A life in politics: Leonardo Bruni's Cicero

Journal of the History of Ideas

Volumn 61, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 39-57

  Ianziti, Gary ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0041110553     PISSN: 00225037     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3654041     Document Type: Article

References (173)

1. Bruni's Vita Ciceronis is now available in Leonardo Bruni, Opere letterarie e politiche, ed. Paolo Viti (Turin, 1996), 411-99. For the date of completion, 18 October 1415, see Viti's introduction, 413.
2. Bruni announced the completion of the first book of the Historiarum florentini populi libri XII in a letter to Poggio Bracciolini, 2 January 1416: Francesco Paolo Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. Lucia Gualdo Rosa (Rome, 1980), 83.
3. Bruni announced the completion of the first book of the Historiarum florentini populi libri XII in a letter to Poggio Bracciolini, 2 January 1416: Francesco Paolo Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. Lucia Gualdo Rosa (Rome, 1980), 83.
4. For this view of Bruni the historian see Riccardo Fubini, "La rivendicazione di Firenze della sovranità statale e il contributo delle 'Historiae' di Leonardo Bruni," in Leonardo Bruni, cancelliere della Repubblica di Firenze, ed. Paolo Viti (Florence, 1990), 29-62.
5. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
6. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
7. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
8. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
9. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
10. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
11. Petrarch's De viris illustribus established the genre: see Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces to the De viris illustribus" History and Theory, 13 (1974), 132-44; Eckhard Kessler, Petrarca und die Geschichte (Munich, 1978): and Guido Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, ed. Michele Feo and Silvia Rizzo (Padua, 1983). Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci and Vittorio Zaccaria (Milan, 1983: Tulle le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, IX) is inspired by Petrarch's example. For the advantages of the term "life-writing," see Thomas F. Mayer and D. R. Woolf (eds.), The Rhetorics of Life-Writing in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1995), 26.
12. 2), 367-78.
13. 2), 367-78.
14. 2), 367-78.
15. 2), 367-78.
16. 2), 367-78.
17. 2), 367-78.
18. James Hankins, Repertorium Brunianum: A Critical Guide to the Writings of Leonardo Bruni (Rome, 1997), 255.
19. Roberto Weiss, "Iacopo Angeli da Scarperia (c. 1360-1410/11)," in his Medieval and Humanistic Greek (Padua, 1977), 255-77.
20. Gianvito Resta, Le epitomi di Plutarco nel Quattrocento (Padua, 1962), 12.
21. Vito R. Giustiniani, "Sulle traduzioni latine delle 'vite' di Plutarco nel Quattrocento," Rinascimento, n.s. 1 (1961), 3-62, esp. 38-39, 44-45.
22. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
23. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
24. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
25. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
26. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
27. It did not appear, however, under Angeli's name. Credit for the translation was given instead to the Bolognese humanist Achille Bocchi (1488-1562), called Phileros, on whom see Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (9 vols.; Bologna, 1781-1794), II, 217-32; IX, 61-63; and more recently Antonio Rotondo in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome, 1969), XI, 67-70; also Elizabeth See Watson, Achille Bocchi and the Emblem Book as Symbolic Form (Cambridge, 1993). Like Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 549, both Rotondo and Watson credit Bocchi with the translation of Plutarch's Cicero. In fact Bocchi had pirated Angeli's translation, publishing it in Bologna in 1508. By not mentioning the name of the real translator, Bocchi created the impression (without actually saying so) that he himself had translated Plutarch's work: see Ludwig Bertalot, "Zur Bibliographie der Übersetzungen des Leonardus Brunus Aretinus," in his Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (2 vols.: Rome, 1975), II, 265-303, esp. 288-93.
28. Humanistisch-Philosophische Schriften, 113-20, corresponding to Viti's edition, 416-19 and 468-83, i.e., slightly over 20% of the entire work.
29. Ibid., 114.
30. See "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library;, 22 (1938), 72-97, now revised in Baron's collected essays, In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism (2 vols.; Princeton, 1988), I, 94-133. It is worth noting that the discussion of Bruni's Vita Ciceronix takes up less than two pages in each version (90-91 and 121-22, respectively). Baron's real concern lay in tracing the revival of active citizenship, as reflected in the changing interpretations of Cicero: see "The Course of My Studies in Florentine Humanism," ibid., II, 182-93, esp. 185, as well as earlier statements, I, 20-21.
