine ira et studio', Ibid., 351-414 [Hebrew].
39. One should note, however, that Matthew refrained from a pictorial description of Jews, notwithstanding the existence of Jews' caricatures in thirteenth-century England. See S. Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora (Cambridge, 1987), 349, 479, 507.
40. Giles, English History, vol. I, 357-8; a full analysts of the 'plot' and the Jews' messianic expectations at the time appears in S. Menache, 'Tartars, Jews, Saracens, and the "Jewish-Mongol Plot" of 1241'. History, 81 (1996), 319-42.
41. Giles, English History, vol. I, 357-8; a full analysts of the 'plot' and the Jews' messianic expectations at the time appears in S. Menache, 'Tartars, Jews, Saracens, and the "Jewish-Mongol Plot" of 1241'. History, 81 (1996), 319-42.
42. This view was established by Alexander III at the Third Lateran Council (1179); see Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et al. (Basle, 1962), 199-200. On later developments, see the excellent analysis by M. Barber, 'Lepers, Jews and Moslems: The Plot to Overthrow Christendom in 1321', History, 66 (1981), 1-17; M. Barber, 'The Pastoureaux of 1320', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 32 (1981), 143-66.
43. This view was established by Alexander III at the Third Lateran Council (1179); see Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et al. (Basle, 1962), 199-200. On later developments, see the excellent analysis by M. Barber, 'Lepers, Jews and Moslems: The Plot to Overthrow Christendom in 1321', History, 66 (1981), 1-17; M. Barber, 'The Pastoureaux of 1320', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 32 (1981), 143-66.
44. This view was established by Alexander III at the Third Lateran Council (1179); see Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et al. (Basle, 1962), 199-200. On later developments, see the excellent analysis by M. Barber, 'Lepers, Jews and Moslems: The Plot to Overthrow Christendom in 1321', History, 66 (1981), 1-17; M. Barber, 'The Pastoureaux of 1320', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 32 (1981), 143-66.
45. C. Roth, 'The Medieval Conception of the Jew: A New Interpretation', in: Essays and Studies in Memory of Linda R. Miller, ed. I. Davidson (New York, 1938), 177 ff.
46. Giles, English History, vol. II, 532.
47. Richardson opposes Adler's conclusions and claims that the lack of exact data does not confirm the paucity of the phenomenon; see M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England (London, 1939), 279-80; H. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings (London, 1960), 28-31. R. C. Stacey approaches the king's failure to bring about the Jews' massive conversion as an incentive to their expulsion; see 'The Conversion of Jews to Christianity in Thirteenth Century England', Speculum, 67 (1992), 282-3, 266-9.
48. Richardson opposes Adler's conclusions and claims that the lack of exact data does not confirm the paucity of the phenomenon; see M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England (London, 1939), 279-80; H. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings (London, 1960), 28-31. R. C. Stacey approaches the king's failure to bring about the Jews' massive conversion as an incentive to their expulsion; see 'The Conversion of Jews to Christianity in Thirteenth Century England', Speculum, 67 (1992), 282-3, 266-9.
49. Richardson opposes Adler's conclusions and claims that the lack of exact data does not confirm the paucity of the phenomenon; see M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England (London, 1939), 279-80; H. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings (London, 1960), 28-31. R. C. Stacey approaches the king's failure to bring about the Jews' massive conversion as an incentive to their expulsion; see 'The Conversion of Jews to Christianity in Thirteenth Century England', Speculum, 67 (1992), 282-3, 266-9.
50. The common phrase in contemporary records reads as 'he might return like a dog to his vomit'. The biblical source appears in Prov. 26:11 and II Peter 2:22; see also Brewer's Dictionary of Phrase and Fable (1870, rev. ed. New York, 1963), 292.
51. For a detailed account of the Domus and its later development, see M. Adler, The Jews of Medieval England, 279-379.
52. J. A. Watt, 'The English Episcopate, The State and the Jews', 144: R. C. Stacey, 'The Conversion of Jews', 267.
53. J. A. Watt, 'The English Episcopate, The State and the Jews', 144: R. C. Stacey, 'The Conversion of Jews', 267.
54. William of Newburgh voices the prevailing opinion that 'to the treasury belonged whatever the Jews, who are known to be royal usurers, seem to possess in the way of goods'. See Historic rerum Anglicarum, in: Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen. Henry II and Richard I. ed. R. Howlett, Rolls Series (London, 1884-1885), vol. 1, 323.
55. Tovey, however, mentions an earlier institution located behind the Blue Boar Inn, close to the Oxford Jewry, where the Dominicans housed converted Jews and supplied them with all the necessities of life. Other alleged 'converts' houses such as the Bristol School [1154] and the Bermondsey Hospital in honour of St Thomas [1213] have long been discredited. See Du Blossiers Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 1738, ed. E. Pearl (London, 1990), 54.
56. Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III Preserved in the Public Record Office, 1247-51 (London, 1943), 100.
57. J. Greatrex, 'Monastic Charity for Jewish Converts: The Requisition of Corrodies by Henry III', in: Christianity and Judaism: Papers Read at the 1991-1992 Meetings of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. D. Wood (Oxford, 1992), 133-43.
58. Conversely, on the attitude of the Jewish sages of Germany and France toward conversion in the tenth and eleventh centuries, see A. Grossman, "'Redemption by Conversion" in the Teachings of Early Ashkenazi Sages', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 325-42 [Hebrew].
59. On the anti-Jewish legislation of the Oxford council, see Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, ed. F. M. Powicke and C. R. Cheney, 2 vols (Oxford, 1964), vol. 1, 100. On Stephen Langton's attitude toward Jews in the framework of his relations with Pope Innocent III and the King of England, see W. C. Jordan, 'Christian Excommunication of the Jews in the Middle Ages: A Restatement of the Issues', Jewish History, 1 (1986), 32-3.
60. On the anti-Jewish legislation of the Oxford council, see Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, ed. F. M. Powicke and C. R. Cheney, 2 vols (Oxford, 1964), vol. 1, 100. On Stephen Langton's attitude toward Jews in the framework of his relations with Pope Innocent III and the King of England, see W. C. Jordan, 'Christian Excommunication of the Jews in the Middle Ages: A Restatement of the Issues', Jewish History, 1 (1986), 32-3.
