Alfred Russel Wallace, Robert Owen and the theory of natural selection

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 35, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 73-96

  Jones, Greta ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ULSTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0041470210     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007087401004605     Document Type: Article

References (153)

1. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
2. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
3. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
4. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
5. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
6. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
7. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
8. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
9. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
10. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
11. The debate on the social determinants of Darwin's theory revolves around the role Malthus and political economy played in the genesis of natural selection. For a summary of this work see David R. Oldroyd, 'How did Darwin arrive at his theory? The secondary literature to 1982', History of Science (1984), 22, 325-74 and Scott Gordon, 'Darwin and political economy; the connection reconsidered', Journal of the History of Biology (1989), 22, 437-59. Gordon lists a number of supporters of the view that political economy was significant in Darwin's formulation of his theory - Cowles (1937-8), Sandow (1938), R. C. Lewontin (1968), R. M. Young (1969-71), Barry Gale (1972). The impact of Malthus on Darwin is discussed by R. M. Young, 'Malthus and the evolutionists: the common context of biological and social theory', Past and Present (1969), 43, 109-45; Sandra Herbert, 'Darwin, Malthus and selection', Journal of the History of Biology (1971), 4, 209-17; Peter J. Bowler, 'Malthus, Darwin and the concept of struggle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1976), 37, 631-50; Dov Ospovat, 'Darwin after Malthus', Journal of the History of Biology (1979), 12, 211-30; idem, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Silvan S. Schweber, 'The origin of the Origin revisited', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 229-316; idem, 'Darwin and the political economists: divergence of character', Journal of the History of Biology (1980), 13, 195-289; William Tammone, 'Competition, the division of labour and Darwin's principle of divergence', Journal of the History of Biology (1995), 28, 109-31. Of these works the article by Robert Young (1969) continues to hold a central position in the historiography of the social determinants of natural selection. See Ingemar Bohlin, 'Robert M. Young and Darwin historiography', Social Studies of Science (1991), 21, 597-648.
12. For Wallace see Lewis H. McKinney, Wallace and Natural Selection, New Haven, 1972; Wilma George, Biologist, Philosopher, A Study of the Writings of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1964; John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin, Columbia, 1984; Amabel Williams-Ellis, Darwin's Moon: A Biography of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1966. The discussion of Wallace's social and political role has frequently been left to labour activists; see Harry Clements, Alfred Russel Wallace: The Great Naturalist Who Challenged the Orthodoxy which He and Darwin Had Established, London, 1983.
13. For Wallace see Lewis H. McKinney, Wallace and Natural Selection, New Haven, 1972; Wilma George, Biologist, Philosopher, A Study of the Writings of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1964; John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin, Columbia, 1984; Amabel Williams-Ellis, Darwin's Moon: A Biography of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1966. The discussion of Wallace's social and political role has frequently been left to labour activists; see Harry Clements, Alfred Russel Wallace: The Great Naturalist Who Challenged the Orthodoxy which He and Darwin Had Established, London, 1983.
14. For Wallace see Lewis H. McKinney, Wallace and Natural Selection, New Haven, 1972; Wilma George, Biologist, Philosopher, A Study of the Writings of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1964; John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin, Columbia, 1984; Amabel Williams-Ellis, Darwin's Moon: A Biography of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1966. The discussion of Wallace's social and political role has frequently been left to labour activists; see Harry Clements, Alfred Russel Wallace: The Great Naturalist Who Challenged the Orthodoxy which He and Darwin Had Established, London, 1983.
15. For Wallace see Lewis H. McKinney, Wallace and Natural Selection, New Haven, 1972; Wilma George, Biologist, Philosopher, A Study of the Writings of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1964; John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin, Columbia, 1984; Amabel Williams-Ellis, Darwin's Moon: A Biography of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1966. The discussion of Wallace's social and political role has frequently been left to labour activists; see Harry Clements, Alfred Russel Wallace: The Great Naturalist Who Challenged the Orthodoxy which He and Darwin Had Established, London, 1983.
16. For Wallace see Lewis H. McKinney, Wallace and Natural Selection, New Haven, 1972; Wilma George, Biologist, Philosopher, A Study of the Writings of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1964; John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin, Columbia, 1984; Amabel Williams-Ellis, Darwin's Moon: A Biography of Alfred Russel Wallace, London, 1966. The discussion of Wallace's social and political role has frequently been left to labour activists; see Harry Clements, Alfred Russel Wallace: The Great Naturalist Who Challenged the Orthodoxy which He and Darwin Had Established, London, 1983.