31. See "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library;, 22 (1938), 72-97, now revised in Baron's collected essays, In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism (2 vols.; Princeton, 1988), I, 94-133. It is worth noting that the discussion of Bruni's Vita Ciceronix takes up less than two pages in each version (90-91 and 121-22, respectively). Baron's real concern lay in tracing the revival of active citizenship, as reflected in the changing interpretations of Cicero: see "The Course of My Studies in Florentine Humanism," ibid., II, 182-93, esp. 185, as well as earlier statements, I, 20-21.
32. See "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library;, 22 (1938), 72-97, now revised in Baron's collected essays, In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism (2 vols.; Princeton, 1988), I, 94-133. It is worth noting that the discussion of Bruni's Vita Ciceronix takes up less than two pages in each version (90-91 and 121-22, respectively). Baron's real concern lay in tracing the revival of active citizenship, as reflected in the changing interpretations of Cicero: see "The Course of My Studies in Florentine Humanism," ibid., II, 182-93, esp. 185, as well as earlier statements, I, 20-21.
33. See "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library;, 22 (1938), 72-97, now revised in Baron's collected essays, In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism (2 vols.; Princeton, 1988), I, 94-133. It is worth noting that the discussion of Bruni's Vita Ciceronix takes up less than two pages in each version (90-91 and 121-22, respectively). Baron's real concern lay in tracing the revival of active citizenship, as reflected in the changing interpretations of Cicero: see "The Course of My Studies in Florentine Humanism," ibid., II, 182-93, esp. 185, as well as earlier statements, I, 20-21.
34. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 462, carries Caesar's letter to Cicero, Ad Atticum, X, 8b, in which Caesar urges Cicero to remain neutral ( "... quid viro bono et quieto et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis?"). He also alludes, 464, to letters by Caelius Rufus (Ad Familiares, VIII, 16) and Dolabella (Ad Familiares, IX, 9) urging the same counsel. That Bruni regarded neutrality as the best course to follow is clear from his ensuing comment: "... et si ab eventu res iudicande sunt. hec potiora consilia fuerunt, quod Ciceronis prudentiam nequaquam fallebat."
35. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 462, carries Caesar's letter to Cicero, Ad Atticum, X, 8b, in which Caesar urges Cicero to remain neutral ( "... quid viro bono et quieto et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis?"). He also alludes, 464, to letters by Caelius Rufus (Ad Familiares, VIII, 16) and Dolabella (Ad Familiares, IX, 9) urging the same counsel. That Bruni regarded neutrality as the best course to follow is clear from his ensuing comment: "... et si ab eventu res iudicande sunt. hec potiora consilia fuerunt, quod Ciceronis prudentiam nequaquam fallebat."
36. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 462, carries Caesar's letter to Cicero, Ad Atticum, X, 8b, in which Caesar urges Cicero to remain neutral ( "... quid viro bono et quieto et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis?"). He also alludes, 464, to letters by Caelius Rufus (Ad Familiares, VIII, 16) and Dolabella (Ad Familiares, IX, 9) urging the same counsel. That Bruni regarded neutrality as the best course to follow is clear from his ensuing comment: "... et si ab eventu res iudicande sunt. hec potiora consilia fuerunt, quod Ciceronis prudentiam nequaquam fallebat."
37. Bruni presents Cicero as imprudently giving way to external pressures, "... ut non modo Cesaris amicitie verum etiam tuto otio bellum periculosum desperatumque preferret."
38. Plutarch, Cicero, XXXVIII, 1.
39. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 466. Bruni's irony here is all his own: cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, XXXIX, 1-2.
40. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 466. Bruni's irony here is all his own: cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, XXXIX, 1-2.
41. For Salutati's defense of Cicero's decision to participate in the civil wars, see his letter to Pellegrino Zambeccari, 1392-94, in Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, ed. Francesco Novati (4 vols.: Rome, 1891-1911), III, 25.
42. Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Leonardo Smith (Rome, 1934), 439-40, letter dated 1 August 1394, in which Cicero is made to defend himself against Petrarch.
43. Petrarch famously disapproved of Cicero's participation in the civil wars: Familiarum rerum libri, XXIV, 3 and 4, in Francesco Petrarca, Opere (Florence, 1975), I, 1250-55.