61. F. W. Maitland, 'The Deacon and the Jewess', in: Roman Canon Law in the Church of England (London, 1898), 170-3.
62. C. Roth, The Jews of Medieval Oxford (Oxford, 1951), 19-20.
63. See M. Rubin, 'Desecration of the Host: The Birth of an Accusation', in: Christianity and Judaism, 169-85.
64. Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. G. Mansi, 59 vols (1759-1798, reprint Graz, 1960-61), vol. 22, 1007; P. Browe, 'Die Hostienschändungen der Juden im Mittelalter', Römische Quartalschrift, 34 (1926), 170 ff.; G. Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament According to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford, 1984), 137-41.
65. Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. G. Mansi, 59 vols (1759-1798, reprint Graz, 1960-61), vol. 22, 1007; P. Browe, 'Die Hostienschändungen der Juden im Mittelalter', Römische Quartalschrift, 34 (1926), 170 ff.; G. Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament According to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford, 1984), 137-41.
66. Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. G. Mansi, 59 vols (1759-1798, reprint Graz, 1960-61), vol. 22, 1007; P. Browe, 'Die Hostienschändungen der Juden im Mittelalter', Römische Quartalschrift, 34 (1926), 170 ff.; G. Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament According to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford, 1984), 137-41.
67. On the Jews' imprecations against the Virgin and the Christians' sensibility, see W. C. Jordan, 'Marian Devotion and the Talmud Trial of 1240', in: Religionsgespräche im Mittelalter, ed. B. Lewis and F. Niewöhner (Wiesbaden, 1992), 63-5, 74-6.
68. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 340-1. See scholarly reservations about Matthew's version in C. Roth, Jews of Medieval Oxford. 55-6; R. C. Stacey, 'Anglo-Jewish Relations, 1240-60', 149. Langmuir saw in Abraham's release proof of the king's avoidance of an active role in blood libels or of helping to punish alleged criminals up to this time; see 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 463.
69. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 340-1. See scholarly reservations about Matthew's version in C. Roth, Jews of Medieval Oxford. 55-6; R. C. Stacey, 'Anglo-Jewish Relations, 1240-60', 149. Langmuir saw in Abraham's release proof of the king's avoidance of an active role in blood libels or of helping to punish alleged criminals up to this time; see 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 463.
70. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 340-1. See scholarly reservations about Matthew's version in C. Roth, Jews of Medieval Oxford. 55-6; R. C. Stacey, 'Anglo-Jewish Relations, 1240-60', 149. Langmuir saw in Abraham's release proof of the king's avoidance of an active role in blood libels or of helping to punish alleged criminals up to this time; see 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 463.
71. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 340-1. See scholarly reservations about Matthew's version in C. Roth, Jews of Medieval Oxford. 55-6; R. C. Stacey, 'Anglo-Jewish Relations, 1240-60', 149. Langmuir saw in Abraham's release proof of the king's avoidance of an active role in blood libels or of helping to punish alleged criminals up to this time; see 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 463.
72. On the definition of blood-libel and ritual murder, see G. I. Langmuir, 'Ritual Cannibalism' and 'Historiographic Crucifixion', in: Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 263-81, 291 ff.: G. Mentgen, 'The Origins of the Blood Libel', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 343-9 [Hebrew].
73. On the definition of blood-libel and ritual murder, see G. I. Langmuir, 'Ritual Cannibalism' and 'Historiographic Crucifixion', in: Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 263-81, 291 ff.: G. Mentgen, 'The Origins of the Blood Libel', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 343-9 [Hebrew].
74. On the diabolic projection of circumcision in art, see B. Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval au miroir de l'art chrétien (Paris, 1966), 77, 135.
75. Giles, English History, vol. 1, 277; cf. CM., ad a. 1235, III, 305-6, and ad a. 1239, 543, in which Matthew refers to the 'great suffering [of] these wretched Jews'.
76. Giles, English History, vol. 1, 277; cf. CM., ad a. 1235, III, 305-6, and ad a. 1239, 543, in which Matthew refers to the 'great suffering [of] these wretched Jews'.
77. Giles, English History, vol. 1, 277; cf. CM., ad a. 1235, III, 305-6, and ad a. 1239, 543, in which Matthew refers to the 'great suffering [of] these wretched Jews'.
78. W. Rye. 'The Alleged Abduction and Circumcision of a Boy at Norwich in 1230', in: The Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany (Norwich, 1877), vol. 1-2, 319; W. Rye, 'The Persecution of the Jews in England', 153-4.
79. W. Rye. 'The Alleged Abduction and Circumcision of a Boy at Norwich in 1230', in: The Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany (Norwich, 1877), vol. 1-2, 319; W. Rye, 'The Persecution of the Jews in England', 153-4.
80. C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 53.
81. V. D. Lipman, The Jews of Medieval Norwich (London, 1967), 59-62.
82. Yuval claims that the blood libel apparently resulted from Jewish acts of martyrology during the First Crusade and the consequent rumours of demoniac deeds. He further maintains that the first blood libel actually happened in Würzburg (Germany). I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation', 79. One should note, however, that the Würzburg case, although it involved an allegation of malicious murder against Jews, does not have any ritual elements; see also G. Langmuir, 'Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder', Speculum, 59 (1984), 830; F. Lotter, 'Innocens virgo et martyr. Thomas of Monmouth und die Verbreitung der Ritualmordlegende im Hochmittelalter', in: Die Legende vom Ritualmord, zur Geschichte der Blutbeschuldigung gegen Juden, ed. R. Erb (Berlin, 1993), 49 ff.