17. A. R. Wallace, My Life: A Record of Events and Opinions, 2 vols., London, 1905, i, 87. The years 1839 to 1841 were a peak for Owenism. Lectures at the Hall of Science off Tottenham Court Road were given by the Owenite social missionary Frederick Hollick, a self-educated mechanic from Birmingham and strong religious sceptic (6 April 1839), a Mr Stevens (10 March 1839), Benjamin Warden, a Marylebone saddler and leading trades unionist deeply involved in the Owenite cooperative movement (24 March 1839), and by G. A. Fleming, one of the editors of the New Moral 'World and a leading Owenite (7 December 1939). For Owen see S. Pollard and J. Salt (eds.), Robert Owen, Prophet of the Poor, London, 1971.
18. A. R. Wallace, My Life: A Record of Events and Opinions, 2 vols., London, 1905, i, 87. The years 1839 to 1841 were a peak for Owenism. Lectures at the Hall of Science off Tottenham Court Road were given by the Owenite social missionary Frederick Hollick, a self-educated mechanic from Birmingham and strong religious sceptic (6 April 1839), a Mr Stevens (10 March 1839), Benjamin Warden, a Marylebone saddler and leading trades unionist deeply involved in the Owenite cooperative movement (24 March 1839), and by G. A. Fleming, one of the editors of the New Moral 'World and a leading Owenite (7 December 1939). For Owen see S. Pollard and J. Salt (eds.), Robert Owen, Prophet of the Poor, London, 1971.
19. A. R. Wallace, My Life: A Record of Events and Opinions, 2 vols., London, 1905, i, 87. The years 1839 to 1841 were a peak for Owenism. Lectures at the Hall of Science off Tottenham Court Road were given by the Owenite social missionary Frederick Hollick, a self-educated mechanic from Birmingham and strong religious sceptic (6 April 1839), a Mr Stevens (10 March 1839), Benjamin Warden, a Marylebone saddler and leading trades unionist deeply involved in the Owenite cooperative movement (24 March 1839), and by G. A. Fleming, one of the editors of the New Moral 'World and a leading Owenite (7 December 1939). For Owen see S. Pollard and J. Salt (eds.), Robert Owen, Prophet of the Poor, London, 1971.
20. The Labour Leader, 25 July 1896. Interview 'Between ourselves'.
21. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. Misc. Coll. Wallace to Victor Robinson 14 January 1907. The remaining nine were Tolstoy, Edward Bellamy, Robert Blatchford, Elizabeth Fry, John Ruskin, Shelley, Walt Whitman, William Watson (the Poet of international justice) and Edwin Markham (the Poet of the Brotherhood of Man).
22. Articles and interviews by Wallace appear in The Labour Leader, The Clarion and in various other socialist or radical Liberal newspapers from the 1890s onwards.
23. American Museum of Natural History, New York. Cockerell Collection. Letter to T. D. A. Cockerell, 3 February 1906 (original italics).
24. When land nationalization became associated with George's socialism in the 1880s, Herbert Spencer moved away from the idea, much to Wallace's disgust.
25. See his letter of 20 October 1900 to the Liberal politician John Morley in the British Library, Wallace Manuscripts and Correspondence, 46440 p. 211. Wallace wrote to Morley because of the latter's opinion that if the choice came down to socialism or imperialism he would chose socialism. Wallace took the opportunity to set out his views, reassure Morley on the importance of moral character in socialism and draw his attention to Owenite cooperative communities, which he states are crucial to his view of socialism.
26. This became clear to Darwin in 1869 when Wallace was preparing Contributions to Natural Selection, published in 1870. This caused him considerable anxiety particularly since Darwin was in the process of preparing The Descent of Man, in which natural selection was applied to man.
27. This became clear to Darwin in 1869 when Wallace was preparing Contributions to Natural Selection, published in 1870. This caused him considerable anxiety particularly since Darwin was in the process of preparing The Descent of Man, in which natural selection was applied to man.
28. This did not mean that Wallace believed there was no moral and intellectual progress in history. He accepted there was and, whatever his criticisms of his own society, he nonetheless considered its 'advances' in both these areas were considerable.