44. Petrarch famously disapproved of Cicero's participation in the civil wars: Familiarum rerum libri, XXIV, 3 and 4, in Francesco Petrarca, Opere (Florence, 1975), I, 1250-55.
45. "The Beginnings of Italian Humanist Historiography: The 'New Cicero' of Leonardo Bruni," English Historical Review, 95 (1980), 533-52, also in the same author's Humanism and Renaissance Historiography (London, 1983), 33-53. My page references will be to the second.
46. "The Beginnings of Italian Humanist Historiography: The 'New Cicero' of Leonardo Bruni," English Historical Review, 95 (1980), 533-52, also in the same author's Humanism and Renaissance Historiography (London, 1983), 33-53. My page references will be to the second.
47. Ibid., 50-51.
48. See the first chapter of Humanism and Renaissance Historiographs, "The Revival of a 'Scientific' and Erudite Historiography in the Earlier Renaissance," 3-31.
49. Ibid., 47: "Fairly consistently he seems to have preferred primary documents to narrative sources."
50. 2), 321-43. Ullman's essay is in fact largely dependent on an earlier study by Emilio Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII,'" Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 22 (1910), 3-173.
51. 2), 321-43. Ullman's essay is in fact largely dependent on an earlier study by Emilio Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII,'" Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 22 (1910), 3-173.
52. 2), 321-43. Ullman's essay is in fact largely dependent on an earlier study by Emilio Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII,'" Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 22 (1910), 3-173.
53. 2), 321-43. Ullman's essay is in fact largely dependent on an earlier study by Emilio Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII,'" Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 22 (1910), 3-173.
54. 2), 321-43. Ullman's essay is in fact largely dependent on an earlier study by Emilio Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII,'" Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 22 (1910), 3-173.
55. See Anna Maria Cabrini, "Le 'Historiae" del Bruni: Risultati ed ipotesi di una ricerca sulle fonti," in Leonardo Bruni, cancelliere, 247-319.
56. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 418.
57. Plutarch, Cicero, I, 1. A recent commentator on the text has noted that "... low birth was a common insult in Roman politics...: as fullers cleaned cloth and clothes in urine they were thought to be particularly low...": see Plutarch, The Life of Cicero, intro., tr., and commentary by J.L. Moles (Warminster, 1988), 147. Plutarch's incipit would have been especially vivid in Florence, where the cloth trade was omnipresent: cfr. the Plutarchan passage in the Angeli translation of 1401, as printed in Plutarch, Graecorum Romanorumque illustrium vitae, ed. Hieronymus Gemusaeus (Basle, 1542), 319'.
58. Plutarch, Cicero, I, 1. A recent commentator on the text has noted that "... low birth was a common insult in Roman politics...: as fullers cleaned cloth and clothes in urine they were thought to be particularly low...": see Plutarch, The Life of Cicero, intro., tr., and commentary by J.L. Moles (Warminster, 1988), 147. Plutarch's incipit would have been especially vivid in Florence, where the cloth trade was omnipresent: cfr. the Plutarchan passage in the Angeli translation of 1401, as printed in Plutarch, Graecorum Romanorumque illustrium vitae, ed. Hieronymus Gemusaeus (Basle, 1542), 319'.
59. Plutarch, Cicero, I, 1. A recent commentator on the text has noted that "... low birth was a common insult in Roman politics...: as fullers cleaned cloth and clothes in urine they were thought to be particularly low...": see Plutarch, The Life of Cicero, intro., tr., and commentary by J.L. Moles (Warminster, 1988), 147. Plutarch's incipit would have been especially vivid in Florence, where the cloth trade was omnipresent: cfr. the Plutarchan passage in the Angeli translation of 1401, as printed in Plutarch, Graecorum Romanorumque illustrium vitae, ed. Hieronymus Gemusaeus (Basle, 1542), 319'.
60. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 418: "Est autem nihil a nobis temere in historia positum, sed ita ut de singulis rationem reddere et certa probatione asserere valeamus."
61. Bruni, Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. Lorenzo Mehus (2 vols.; Florence, 1741), I, 115-17 (Ep. IV, 7). Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario, 86, dates the letter in November or December 1416.
62. Bruni, Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. Lorenzo Mehus (2 vols.; Florence, 1741), I, 115-17 (Ep. IV, 7). Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario, 86, dates the letter in November or December 1416.