83. Yuval claims that the blood libel apparently resulted from Jewish acts of martyrology during the First Crusade and the consequent rumours of demoniac deeds. He further maintains that the first blood libel actually happened in Würzburg (Germany). I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation', 79. One should note, however, that the Würzburg case, although it involved an allegation of malicious murder against Jews, does not have any ritual elements; see also G. Langmuir, 'Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder', Speculum, 59 (1984), 830; F. Lotter, 'Innocens virgo et martyr. Thomas of Monmouth und die Verbreitung der Ritualmordlegende im Hochmittelalter', in: Die Legende vom Ritualmord, zur Geschichte der Blutbeschuldigung gegen Juden, ed. R. Erb (Berlin, 1993), 49 ff.
84. Yuval claims that the blood libel apparently resulted from Jewish acts of martyrology during the First Crusade and the consequent rumours of demoniac deeds. He further maintains that the first blood libel actually happened in Würzburg (Germany). I. J. Yuval, 'Vengeance and Damnation', 79. One should note, however, that the Würzburg case, although it involved an allegation of malicious murder against Jews, does not have any ritual elements; see also G. Langmuir, 'Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder', Speculum, 59 (1984), 830; F. Lotter, 'Innocens virgo et martyr. Thomas of Monmouth und die Verbreitung der Ritualmordlegende im Hochmittelalter', in: Die Legende vom Ritualmord, zur Geschichte der Blutbeschuldigung gegen Juden, ed. R. Erb (Berlin, 1993), 49 ff.
85. Yet, Lipman refers to one writ of 1231 (Cal. Inq. Misc., 522, 171) that mentions that Senioret, a Jew of Norwich, had been outlawed for the felony of circumcising Odard, the son of Master Benedict. Benedict was ultimately compensated with a message belonging to Senioret in Norwich; see The Jews of Medieval Norwich, 59-60.
86. According to the Chronica Buriensis, 'At Norwich four Jews were drawn apart by horses and then hanged for various crimes (propter diversa scelera), but mainly because they had circumcised a Christian boy according to the Jewish rite'; see Chronica Buriensis (1212-1301), ed. A. Grandsen (London, 1964), 10.
87. R. C. Stacey, 'The Conversion of Jews', 270-1.
88. Councils and Synods with Other Documents, 358.
89. Matthew had earlier echoed Gregory of Tours's version of the Jewish boy murdered by his own mother to prevent his eventual conversion (C.M., ad a. 551, I, 244). This popular story was reproduced in twenty-seven different versions in Latin, French, and Greek. See E. Wolter, Der Judenknabe (Halle, 1879), passim; B. Blumenkranz, 'Juden und Jüdisches in christlichen Wundererzählungen', Theologische Zeitschrift, 10 (1954), 441-2.
90. Matthew had earlier echoed Gregory of Tours's version of the Jewish boy murdered by his own mother to prevent his eventual conversion (C.M., ad a. 551, I, 244). This popular story was reproduced in twenty-seven different versions in Latin, French, and Greek. See E. Wolter, Der Judenknabe (Halle, 1879), passim; B. Blumenkranz, 'Juden und Jüdisches in christlichen Wundererzählungen', Theologische Zeitschrift, 10 (1954), 441-2.
91. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 21-2.
92. M. Shultz makes an interesting connection between the killing of illegitimate children by their parents and the blood libel accusations in medieval Europe; see M. Schultz, 'The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood', Journal of Psychohistory, 14 (1986), 1-24; see, also, S. Shahar, 'Infants, Infant Care and Attitudes towards Infancy in the Medieval Lives of Saints', Journal of Psychohistory, 10 (1983), 281-309; M. Goodich, From Birth to Old Age: The Human Life Cycle in Medieval Thought, 1250-1350 (Lanham, 1989), 85-92; Famille et parenté dans l'Occident médiéval (Rome, 1977), ed. G. Duby and J. Le Goff, passim.
93. M. Shultz makes an interesting connection between the killing of illegitimate children by their parents and the blood libel accusations in medieval Europe; see M. Schultz, 'The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood', Journal of Psychohistory, 14 (1986), 1-24; see, also, S. Shahar, 'Infants, Infant Care and Attitudes towards Infancy in the Medieval Lives of Saints', Journal of Psychohistory, 10 (1983), 281-309; M. Goodich, From Birth to Old Age: The Human Life Cycle in Medieval Thought, 1250-1350 (Lanham, 1989), 85-92; Famille et parenté dans l'Occident médiéval (Rome, 1977), ed. G. Duby and J. Le Goff, passim.
94. M. Shultz makes an interesting connection between the killing of illegitimate children by their parents and the blood libel accusations in medieval Europe; see M. Schultz, 'The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood', Journal of Psychohistory, 14 (1986), 1-24; see, also, S. Shahar, 'Infants, Infant Care and Attitudes towards Infancy in the Medieval Lives of Saints', Journal of Psychohistory, 10 (1983), 281-309; M. Goodich, From Birth to Old Age: The Human Life Cycle in Medieval Thought, 1250-1350 (Lanham, 1989), 85-92; Famille et parenté dans l'Occident médiéval (Rome, 1977), ed. G. Duby and J. Le Goff, passim.
95. M. Shultz makes an interesting connection between the killing of illegitimate children by their parents and the blood libel accusations in medieval Europe; see M. Schultz, 'The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood', Journal of Psychohistory, 14 (1986), 1-24; see, also, S. Shahar, 'Infants, Infant Care and Attitudes towards Infancy in the Medieval Lives of Saints', Journal of Psychohistory, 10 (1983), 281-309; M. Goodich, From Birth to Old Age: The Human Life Cycle in Medieval Thought, 1250-1350 (Lanham, 1989), 85-92; Famille et parenté dans l'Occident médiéval (Rome, 1977), ed. G. Duby and J. Le Goff, passim.
96. Matthew often ascribes his own criticism to others; in such cases, his 'quotations' should be evaluated as voicing his own opinions. See R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, 135; D. Knowles, The Religions Orders, 293-4.
97. Matthew often ascribes his own criticism to others; in such cases, his 'quotations' should be evaluated as voicing his own opinions. See R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, 135; D. Knowles, The Religions Orders, 293-4.