29. See Malcolm J. Kottler, 'Alfred Russel Wallace, the origin of man and spiritualism', Isis (1974), 65,145-92; and John R. Durant, 'Scientific naturalism and social reform in the thought of Alfred Russel Wallace', BJHS (1979), 12, 31-58. For the importance of phrenology see Roger Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science: Phrenology and the Organization of Consent in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Cambridge, 1984.
30. See Malcolm J. Kottler, 'Alfred Russel Wallace, the origin of man and spiritualism', Isis (1974), 65,145-92; and John R. Durant, 'Scientific naturalism and social reform in the thought of Alfred Russel Wallace', BJHS (1979), 12, 31-58. For the importance of phrenology see Roger Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science: Phrenology and the Organization of Consent in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Cambridge, 1984.
31. See Malcolm J. Kottler, 'Alfred Russel Wallace, the origin of man and spiritualism', Isis (1974), 65,145-92; and John R. Durant, 'Scientific naturalism and social reform in the thought of Alfred Russel Wallace', BJHS (1979), 12, 31-58. For the importance of phrenology see Roger Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science: Phrenology and the Organization of Consent in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Cambridge, 1984.
32. Roger Smith, 'Alfred Russel Wallace: philosophy of nature and man', BJHS (1972), 6, 177-99. F. M. Turner, in Between Science and Religion, New Haven, 1974, Chapter 4, also emphasizes the importance of phrenology in Wallace's theory of character and therefore in his view of human evolution.
33. Roger Smith, 'Alfred Russel Wallace: philosophy of nature and man', BJHS (1972), 6, 177-99. F. M. Turner, in Between Science and Religion, New Haven, 1974, Chapter 4, also emphasizes the importance of phrenology in Wallace's theory of character and therefore in his view of human evolution.
34. Smith, op. cit. (13), 198. As well as a theory of psychology, phrenology was a practical philosophy of social improvement. By the better exercise of the faculties through education the individual and society could be improved. This fitted in with Wallace's social and political beliefs and, for a while, Owen's.
35. James R. Moore, 'Wallace's Malthusian moment: the common context revisited', in Victorian Science in Context (ed. Bernard Lightman), Chicago, 1997; idem, 'A world away: Wallace's Malthusian moment', in Science Unbound: Geography, Space and Discipline (ed. Brian P. Dolan), Umea, 1998. For Wallace's time in Wales see R. Elwyn Hughes, 'Alfred Russel Wallace; some notes on the Welsh connection', BJHS (1989), 22, 401-18.
36. James R. Moore, 'Wallace's Malthusian moment: the common context revisited', in Victorian Science in Context (ed. Bernard Lightman), Chicago, 1997; idem, 'A world away: Wallace's Malthusian moment', in Science Unbound: Geography, Space and Discipline (ed. Brian P. Dolan), Umea, 1998. For Wallace's time in Wales see R. Elwyn Hughes, 'Alfred Russel Wallace; some notes on the Welsh connection', BJHS (1989), 22, 401-18.
37. James R. Moore, 'Wallace's Malthusian moment: the common context revisited', in Victorian Science in Context (ed. Bernard Lightman), Chicago, 1997; idem, 'A world away: Wallace's Malthusian moment', in Science Unbound: Geography, Space and Discipline (ed. Brian P. Dolan), Umea, 1998. For Wallace's time in Wales see R. Elwyn Hughes, 'Alfred Russel Wallace; some notes on the Welsh connection', BJHS (1989), 22, 401-18.
38. See Martin Fichman, 'Wallace: zoogeography and the problem of land bridges', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 45-63 and idem, Alfred Russel Wallace, Boston, 1981. See also the discussions in George, op. cit. (2), McKinney, op. cit. (2) and Brooks, op. cit. (2).
39. See Martin Fichman, 'Wallace: zoogeography and the problem of land bridges', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 45-63 and idem, Alfred Russel Wallace, Boston, 1981. See also the discussions in George, op. cit. (2), McKinney, op. cit. (2) and Brooks, op. cit. (2).
40. See Martin Fichman, 'Wallace: zoogeography and the problem of land bridges', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 45-63 and idem, Alfred Russel Wallace, Boston, 1981. See also the discussions in George, op. cit. (2), McKinney, op. cit. (2) and Brooks, op. cit. (2).
41. See Martin Fichman, 'Wallace: zoogeography and the problem of land bridges', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 45-63 and idem, Alfred Russel Wallace, Boston, 1981. See also the discussions in George, op. cit. (2), McKinney, op. cit. (2) and Brooks, op. cit. (2).