63. Die Chronik des Hieronymus, ed. Rudolf Helm (Berlin, 1984), 148; the story is repeated by others, including Boccaccio, De casibus virorum illustrium, 534.
64. Die Chronik des Hieronymus, ed. Rudolf Helm (Berlin, 1984), 148; the story is repeated by others, including Boccaccio, De casibus virorum illustrium, 534.
65. Fryde, 44.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
68. Cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, III, 2-4; Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 420.
69. Cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, III, 2-4; Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 420.
70. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 420-22, on which see Fryde, 44-45: "Very reasonably, Bruni justifies his preference for the authority of Nepos, a contemporary and friend of Cicero."
71. Noctes atticae, XV, 28. Gellius also notes that Nepos must have deliberately altered the data "ut M. Cicero orationem florentem dixisse pro Roscio admodum adulescens videretur."
72. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 422: "Ego Cornelio Nepoti, utpote coetaneo et in primis familiari et cum diligentia hominem observanti. magis crediderim."
73. Bruni's alteration of the circumstances of composition is clear from the very first sentence, Vita Ciceronis, 416: "Otioso mihi nuper ac lectitare aliquid cupienti oblatus est libellus quidam ex Plutarcho traductus, in quo Ciceronis vita contineri dicebatur." But his concern with Cicero's biography was neither casual nor recent. He alludes to it as early as September 1412, in another letter to Niccoli: see Bruni. Epistolamm lihri. I. 96-97 (Ep. III. 19), and Luiso. Studi su I'epistolario, 78, 195.
74. Bruni's alteration of the circumstances of composition is clear from the very first sentence, Vita Ciceronis, 416: "Otioso mihi nuper ac lectitare aliquid cupienti oblatus est libellus quidam ex Plutarcho traductus, in quo Ciceronis vita contineri dicebatur." But his concern with Cicero's biography was neither casual nor recent. He alludes to it as early as September 1412, in another letter to Niccoli: see Bruni. Epistolamm lihri. I. 96-97 (Ep. III. 19), and Luiso. Studi su I'epistolario, 78, 195.
75. Bruni's alteration of the circumstances of composition is clear from the very first sentence, Vita Ciceronis, 416: "Otioso mihi nuper ac lectitare aliquid cupienti oblatus est libellus quidam ex Plutarcho traductus, in quo Ciceronis vita contineri dicebatur." But his concern with Cicero's biography was neither casual nor recent. He alludes to it as early as September 1412, in another letter to Niccoli: see Bruni. Epistolamm lihri. I. 96-97 (Ep. III. 19), and Luiso. Studi su I'epistolario, 78, 195.
76. For an example of Bruni correcting Angeli's Greek, see G. W. Pigman III, "Barzizza's Studies of Cicero," Rinascimento, 21 (1981 ), 140. Pigman publishes here Gasparino Barzizza's own Vita Ciceronis. showing the extent to which it both differs from and depends on Bruni's.
77. For an example of Bruni correcting Angeli's Greek, see G. W. Pigman III, "Barzizza's Studies of Cicero," Rinascimento, 21 (1981 ), 140. Pigman publishes here Gasparino Barzizza's own Vita Ciceronis. showing the extent to which it both differs from and depends on Bruni's.
78. Vita Ciceronis, 416.
79. Ibid. : "Huic ergo deformitati latine lingue pro virili mea succurrere aggressus. confestim greco volumine requisite traductionem ex integro incohavi." The translation is that of Gordon Griffiths, in The Humanism of Leonardo Bruni, tr. and intro. by Gordon Griffiths, James Hankins. and David Thompson (Binghamton. N.Y.. 1987), 185. Besides the preface. 184-85. Griffiths offers translations of two brief selections from the body of the work, 185-88.
80. Ibid. : "Huic ergo deformitati latine lingue pro virili mea succurrere aggressus. confestim greco volumine requisite traductionem ex integro incohavi." The translation is that of Gordon Griffiths, in The Humanism of Leonardo Bruni, tr. and intro. by Gordon Griffiths, James Hankins. and David Thompson (Binghamton. N.Y.. 1987), 185. Besides the preface. 184-85. Griffiths offers translations of two brief selections from the body of the work, 185-88.
81. Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario, 80, on Ep. IV, 1 (Rome, 26 December 1412) to Niccolo Niccoli, where the translation of the Demosthenes is mentioned as completed.
82. Luiso, Studi su l'epistolario, 80, on Ep. IV, 1 (Rome, 26 December 1412) to Niccolo Niccoli, where the translation of the Demosthenes is mentioned as completed.
83. For Bruni's early friendship and then rivalry with Angeli, as well as for an evaluation of the latter's skills as a Hellenist and humanist, see Weiss, "Iacopo Angeli," 255-77.
84. For Salutati's rewriting, in 1394, of a late Trecento translation of Plutarch's Di? cohibenda ira, see Giuseppe Di Stefano, La découverte de Plutarque en occident (Turin, 1968), 40ff, with the relative texts at 91-129 and 132-71. Salutati knew no Greek at all at this stage, and his rewriting should be classified as just that: as an amplification of an earlier translation. Of a quite different order is Guarino's reworking of Angeli's translation of Plutarch's Brutus, on which see now Marianne Pade, "Revisions of Translations, Corrections and Criticisms: Some Examples fom the fifteenth-century Latin Translations of Plutarch's "Lives," " in Méthodologie de la traduction: de l'antiquité à la Renaissance, ed. Charles Marie Ternes and Monique Mund-Dopchie (Luxembourg, 1994), 177-98, esp. 187-89. While correcting Angeli's Greek, Guarino left untouched "the basic sentence structures of Angeli's work." This did not prevent later editors from crediting Guarino with the translation.
85. For Salutati's rewriting, in 1394, of a late Trecento translation of Plutarch's De cohibenda ira, see Giuseppe Di Stefano, La découverte de Plutarque en occident (Turin, 1968), 40ff, with the relative texts at 91-129 and 132-71. Salutati knew no Greek at all at this stage, and his rewriting should be classified as just that: as an amplification of an earlier translation. Of a quite different order is Guarino's reworking of Angeli's translation of Plutarch's Brutus, on which see now Marianne Pade, "Revisions of Translations, Corrections and Criticisms: Some Examples fom the fifteenth-century Latin Translations of Plutarch's "Lives," " in Méthodologie de la traduction: de l'antiquité à la Renaissance, ed. Charles Marie Ternes and Monique Mund-Dopchie (Luxembourg, 1994), 177-98, esp. 187-89. While correcting Angeli's Greek, Guarino left untouched "the basic sentence structures of Angeli's work." This did not prevent later editors from crediting Guarino with the translation.
86. For Salutati's rewriting, in 1394, of a late Trecento translation of Plutarch's De cohibenda ira, see Giuseppe Di Stefano, La découverte de Plutarque en occident (Turin, 1968), 40ff, with the relative texts at 91-129 and 132-71. Salutati knew no Greek at all at this stage, and his rewriting should be classified as just that: as an amplification of an earlier translation. Of a quite different order is Guarino's reworking of Angeli's translation of Plutarch's Brutus, on which see now Marianne Pade, "Revisions of Translations, Corrections and Criticisms: Some Examples fom the fifteenth-century Latin Translations of Plutarch's "Lives," " in Méthodologie de la traduction: de l'antiquité à la Renaissance, ed. Charles Marie Ternes and Monique Mund-Dopchie (Luxembourg, 1994), 177-98, esp. 187-89. While correcting Angeli's Greek, Guarino left untouched "the basic sentence structures of Angeli's work." This did not prevent later editors from crediting Guarino with the translation.
87. For Salutati's rewriting, in 1394, of a late Trecento translation of Plutarch's De cohibenda ira, see Giuseppe Di Stefano, La découverte de Plutarque en occident (Turin, 1968), 40ff, with the relative texts at 91-129 and 132-71. Salutati knew no Greek at all at this stage, and his rewriting should be classified as just that: as an amplification of an earlier translation. Of a quite different order is Guarino's reworking of Angeli's translation of Plutarch's Brutus, on which see now Marianne Pade, "Revisions of Translations, Corrections and Criticisms: Some Examples fom the fifteenth-century Latin Translations of Plutarch's "Lives," " in Méthodologie de la traduction: de l'antiquité à la Renaissance, ed. Charles Marie Ternes and Monique Mund-Dopchie (Luxembourg, 1994), 177-98, esp. 187-89. While correcting Angeli's Greek, Guarino left untouched "the basic sentence structures of Angeli's work." This did not prevent later editors from crediting Guarino with the translation.