98. Giles, English History, vol. 3, 138-40.
99. G. I. Langmuir, 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 464; see also his detailed biography of John of Lexington and the latter's powerful influence on Henry III, 469- 81. On the diffusion of Matthew's version in Norman-French sources, see W. Rye, 'The Persecution of the Jews in England', 160
100. G. I. Langmuir, 'The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln', Speculum, 47 (1972), 464; see also his detailed biography of John of Lexington and the latter's powerful influence on Henry III, 469- 81. On the diffusion of Matthew's version in Norman-French sources, see W. Rye, 'The Persecution of the Jews in England', 160
101. According to Langmuir, clearly irrational ideas about Jewish activities only began to gain currency from about 1150, as confidence in the success of the crusades wavered; see 'The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England', 241-2.
102. See the classic study of J. Delumeau, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, 13th-18th Centuries, trans. E. Nicholson (1983, New York, 1990), 189 ff.
103. As noted by Cecil Roth long ago, these accusations often assumed the Jews' belief in Christian dogmatic principles: see 'The Medieval Conception of the Jew', 180-2. Perhaps we have here another proof of the Christians' belief in the deficiency of Jewish understanding; see G. I. Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism, 285.
104. As noted by Cecil Roth long ago, these accusations often assumed the Jews' belief in Christian dogmatic principles: see 'The Medieval Conception of the Jew', 180-2. Perhaps we have here another proof of the Christians' belief in the deficiency of Jewish understanding; see G. I. Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism, 285.
105. Natalie Davies stresses the need to dehumanise religious minorities to gain justification for their ultimate destruction; see 'The Rites of Violence', in: Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1975), 181 ff.
106. On the propaganda campaigns carried out by Philip the Fair on both occasions, see S. Menache, 'A Propaganda Campaign in the Reign of Philip the Fair, 1302-1303', French History, 4 (1990), 432-3; and 'The Templar Order: A Failed Ideal?', The Catholic Historical Review, 79 (1993), 11-3.
107. On the propaganda campaigns carried out by Philip the Fair on both occasions, see S. Menache, 'A Propaganda Campaign in the Reign of Philip the Fair, 1302-1303', French History, 4 (1990), 432-3; and 'The Templar Order: A Failed Ideal?', The Catholic Historical Review, 79 (1993), 11-3.
108. Giles, English History, vol. 3, 163-4; see also C.M., ad a. 1256, V, 552.
109. Giles, English History, vol. 3, 163-4; see also C.M., ad a. 1256, V, 552.
110. Grosseteste's closest disciple and friend, was also the confidant of Simon de Montfort.
111. C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 57. There is no convincing evidence that Adam Marsh had indeed intervened in this case. The only man who seems certain to have been involved was John of Darlington, a Dominican, whose name a certain Jew of Lincoln took in converting to Christianity in order to avoid being executed.
112. The friars had special responsibility for preaching and conversion, some of their houses being deliberately placed in or near Jewries: see J. Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, 1982), passim.
113. R. Saint-Jacques, 'Les mendiants dans l'epopée anglaise au XIVe siècle', in: Aspects de la marginalité au Moyen Age, ed. G. H. Allard (Montreal, 1975), 25-33.
114. Z. Rokeah, 'The Crown, the Jews and the Church in Medieval England', in: The Hatred of the Jew, ed. S. Almog (Jerusalem, 1980), 145 [Hebrew].
115. On the repercussion of the First Crusade for European Jewry, see I. Beer, 'The Persecutions of 1096', in: Studies and Papers on Jewish History (Jerusalem, 1986), vol. 2, 147-61 [Hebrew]: R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 38-84; J. Riley-Smith, 'The First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews', Studies in Church History, 21 (1984), 51-72; S. Schein, 'Die Kreuzzüge als volkstümlich-messianische Bewegungen', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 47 (1991), 127-9; J. Cohen. "'The Persecutions of 1096" - From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 169-208 [Hebrew].
116. On the repercussion of the First Crusade for European Jewry, see I. Beer, 'The Persecutions of 1096', in: Studies and Papers on Jewish History (Jerusalem, 1986), vol. 2, 147-61 [Hebrew]: R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 38-84; J. Riley-Smith, 'The First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews', Studies in Church History, 21 (1984), 51-72; S. Schein, 'Die Kreuzzüge als volkstümlich-messianische Bewegungen', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 47 (1991), 127-9; J. Cohen. "'The Persecutions of 1096" - From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 169-208 [Hebrew].
117. On the repercussion of the First Crusade for European Jewry, see I. Beer, 'The Persecutions of 1096', in: Studies and Papers on Jewish History (Jerusalem, 1986), vol. 2, 147-61 [Hebrew]: R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 38-84; J. Riley-Smith, 'The First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews', Studies in Church History, 21 (1984), 51-72; S. Schein, 'Die Kreuzzüge als volkstümlich-messianische Bewegungen', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 47 (1991), 127-9; J. Cohen. "'The Persecutions of 1096" - From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 169-208 [Hebrew].
118. On the repercussion of the First Crusade for European Jewry, see I. Beer, 'The Persecutions of 1096', in: Studies and Papers on Jewish History (Jerusalem, 1986), vol. 2, 147-61 [Hebrew]: R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 38-84; J. Riley-Smith, 'The First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews', Studies in Church History, 21 (1984), 51-72; S. Schein, 'Die Kreuzzüge als volkstümlich-messianische Bewegungen', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 47 (1991), 127-9; J. Cohen. "'The Persecutions of 1096" - From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 169-208 [Hebrew].
119. On the repercussion of the First Crusade for European Jewry, see I. Beer, 'The Persecutions of 1096', in: Studies and Papers on Jewish History (Jerusalem, 1986), vol. 2, 147-61 [Hebrew]: R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 38-84; J. Riley-Smith, 'The First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews', Studies in Church History, 21 (1984), 51-72; S. Schein, 'Die Kreuzzüge als volkstümlich-messianische Bewegungen', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 47 (1991), 127-9; J. Cohen. "'The Persecutions of 1096" - From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles', Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 169-208 [Hebrew].
120. According to Roth, this suspicion of magical practices was based on the recital of a special blessing prescribed in Jewish custom on seeing a monarch; see A History of the Jews in England, 18; see also Anglia Judaica, 17-9.