42. See Martin Fichman, 'Wallace: zoogeography and the problem of land bridges', Journal of the History of Biology (1977), 10, 45-63 and idem, Alfred Russel Wallace, Boston, 1981. See also the discussions in George, op. cit. (2), McKinney, op. cit. (2) and Brooks, op. cit. (2).
43. Moore, 'Wallace's Malthusian moment', op. cit. (15), 301-3.
44. Turner, op. cit. (13).
45. Cooter, op. cit. (12), 234-55. For example, Cooter notes the potential for conflict between a theory of preformed faculty - phrenology - and ideologies of unlimited social improvement based upon the malleability of human nature. He shows how phrenology was able to harness the meliorist and progressive mood of the 1820s and 1830s and how this accounts for its popularity in radical and socialist circles, but he also shows how Combe steered his phrenology towards a more anti-socialist position in the 1840s. This did not halt its continued popularity in socialist circles because phrenology was capable of sustaining many readings, of which Owenism was one.
46. J. Watson, Socialism made Easy : Or a Plain Exposition of Mr Owen's Views by Charles Southwell, London, 1840, 10.
47. G. A. Fleming, The Right Application of Science. An Address Delivered at the Opening of the Huddersfield Hall of Science Nov. 3 1839, Leeds, J. Hobson 1839, 13-15.
48. A. R. Wallace, 'The origin of human races and the antiquity of man deduced from the theory of natural selection', Journal of the Anthropological Society of London (1864), 2, pp. clviii-clxx. See the discussion and quotations in Greta Jones, Social Darwinism and English Thought, Brighton, 1980, 24-34.
49. A. R. Wallace, 'The origin of human races and the antiquity of man deduced from the theory of natural selection', Journal of the Anthropological Society of London (1864), 2, pp. clviii-clxx. See the discussion and quotations in Greta Jones, Social Darwinism and English Thought, Brighton, 1980, 24-34.
50. Frank Turner discusses the influence of Spencer's Social Statics on Wallace in Between Science and Religion, op. cit. (13), Chapter 4. The influence of Buckle can be seen in Wallace's emphasis upon the role climate plays in producing selective pressure in human society and, in particular, his formulation that the northern races were, for this reason, the most 'progressive'.
51. In certain of the formulations in the paper it is also possible to see Owen's influence. For example, the idea that 'health and strength and a long life are the results of a harmony between the individual and the environment that surrounds it' and that animals succumb because, unlike humans, mutual assistance and division of labour do not exist so that 'each must fulfil all the conditions of its existence'. Wallace, op. cit. (22), p. clx and p. clxii.
52. A. R. Wallace, Malay Archipelago, London, 1869, 595.
53. So too has Joel S. Schwartz, see 'Darwin, Wallace and the descent of man', Journal of the History of Biology (1984), 17, 271-89. Much of this discussion revolves around the question of whether Wallace changed his views on man around 1865 when he first became interested in spiritualism or whether distinct differences can be detected in his first most important public exposition of human evolution which he gave in 1864 to the Anthropological Society of London.
54. Wallace, op. cit. (3). There is a discussion in his autobiography on wages and conditions in the building trades in the 1840s which goes back to that time and reflects Wallace's interest, whatever his ultimate utopian hopes and dreams, in practical economic questions.
55. Most accounts of early nineteenth-century working-class radicalism have pointed to the role played by the pub. The pub also played a role in the dissemination of scientific culture. See Anne Secord, 'Science in the pub: artisan botanists in early nineteenth-century Lancashire', History of Science (1994), 32, 269-315.
56. Wallace records having heard Owen give an address at the Hall of Science. See Wallace, op. cit. (3), 104.
57. R. Owen, 'Address at New Lanark', in idem, A New View of Society, 1813 (ed. G. D. H. Cole), London, 110. Original emphasis.
58. See Edward Royle, Robert Owen and the Commencement of the Millennium, Manchester, 1998, 108-13.
59. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
60. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
61. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
62. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
63. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
64. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
65. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
66. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
67. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
68. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
69. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
70. Through these Wallace would also have been made aware of the proto-evolutionary culture existing side by side with natural theology. This has been extensively discussed in Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865, Oxford, 1991; Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago, 1989; and also Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Charles Darwin, London, 1992; N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge, 1996; Peter Bowler, Charles Darwin: The Man and His Influence, Oxford, 1998; Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, Cambridge, 1989; Adrian Desmond, Archetypes and Ancestors: Paleontology in Victorian London, London, 1982; idem, 'Richard Owen's reaction to transmutation in the 1830s', BJHS (1985), 18, 25-50; James A. Secord's introduction to Robert Chambers, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, (1844) reprinted Chicago, 1994; John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives, Cambridge, 1991, Chapters 6 and 7; Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection 1838-59, Cambridge, 1981; Nicholaas Rupke, Richard Owen: Victorian Naturalist, New Haven, 1994.