121. According to Roth, this suspicion of magical practices was based on the recital of a special blessing prescribed in Jewish custom on seeing a monarch; see A History of the Jews in England, 18; see also Anglia Judaica, 17-9.
122. In this instance, Matthew's source of inspiration was Ralph of Diss, Norfolk (Radulphus de Diceto) who blamed foreigners for the attack on the Jews and concludes: Necem Judaeorum tam funestam, tam exitialem, viris prudentibus placuisse credendum non est, cum Daviticum illud auribus nostris frequenter occurrat 'Ne occidas eos'. Radulfi de Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum, in: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols, Rolls Series (London, 1876), vol. 2, 69, 75-6.
123. On the same or similar phrases in Holy Scripture, see Deut. 32:17; Ps. 105:37; Bar. 4: 7; I Cor. 9:20.
124. Cf. William of Newburgh and the Emek Habacha, in: The Jews of Angevin England: Documents and Records, 99, 107; on their historical significance, 385-86; R. B. Dobson, The Jews of Medieval York and the Massacre of March 1190, Borthwick Papers 45 (York, 1974), 15-31. On the defensive role of castles in the history of Anglo-Jewry, see V. D. Lipman. 'Jews and Castles in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 28-13 (1981-82), 1-19.
125. Cf. William of Newburgh and the Emek Habacha, in: The Jews of Angevin England: Documents and Records, 99, 107; on their historical significance, 385-86; R. B. Dobson, The Jews of Medieval York and the Massacre of March 1190, Borthwick Papers 45 (York, 1974), 15-31. On the defensive role of castles in the history of Anglo-Jewry, see V. D. Lipman. 'Jews and Castles in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 28-13 (1981-82), 1-19.
126. Cf. William of Newburgh and the Emek Habacha, in: The Jews of Angevin England: Documents and Records, 99, 107; on their historical significance, 385-86; R. B. Dobson, The Jews of Medieval York and the Massacre of March 1190, Borthwick Papers 45 (York, 1974), 15-31. On the defensive role of castles in the history of Anglo-Jewry, see V. D. Lipman. 'Jews and Castles in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 28-13 (1981-82), 1-19.
127. See, for instance, Albert of Aachen's reaction to the Jews' killings/suicides in 1096 and the chroniclers' attitudes to the same phenomena during the Shepherds' Crusade (1320). Albert of Aachen, Historia Hierosolymitana, in: Recueil des Historiens des Croisades [hereafter R.H.G.F.], vol. 4, 293; for the fourteenth century, see Continuatio Girardi de Fracheto, R.H.G.F., vol. 21, 54;
128. See, for instance, Albert of Aachen's reaction to the Jews' killings/suicides in 1096 and the chroniclers' attitudes to the same phenomena during the Shepherds' Crusade (1320). Albert of Aachen, Historia Hierosolymitana, in: Recueil des Historiens des Croisades [hereafter R.H.G.F.], vol. 4, 293; for the fourteenth century, see Continuatio Girardi de Fracheto, R.H.G.F., vol. 21, 54;
129. See, for instance, Albert of Aachen's reaction to the Jews' killings/suicides in 1096 and the chroniclers' attitudes to the same phenomena during the Shepherds' Crusade (1320). Albert of Aachen, Historia Hierosolymitana, in: Recueil des Historiens des Croisades [hereafter R.H.G.F.], vol. 4, 293; for the fourteenth century, see Continuatio Girardi de Fracheto, R.H.G.F., vol. 21, 54;
130. E Floribus chronicorum, R.H.G.F., vol. 21, 730;
131. Continuatio chronici Guillelmi de Nangiaco, R.H.G.F., vol. 20, 625:
132. Excerpta e memoriali historiarum Johannis a Sancto Victore, R.H.G.F., vol. 21, 671-2;
133. Ex historia satirica, R.H.G.F., vol. 22, 15;
134. see, also, the analysis of M. Minty, 'Kiddush Ha-Shem in German Christian Eyes in the Middle Ages' Zion, 59-2-3 (1994), 209-66 [Hebrew].
135. Kenneth Stow offers an excellent summary of this view in his 'Hatred of Jews or Love of the Church', in: Anti-Semitism Through the Ages, 91-111 [Hebrew].
136. On the background of the papal encyclical, see K. Stow, 'Papal and Royal Attitudes Toward Jewish Lending in the Thirteenth Century', Association for Jewish Studies Review, 6 (1981), 165-9.
137. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 23. One should note Matthew's parallel use of the term Judei with its connotations from the New Testament and, conversely, the term Hebraei with its Old Testament correlations. On the use of biblical images and symbols in medieval chronicles, see S. Menache, 'Les Hébreux du XIVeme siècle: La formation des stéréotypes nationaux en France et en Angleterre', Ethnopsychology, 35 (1980), 55-65.
138. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 23. One should note Matthew's parallel use of the term Judei with its connotations from the New Testament and, conversely, the term Hebraei with its Old Testament correlations. On the use of biblical images and symbols in medieval chronicles, see S. Menache, 'Les Hébreux du XIVeme siècle: La formation des stéréotypes nationaux en France et en Angleterre', Ethnopsychology, 35 (1980), 55-65.
139. One should take into consideration Holt's remarks concerning Matthew's prejudices in his treatment of Magna Carta as a whole and, mainly his tendency to imply that John and Henry III were equal and alike in duplicity. Moreover, according to Holt, Matthew Paris 'makes the barons of 1215 fight his battles for him. They become vehicles for anti-papal invective'. See J. C. Holt, 'The St Albans Chroniclers and Magna Carta', in: Magna Carta and Medieval Government (London, 1985), 278-9.
140. Cecil Roth saw in these clauses 'some idea of the animosity with which the royal satellites were now regarded by those with whom they transacted their principal and most lucrative business'; see History of the Jews of England, 37. In the confirmation of the Magna Carta that took place at Bristol almost immediately after John's death, however, the clauses concerning the Jews were omitted, being considered prejudicial to the interests of the Exchequer. They were not reinserted in any of the many reissues of the Magna Carta in subsequent years; see Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward the First, ed.W. Stubbs (1870, Oxford, 1929), 335, 340-1, 349-50, 490-3.
141. Cecil Roth saw in these clauses 'some idea of the animosity with which the royal satellites were now regarded by those with whom they transacted their principal and most lucrative business'; see History of the Jews of England, 37. In the confirmation of the Magna Carta that took place at Bristol almost immediately after John's death, however, the clauses concerning the Jews were omitted, being considered prejudicial to the interests of the Exchequer. They were not reinserted in any of the many reissues of the Magna Carta in subsequent years; see Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward the First, ed.W. Stubbs (1870, Oxford, 1929), 335, 340-1, 349-50, 490-3.
142. On Jewish loans to ecclesiastical establishments, mainly to St Albans, see Z. Rokeah, 'The Crown, the Church, and the Jews of Medieval England', 125, 141: cf. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, 90-2, 98-9.
143. On Jewish loans to ecclesiastical establishments, mainly to St Albans, see Z. Rokeah, 'The Crown, the Church, and the Jews of Medieval England', 125, 141: cf. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, 90-2, 98-9.
144. On 11 July 1231, the king ordered the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk to protect Master Robert of St Albans in the manor of Alflecton, which he held as guardian of the heir of Walter de Bernham, and to prevent him from being disturbed pro aliquo debito quod inde debeatur alicui iudeo. See C. Trice Martin, 'Documents Relating to the History of the Jews in the Thirteenth Century', T.J.H.S.E., 3 (1898), 200.
145. Following the expulsion of Jews from Northern France, as well, Matthew hints at the rivalry between Cahorsins and Jews and claimed that 'the Cahorsins thereupon eagerly took possession of the places and offices of the exiled Jews', C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-2.
146. Though Bishop Grosseteste openly criticised the oppression of Jewish usury - that is, exorbitant interest - he supported the Jews' right to live peacefully in Christendom within carefully defined limits; see Roberti Grosseteste Epistolae, ed. H. Luard (London, 1861), 33-4.
147. Giles, English History; vol. 3, 47-8.
148. W. R. Jones, 'Bishops, Politics, and the Two Laws: The Gravamina of the English Clergy, 1237-1339', Speculum, 41 (1966), 209-45. C. H. Lawrence, 'The Thirteenth Century', in: The English Church and the Papacy in the Middle Ages, ed. C. H. Lawrence (New York, 1965), 119-23. On Matthew's strong criticism of papal policy in England, see S. Menache, The Status of the Papacy and the Image of the Popes at the Beginning of the Avignon Period, 1305-1334, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Jerusalem, 1980), 85-91.
149. W. R. Jones, 'Bishops, Politics, and the Two Laws: The Gravamina of the English Clergy, 1237-1339', Speculum, 41 (1966), 209-45. C. H. Lawrence, 'The Thirteenth Century', in: The English Church and the Papacy in the Middle Ages, ed. C. H. Lawrence (New York, 1965), 119-23. On Matthew's strong criticism of papal policy in England, see S. Menache, The Status of the Papacy and the Image of the Popes at the Beginning of the Avignon Period, 1305-1334, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Jerusalem, 1980), 85-91.
150. W. R. Jones, 'Bishops, Politics, and the Two Laws: The Gravamina of the English Clergy, 1237-1339', Speculum, 41 (1966), 209-45. C. H. Lawrence, 'The Thirteenth Century', in: The English Church and the Papacy in the Middle Ages, ed. C. H. Lawrence (New York, 1965), 119-23. On Matthew's strong criticism of papal policy in England, see S. Menache, The Status of the Papacy and the Image of the Popes at the Beginning of the Avignon Period, 1305-1334, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Jerusalem, 1980), 85-91.
151. The Provisions of Oxford are a clear indication of the barons' xenophobic feelings against the Cahorsins; see, especially, item 26 in: Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, 377.
152. R. W. Kaeuper, Bankers to the Crown: The Riccardi of Lucca and Edward I (Princeton, 1973), 1 ff.
153. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 144-50. On the policy of the kings of France against usury, see R. Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), 110-21.
154. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 144-50. On the policy of the kings of France against usury, see R. Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), 110-21.
155. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 144-50. On the policy of the kings of France against usury, see R. Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), 110-21.
156. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews:
157. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 144-50. On the policy of the kings of France against usury, see R. Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), 110-21.
158. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 215. Matthew noticed the expulsion order of Louis IX some years later (C.M., ad a. 1253, V, 361-62). See Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. E. Laurière et al. (Paris, 1723-1849), vol. 1, 85. On the Jewish policy of St Louis, see W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 84-6, 98-9, 155-7; and his The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 144-50. On the policy of the kings of France against usury, see R. Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), 110-21.
159. Giles, English History, 262-3.
160. Sir William le Breton, the Justice of the Jews, led the royal commission which consisted of eight Jews and two Christians.
161. C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 74.
162. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, 217; see also Z. Rokeah, 'The Money and the Hangman: Accusations of Monetary Transgressions Against Jews and Christians in England in the Second Half of the Thirteenth Century', in: Anglo-Jewry in Transition, ed. D. Katz and J. Kaplan (Jerusalem, 1994), 27-46 [Hebrew].
163. G. Richardson, The English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, 217; see also Z. Rokeah, 'The Money and the Hangman: Accusations of Monetary Transgressions Against Jews and Christians in England in the Second Half of the Thirteenth Century', in: Anglo-Jewry in Transition, ed. D. Katz and J. Kaplan (Jerusalem, 1994), 27-46 [Hebrew].
164. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 340.
165. Mainly by influencing the prices of animals, particularly oxen. To counterbalance the royal stance, the Earl of Cornwall undertook in 1247 to contribute from his own resources 10,000 marks of silver to the bullion required to remit the currency. See M. M. Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society (Harmondsworth, 1976), 265-8.
166. S. Menache, 'Matthew Paris and the Templars', in: Cultural Convergences in the Crusade Period: Festschrift in honor of Aryeh Grabois (New York, 1996), 185-215. On Matthew's criticism of other monastic orders, see W. R. Thomson, 'The Image of the Mendicants in the Chronicles of Matthew Paris', Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 70 (1977), 56.