71. Anne Secord, 'Corresponding interests: artisans and gentlemen in nineteenth-century natural history', BJHS (1994), 27, 383-408.
72. For example, Jane Camerini has pointed out how integrated Wallace was into the world of collecting and exploration and how dependent this world was - and therefore Wallace himself - on both the structures and conventions of European colonization and the market for natural-history specimens back in London. Without access to this world Wallace's ambitions as a naturalist would never have been realized. See Jane R. Camerini, 'Wallace in the field', Osiris (1996), 2, 44-65.
73. The New Moral World raided other publications for articles on science. The latest geological discoveries, systematic botany, the theory of electricity and extracts from Taylor's 'Key to the knowledge of nature' are among lectures they reprinted from 1836 to 1840. It published regular scientific 'notes' and some full-scale lectures on science. In 1840 it printed 'A Linnean system of botany' on one sheet for the convenience of the 'Mutual improvement classes held in our various institutions', 4 July 1840, 14.
74. Robert Owen, 'Essay first', in A New View of Society, 1813 Pamphlet, British Library.
75. New Moral World, 1835, Volume 2, subtitle.
76. Though there are nineteenth-century socialists, such as Kropotkin, who believed in inheritance of acquired characteristics, no such formulations can be found in Owen's theory of education. Early nineteenth-century socialists were deeply suspicious of theories of inherited behaviour or instincts implanted by heredity and so were many liberals. They saw it as an 'intuitionist' defence of the idea that there were 'essentials' of human nature and behaviour which could not be reached by social change. Here again Herbert Spencer is an exception among nineteenth-century liberals in trying to demonstrate that Lamarckianism could, just as Malthusianism, be reinterpreted to show the inevitability of progress. However, even though Wallace praised aspects of Spencer's thought in the 1860s, he never accepted this particular Spencerianism. In this he remained faithful to Owen.
77. For debates on instinct in human psychology after Darwin see Robert J. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behaviour, Chicago, 1987. Robert Boakes, from Darwin to Behaviourism Psychology and the Minds of Animals, Cambridge, 1984, 23-52 discusses the various approaches made to the study of animal instinct after Darwin. There was a strong focus on the relationship between heredity, selection and instinct but the exact relationship between the role of instinctual behaviour and intelligence and imitation remained hotly contested.
78. For debates on instinct in human psychology after Darwin see Robert J. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behaviour, Chicago, 1987. Robert Boakes, from Darwin to Behaviourism Psychology and the Minds of Animals, Cambridge, 1984, 23-52 discusses the various approaches made to the study of animal instinct after Darwin. There was a strong focus on the relationship between heredity, selection and instinct but the exact relationship between the role of instinctual behaviour and intelligence and imitation remained hotly contested.
79. Linnean Society Archives, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9. Ms. no. 180, para. 167.
80. Natural History Museum, 4 xerox copies of two original notebooks. 89 d. W Insecta. May 1861 (original italics).
81. A. R. Wallace, 'Perception and instinct in the lower animals', Nature (1873), 8, 65.
82. Linnean Society Archives, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9, Ms. no. 180, paras. 171-2
83. A. R. Wallace, Review of J. J. Murphy, 'Habit and intelligence', Nature (1879), 19, 477-80.
84. A. R. Wallace, 'Reason versus instinct, a review of Charles William Purnell, The Intelligence of Animals', Nature (1893), 48, 73.
85. Linnean Society Archives, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9, Ms. no. 180, para. 167.
86. Linnean Society Archives, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9, Ms. no. 180, para. 167.
87. Barbara Bedall 'Wallace's annotated copy of Darwin's Origin of Species', Journal of the History of Biology (1988), 21, 265-89.
88. Linnean Society, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9, Ms. no. 180, para. 53.
89. 'On the civil laws and religious dogmas of society in different states of organisation', extract of a lecture delivered at Stockport by Hugh Doherty, 28 July 1840, published in the New Moral World, 15 August 1840, 99.