167. S. Menache, 'Matthew Paris and the Templars', in: Cultural Convergences in the Crusade Period: Festschrift in honor of Aryeh Grabois (New York, 1996), 185-215. On Matthew's criticism of other monastic orders, see W. R. Thomson, 'The Image of the Mendicants in the Chronicles of Matthew Paris', Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 70 (1977), 56.
168. T. F. Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England, 6 vols (Manchester, 1920-33), vol. 1, 250. Cecil Roth shared this point of view; see A History of the Jews of England, 55.
169. T. F. Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England, 6 vols (Manchester, 1920-33), vol. 1, 250. Cecil Roth shared this point of view; see A History of the Jews of England, 55.
170. A. Sandys, 'The Financial and Administrative Importance of the London Temple in the Thirteenth Century', in: Essays in Medieval History presented to Thomas Frederick Tout, ed. A. G. Little and F. M. Powicke (Manchester, 1925), 147-62.
171. Philip Lovel appears in the years 35, 37, 40, 41, and 56 of Henry III's reign. He was one of the king's favourites, whom Henry promoted from a simple clerkship to the highest office of state. Though in 1251 he was found guilty of felony and lost his position, he was appointed the king's treasurer only twelve months later. His career can be reconstructed from the Chancery Rolls, and from the (mainly unpublished) financial records in the Public Record Office. See C. Gross, 'The Exchequer of the Jews of England in the Middle Ages', in: Papers Read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition (London, 1888), 217. Meekings claims that he had probably been suspended rather than removed, see C. A. F. Meekings, 'Justices of the Jews, 1216-68: A Provisional List', in: Studies in Thirteenth Century Justice and Administration (London, 1981), IV, 180-1.
172. Philip Lovel appears in the years 35, 37, 40, 41, and 56 of Henry III's reign. He was one of the king's favourites, whom Henry promoted from a simple clerkship to the highest office of state. Though in 1251 he was found guilty of felony and lost his position, he was appointed the king's treasurer only twelve months later. His career can be reconstructed from the Chancery Rolls, and from the (mainly unpublished) financial records in the Public Record Office. See C. Gross, 'The Exchequer of the Jews of England in the Middle Ages', in: Papers Read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition (London, 1888), 217. Meekings claims that he had probably been suspended rather than removed, see C. A. F. Meekings, 'Justices of the Jews, 1216-68: A Provisional List', in: Studies in Thirteenth Century Justice and Administration (London, 1981), IV, 180-1.
173. On 2 November 1252, Robert de la Ho was ordered to be removed from the Tower and delivered to the custody of Philip Lovel, who was to cause him to be bailed for appearance coram rege. About 26 December 1252, he paid three gold marks for his fine for the remission of the king's indignation. See Meekings, 'Justices of the Jews, 1216-68: A Provisional List', 181.
174. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 536-7.
175. F. Ashe Lincoln, The Starra: Their Effect on Early English Law and Administration (London, 1939), 84-7; Meekings lists and discusses the Justices of the Jews; see C. A. F. Meekings, 'Justices of the Jews, 1216-68: A Provisional List', 173-88.
176. F. Ashe Lincoln, The Starra: Their Effect on Early English Law and Administration (London, 1939), 84-7; Meekings lists and discusses the Justices of the Jews; see C. A. F. Meekings, 'Justices of the Jews, 1216-68: A Provisional List', 173-88.
177. M. Adler, 'The Testimony of the London Jewry Against the Ministers of Henry III', T.J.H.S.E., 14 (1935), 141-86.
178. In the provisions of Oxford, forced on the king as a result of his deliberations with the barons, an undertaking was given, in general terms, to cope with the reform of the Exchequer of the Jews. As a preliminary, Guardians of the Jewries were to be appointed. See Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, 377; C. Gross, 'The Exchequer of the Jews', 210-1.
179. In the provisions of Oxford, forced on the king as a result of his deliberations with the barons, an undertaking was given, in general terms, to cope with the reform of the Exchequer of the Jews. As a preliminary, Guardians of the Jewries were to be appointed. See Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, 377; C. Gross, 'The Exchequer of the Jews', 210-1.
180. R. C. Stacey, 'Jewish Lending and the Medieval English Economy', in: A Commercialising Economy, England 1086 to c. 1300, ed. R. H. Britnell and B. M. S. Campbell (Manchester, 1995), 98-101.
181. On the corrosive economic effects of the expulsion of the Jews on the Church of England, see S. Menache, 'The King, the Church, and the Jews: Some Considerations on the Expulsions from England and France', Journal of Medieval History, 13 (1987), 230-4.
182. Matthew reports that a rich Jew of Bristol was tortured by having his teeth extracted, one each day; other sources point out that rich Jews had their eyes plucked out, and that two of them were hanged; cf. Flores historiarum, ed. H. Luard, Rolls Series (London, 1890), vol. 3, 231-2; Johannes de Oxenedes, ed. Ellis, 126. On the historians' reservations, see B. L. Abrahams, 'The Economic and Financial Position of the Jews in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 8 (1915-17), 179-80; S. Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore, 1966), 237; M. Adler, The Jews of Medieval England, 202-3.
183. Matthew reports that a rich Jew of Bristol was tortured by having his teeth extracted, one each day; other sources point out that rich Jews had their eyes plucked out, and that two of them were hanged; cf. Flores historiarum, ed. H. Luard, Rolls Series (London, 1890), vol. 3, 231-2; Johannes de Oxenedes, ed. Ellis, 126. On the historians' reservations, see B. L. Abrahams, 'The Economic and Financial Position of the Jews in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 8 (1915-17), 179-80; S. Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore, 1966), 237; M. Adler, The Jews of Medieval England, 202-3.
184. Matthew reports that a rich Jew of Bristol was tortured by having his teeth extracted, one each day; other sources point out that rich Jews had their eyes plucked out, and that two of them were hanged; cf. Flores historiarum, ed. H. Luard, Rolls Series (London, 1890), vol. 3, 231-2; Johannes de Oxenedes, ed. Ellis, 126. On the historians' reservations, see B. L. Abrahams, 'The Economic and Financial Position of the Jews in Medieval England', T.J.H.S.E., 8 (1915-17), 179-80; S. Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore, 1966), 237; M. Adler, The Jews of Medieval England, 202-3.