90. Gavin de Beer, Evolution by Natural Selection by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace (contains reproductions of the original 1858 papers) published by the XV International Congress of Zoology and the Linnean Society of London at the University Press, 1958, 274. Original italics.
91. These took place on Chat Moss in Lancashire and Pant Glas in Merioneth. See Edward Royle, op. cit. (31),
92. Royle points to a revival of land schemes influenced by Owenism during the Chartist agitation of the mid-1840s.
93. In 1900 Wallace wrote glowingly about Ralahine, the community set up in 1831 by J. S. Vandeleur, an Irish landlord under the influence of the socialist William Thompson, in Studies Scientific and Social, 2 vols., London, 1900, i.
94. British Library, Wallace Manuscripts 46440, 163. This contains a prospectus for the Freeland Colony with Wallace's name as vice-president. It was to be situated near Mount Kenia [sic] where its foundation was to be preceded by a team of scientific investigators who would report back to its sponsors about climate and resources.
95. Socialist colonies were not intended for far-off places isolated from conventional society unless driven by necessity, such as lack of available land or political persecution. Many socialists believed in the early part of the nineteenth century that 'the end was nigh' for capitalism - a belief which often merged with religious millenarianism. The result of this belief was a number of spontaneous migrations out of major urban areas to nearby available land in the late 1830s at a time of social tension when the 'collapse' was anticipated. See Noel Thompson, The People's Science: The Popular Political Economy of Exploitation and Crisis, Cambridge, 1984; and E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London, 1963.
96. Socialist colonies were not intended for far-off places isolated from conventional society unless driven by necessity, such as lack of available land or political persecution. Many socialists believed in the early part of the nineteenth century that 'the end was nigh' for capitalism - a belief which often merged with religious millenarianism. The result of this belief was a number of spontaneous migrations out of major urban areas to nearby available land in the late 1830s at a time of social tension when the 'collapse' was anticipated. See Noel Thompson, The People's Science: The Popular Political Economy of Exploitation and Crisis, Cambridge, 1984; and E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London, 1963.
97. Linnean Society, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-9, Ms. no. 180, para. 66.
98. Linnean Society, Wallace Notebooks, 1855-8, Ms. no. 180, paras. 116-17 (my italics).
99. American Philosophical Society Archives, BD25 L. Wallace to Lyell, 13 November 1867.
100. A. R. Wallace, Natural Selection and Tropical Nature, London, 1891, 178.
101. For Malthus see Patricia James, Population Malthus: His Life and Times, London, 1979; and Brian Dolan (ed.), Malthus, Medicine and Morality:'Malthusiamsm' After 1798, Amsterdam, 2000. As Young ('Malthus and the evolutionists', op. cit. (1), 1969) and Desmond and Moore (op. cit. (32)) point out, Malthusian ideas were ubiquitous in the early nineteenth century.
102. For Malthus see Patricia James, Population Malthus: His Life and Times, London, 1979; and Brian Dolan (ed.), Malthus, Medicine and Morality:'Malthusiamsm' After 1798, Amsterdam, 2000. As Young ('Malthus and the evolutionists', op. cit. (1), 1969) and Desmond and Moore (op. cit. (32)) point out, Malthusian ideas were ubiquitous in the early nineteenth century.
103. For Malthus see Patricia James, Population Malthus: His Life and Times, London, 1979; and Brian Dolan (ed.), Malthus, Medicine and Morality:'Malthusiamsm' After 1798, Amsterdam, 2000. As Young ('Malthus and the evolutionists', op. cit. (1), 1969) and Desmond and Moore (op. cit. (32)) point out, Malthusian ideas were ubiquitous in the early nineteenth century.
104. For Malthus see Patricia James, Population Malthus: His Life and Times, London, 1979; and Brian Dolan (ed.), Malthus, Medicine and Morality:'Malthusiamsm' After 1798, Amsterdam, 2000. As Young ('Malthus and the evolutionists', op. cit. (1), 1969) and Desmond and Moore (op. cit. (32)) point out, Malthusian ideas were ubiquitous in the early nineteenth century.
105. Wallace, op. cit. (i), 232. At the centenary celebrations of the Darwin-Wallace correspondence in 1908, he attributed a similar role to the Essay on Population in the development of his thought as Darwin himself: While thinking (as I had thought for years) over the possible causes of the change of species, the action of these 'positive checks' to increase as Malthus termed them, suddenly occurred to me. I then saw that war, plunder and massacres among men were represented by the attacks of carnivora on herbivora, and of the stronger upon the weaker among animals. Famine, droughts, floods and winter's storms would have an even greater effect upon animals than on men: while as the former possessed powers of increase from twice to a thousand-fold greater than the latter, the ever present annual destruction must also be many times greater. Quoted in de Beer, op. cit. (51), 7-8.
106. Wallace, op. cit. (i), 232. At the centenary celebrations of the Darwin-Wallace correspondence in 1908, he attributed a similar role to the Essay on Population in the development of his thought as Darwin himself: While thinking (as I had thought for years) over the possible causes of the change of species, the action of these 'positive checks' to increase as Malthus termed them, suddenly occurred to me. I then saw that war, plunder and massacres among men were represented by the attacks of carnivora on herbivora, and of the stronger upon the weaker among animals. Famine, droughts, floods and winter's storms would have an even greater effect upon animals than on men: while as the former possessed powers of increase from twice to a thousand-fold greater than the latter, the ever present annual destruction must also be many times greater. Quoted in de Beer, op. cit. (51), 7-8.
107. See Nature (1895), 52, 415. 'How Wallace was led to the discovery of natural selection', a letter from A. B. Meyer referring to a previous letter sent to him in 1869 by Wallace.
108. Wallace carried with him to the Malay Archipelago Darwin's Journal of Researches, which contains an account of Malthus's theory. See Janet Browne, The Secular Ark, New Haven, 1983 and see also C. Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle Under the Command of Captain Fitzroy R.N. from 1832-6, London, 1839. (This is popularly known as The Voyage of the Beagle.)
109. Wallace carried with him to the Malay Archipelago Darwin's Journal of Researches, which contains an account of Malthus's theory. See Janet Browne, The Secular Ark, New Haven, 1983 and see also C. Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle Under the Command of Captain Fitzroy R.N. from 1832-6, London, 1839. (This is popularly known as The Voyage of the Beagle.)
110. Wallace carried with him to the Malay Archipelago Darwin's Journal of Researches, which contains an account of Malthus's theory. See Janet Browne, The Secular Ark, New Haven, 1983 and see also C. Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle Under the Command of Captain Fitzroy R.N. from 1832-6, London, 1839. (This is popularly known as The Voyage of the Beagle.)
111. T. R. Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (first essay, 1798, reprinted with notes by James Bonar), London, 1966, 95.
112. A Report of the British and Foreign Philanthropic Society on Mr Owen's Plan for the Relief of Ireland and of the Poor and Working Classes generally in Other Countries, Dublin, 1823.
113. Socialists attributed the clauses on separation of married couples in the workhouse and the abolition of outdoor relief to the influence of Malthus's theory. See Nicholas C. Edsall, The Anti-Poor Law Movement, Manchester, 1971.
114. New Moral World, 29 April 1837, 213.
115. 'Population, subsistence and political economists', New Moral World, 5 October 1839, Volume 6, 793 (original italics).
116. British Library, Wallace Manuscripts, 46434 p. 310, Wallace to Darwin, 9 July 1881.
117. This point has been made by Ted Benton in 'Science, ideology and culture. Malthus and the origin of species', in Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species: New Interdisciplinary Essays (ed. D. Amigoni and J. Wallace), Manchester, 1995, 68-94.
118. Herbert Spencer, 'A theory of population deduced from the general law of animal fertility', Westminster Review, New Series (1852), 57, 468-501.
119. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 259.
120. It appears again fifty years later in an aphorism of T. H. Huxley: So long as unlimited multiplication goes on, no social organisation which has ever been devised, or is likely to be devised, no fiddle-faddling with the distribution of wealth, will deliver society from the tendency to be destroyed by the production within itself, in its intensest form, of that 'struggle for existence' the limitation of which is the object of society. Huxley, 'The struggle for existence: a programme', Nineteenth Century (1888), 23, 169.
121. Extracts from Godwin on population in New Moral World, 20 May 1837, Volume 3.
122. Malthus, op. cit. (64), 101-2.
123. Malthus, op. cit. (64), 107-8.
124. A. R. Wallace, A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon, London, 1853, 376.
125. Robert Owen, Explanation of the Cause of the Distress which Pervades the Civilised Parts of the World, London, 1823. Here Owen refers to the multiplication of wants induced by industry.
126. Wallace, op. cit. (25), 91-2 (my italics).
127. William Godwin, Of Population. An Inquiry Concerning the Power of Increase in the Numbers of Mankind Being an Answer to Mr Malthus's Essay on that Subject, London, 1820, reprinted by Augustus M. Kelley, New York, 1964, 210-12.