185. Cecil Roth saw in the reign of John 'the beginning of the political as distinct from the religious, reaction against the Jews among the English people': A History of the Jews of England, 32-6. Although Gavin I. Langmuir acknowledges that it is difficult to establish whether Jews were more heavily exploited than others, he saw in John's policy an imitation of Philip II's example in treating the Jews and their possessions as his own: 'The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England', 201-5.
186. Cecil Roth saw in the reign of John 'the beginning of the political as distinct from the religious, reaction against the Jews among the English people': A History of the Jews of England, 32-6. Although Gavin I. Langmuir acknowledges that it is difficult to establish whether Jews were more heavily exploited than others, he saw in John's policy an imitation of Philip II's example in treating the Jews and their possessions as his own: 'The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England', 201-5.
187. See examples of the warrants, De tallagio Judeorum colligendo, issued to this effect, H. P. Stokes, Studies in Anglo-Jewish History (Edinburgh, 1913), 88-9.
188. Robert Stacey sees in this tax a 'dramatical change' in the royal fiscal policy, which together with the anti-Jewish propaganda and blood libel accusations constituted a watershed in the history of Anglo Jewry. See 'Royal Taxation and the Social Structure of Medieval Anglo-Jewry: The Tallages of 1239-42', Hebrew Union College Annual, 56 (1985), 177-80.
189. R. B. Dobson, 'The Decline and Expulsion of the Medieval Jews of York', T.J.H.S.E., 26 (1979), 36.
190. Giles, English History, vol. I, 459; Aaron of York - the Presbyter Judaeorum and son of Josce of York, martyred in 1190 - was the greatest Jewish financier in thirteenth-century England and the worst exploited by the king. Aaron was on friendly terms with Matthew, who reproduces his query about the king's exorbitant demands. He probably inspired Walter Scott's personage, Isaac of York, in Ivanhoe.
191. Giles, English History, vol. 2, 474.
192. R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, 135 ff.
193. A wealthy Jew from London, Elias was eventually removed from office. He converted and tried to gain the king's sympathy through harsh accusations against his former coreligionists.
194. From the reign of King John to the expulsion, six men occupied the position of Presbyter omnium judeorum Angliae. They were: Jacob of London (1199-1207); Jose of London (1207-36); Aaron of York (1236-43); Elias l'Eveske of London (1243-57); Hagin, son of Magister Moses of Lincoln (1253-73); and Hagin, son of Deulecresse of London (1281-90). As state officials and representatives of Anglo-Jewry, they were expected to administer justice on behalf of the king, to explain his laws, to bring about the payment of taxes and subsidies, and to decide on the validity of their coreligionists' contracts. Their role was similar to that of the Justices of the Jews at an earlier date. According to Matthew, the barons urged the king to bestow on them the right to appoint at least one of the justices (C.M., ad a. 1244, IV, 367); see C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 31 ff.; M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England, 137.
195. From the reign of King John to the expulsion, six men occupied the position of Presbyter omnium judeorum Angliae. They were: Jacob of London (1199-1207); Jose of London (1207-36); Aaron of York (1236-43); Elias l'Eveske of London (1243-57); Hagin, son of Magister Moses of Lincoln (1253-73); and Hagin, son of Deulecresse of London (1281-90). As state officials and representatives of Anglo-Jewry, they were expected to administer justice on behalf of the king, to explain his laws, to bring about the payment of taxes and subsidies, and to decide on the validity of their coreligionists' contracts. Their role was similar to that of the Justices of the Jews at an earlier date. According to Matthew, the barons urged the king to bestow on them the right to appoint at least one of the justices (C.M., ad a. 1244, IV, 367); see C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 31 ff.; M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England, 137.
196. From the reign of King John to the expulsion, six men occupied the position of Presbyter omnium judeorum Angliae. They were: Jacob of London (1199-1207); Jose of London (1207-36); Aaron of York (1236-43); Elias l'Eveske of London (1243-57); Hagin, son of Magister Moses of Lincoln (1253-73); and Hagin, son of Deulecresse of London (1281-90). As state officials and representatives of Anglo-Jewry, they were expected to administer justice on behalf of the king, to explain his laws, to bring about the payment of taxes and subsidies, and to decide on the validity of their coreligionists' contracts. Their role was similar to that of the Justices of the Jews at an earlier date. According to Matthew, the barons urged the king to bestow on them the right to appoint at least one of the justices (C.M., ad a. 1244, IV, 367); see C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 31 ff.; M. Adler, Jews of Medieval England, 137.
197. Elias' pathetic speech ultimately moved Richard to modify his demands while taking all necessary steps to avoid the Jews' flight from the kingdom.
198. Giles, English History, vol. 3, 76.
199. H. P. Stokes, 'The Relationship Between the Jews and the Royal Family of England in the Thirteenth Century', T.J.H.S.E., 8 (1915-17). 168-9.
200. C. Roth, A History of the Jews of England, 38-67.
201. R. C. Stacey, Politics, Policy and Finance under Henry III, 1216-1245 (Oxford, 1987), 143.
202. The larger sum is provided by Cecil Roth. Without denying the unprecedented volume of Jewish taxes, R. C. Stacey provides different sums, namely, 2000 to 3000 marks per year between 1221 and 1239 and 110 000 marks between 1241 and 1259; see 'A Watershed in Anglo-Jewish Relations', 137-46.
203. R. C. Stacey, Politics, Policy and Finance Under Henry III, 154-6; P. Elman. 'The Economic Causes of the Expulsion of the Jews in 1290', The Economic History Review, 7 (1936-37), 145-54.
204. R. C. Stacey, Politics, Policy and Finance Under Henry III, 154-6; P. Elman. 'The Economic Causes of the Expulsion of the Jews in 1290', The Economic History Review, 7 (1936-37), 145-54.