128. Godwin, op. cit. (80), 466 (my italics).
129. See A. R. Wallace, 'Human selection', Fortnightly Review (1890), 48, 325-37.
130. Godwin, Political Justice, 2nd edn., 2 vols., London, 1796, ii, 520.
131. Simon Ryan makes this point about geographical exploration in the nineteenth century. What appeared to cartographers to be blank spaces which they sought to fill in were not so. They were rendered blank by the assumptions and concepts about what constituted civilization they brought to the task. Equally, what were 'empty and uncultivated lands' to Wallace were rendered so by his underlying conceptual framework - Owenite, Malthusian and Euro-centric. See Simon Ryan, The Cartographic Eye: How Explorers Saw Australia, Cambridge, 1996. Nonetheless there was also an 'oddness' about Wallace's conclusions on the savage mind and morals, which reflected his distance from the social and political assumptions of other cartographers.
132. Anon. (attributed to Owen in the British Library catalogue), Mr Owen's Proposed Arrangements for the Distressed Working Classes, Shown to be Consistent with Sound Principles of Political Economy in Three letters to David Ricardo, London, 1819, 13.
133. Anon., op. cit. (85), 20-1.
134. Wallace always included in his discussion of socialism economic facts and figures, discussions of trade, trade cycles, import and export, banking and rent. See A. R. Wallace, 'The depression of trade, its causes and remedies', in The Claims of Labour (ed. John Burnett et al.), Edinburgh, 1886, 112-54.
135. Wallace, op. cit. (77), 172. As John Langdon Brooks has argued, Wallace saw the 'misery' of savage life and the impact of famine, disease and war. See John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin: Alfred Russel Wallace's Theory of Evolution, op. cit. (2), 186-9.
136. Wallace, op. cit. (77), 172. As John Langdon Brooks has argued, Wallace saw the 'misery' of savage life and the impact of famine, disease and war. See John Langdon Brooks, Just Before the Origin: Alfred Russel Wallace's Theory of Evolution, op. cit. (2), 186-9.
137. Wallace, op. cit. (25), 596.
138. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 259.
139. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 261.
140. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 271.
141. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 269.
142. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 270.
143. De Beer, op. cit. (51), 270-1.
144. A. R. Wallace, Island Life, London, 1880, 55-6.
145. Wallace, op. cit. (96), 274.
146. Ted Benton, 'Darwin as a reluctant revolutionary: against reductionism in the history of science', Roundtable on Darwin in Journal of Victorian Culture (1998), 3, 137-47, 139.
147. Malthus's theory does not, in Kohn's words describing its impact on Darwin, disturb the 'harmony' and 'balance' of nature for Wallace. Wallace was already educated to see a dissonance between wants and the environment. See David Kohn, 'Theories to work by: rejected theories, reproduction, and Darwin's path to natural selection', Studies in the History of Biology (1980), 4, 67-170, 144-5.
148. Wallace, op. cit. (25), 210 (original italics).
149. Wallace, op. cit. (59).
150. I mean educated in the broadest sense. Darwin acquired a conventional grounding in natural theology by studying Paley at Cambridge but both Darwin and Wallace must have heard it second hand in sermons and in texts of natural history. Wallace, born an Agelican, attended Quaker and Unitarian chapels in his childhood. Refutations of natural theology were also produced by Owenites in the New Moral World. A similar point can be made about political economy. Darwin read Malthus 'for pleasure' but it was likely he heard it discussed in the social circles of educated middle-class family in the early nineteenth century and anti-Malthus speeches were a staple subject for socialist platforms and press in the late 1830s.
151. Darwin says, 'Lighten any check in the least degree and the geometrical powers of increase in every organism will almost instantly increase the average number of favoured species', quoted in de Beer, op. cit. (51), 260. He is, however, more inclined to force attention towards the constant increase of numbers and less towards what it means to lighten a check. For both an increase or rather a tendency to increase in population is an effective mechanism for stimulating change - the Darwinian reading - but Darwin accepts that because species can survive in ecological niches for long periods of time largely unchanged, the pressure of population is, itself, variable and may itself be a response to environment changes - the Wallace reading.
152. See Greta Jones, 'The social history of Darwin's Descent of Man', Economy and Society (1978), 7, 1-23.
153. See Jones, op. cit. (22), 35-53.