88. Weiss, "Iacopo Angeli," 273.
89. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 416: "Et opus sane ab initio satis luculenter procedere videbatur: mox vero ut progredior, et ob convertendi diligentiam singula queque magis considero, ne ipse quidem Plutarchus desiderium mei animi penitus adimplexit."
90. Vita Ciceronix, 418: "Nos igitur et Plutarcho et eius interpretatione omissis, ex lis que vel apud nostros vel apud Graecos de Cicerone scripta legeramus, ab alio exorsi principle vitam et mores et res gestas eius maturiore digestione et pleniore notitia, non ut interpretes sed pro nostro arbitrio voluntateque, descripsimus."
91. Ibid., 416: "Quippe multis pretermissis. que ad illustrationem summi viri maxime pertinebant...."
92. See Ronald Syme, Sallust (Berkeley, 1964), 105ff.
93. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 442, presents a more incisive Cicero who favors the death penalty. This is in line with the Fourth Catilinarian, published, however, in 60 BC. Fryde thinks that Bruni was in good faith, as "he could not know that this represented Cicero's later version, rewritten some three years after the event," 46-47. Whatever Cicero's actual behavior on the day, he clearly wanted to be remembered as having played a key role in bringing the Senate to decide on capital punishment: see Ad Atticum, XII, 21. Bruni may best be described as respecting Cicero's wishes on this point, thus countering Plutarch's acceptance of traditions antagonistic towards Cicero.
94. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 442, presents a more incisive Cicero who favors the death penalty. This is in line with the Fourth Catilinarian, published, however, in 60 BC. Fryde thinks that Bruni was in good faith, as "he could not know that this represented Cicero's later version, rewritten some three years after the event," 46-47. Whatever Cicero's actual behavior on the day, he clearly wanted to be remembered as having played a key role in bringing the Senate to decide on capital punishment: see Ad Atticum, XII, 21. Bruni may best be described as respecting Cicero's wishes on this point, thus countering Plutarch's acceptance of traditions antagonistic towards Cicero.
95. Fryde presents Bruni as using Sallust to correct Plutarch. This is far from being the case. Bruni uses Sallust extensively in his narration of the Catilinarian conspiracy but with other ends in mind. If Sallust was not quite an anti-Ciceronian, his Bellum Catilinae tended to play down Cicero's role and to deny him the status of hero: see Sallust's account of the deliberations of 5 December (Bellum Catilinae, LI-LII), where the clash of views is presented as one between Caesar and Cato, and where Cicero's opinion is not even deemed worthy of mention. Bruni's account of the Catilinarian conspiracy, framed by the theme of Cicero as pater patriae (Vita Ciceronis, 430-44), should be seen as an attempt to reestablish Cicero's place as the central figure. In this sense the thrust of Bruni's narrative goes very much against the grain of Sallust's, even while making extensive use of it.
96. Fryde presents Bruni as using Sallust to correct Plutarch. This is far from being the case. Bruni uses Sallust extensively in his narration of the Catilinarian conspiracy but with other ends in mind. If Sallust was not quite an anti-Ciceronian, his Bellum Catilinae tended to play down Cicero's role and to deny him the status of hero: see Sallust's account of the deliberations of 5 December (Bellum Catilinae, LI-LII), where the clash of views is presented as one between Caesar and Cato, and where Cicero's opinion is not even deemed worthy of mention. Bruni's account of the Catilinarian conspiracy, framed by the theme of Cicero as pater patriae (Vita Ciceronis, 430-44), should be seen as an attempt to reestablish Cicero's place as the central figure. In this sense the thrust of Bruni's narrative goes very much against the grain of Sallust's, even while making extensive use of it.
97. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 416-18: "... cetera sic narrat, ut magis ad comparationem suam, in qua Demosthenem preferre nititur, quam ad sincerum narrandi iudicium accommodari videantur."
98. J. L. Moles in his introduction to Plutarch, The Life of Cicero, 11.
99. Plutarch stresses the venality of Demosthenes as opposed to Cicero's incorruptibility: see the commentary by J. L. Moles, 157-58, and passim.
100. See the introduction to Plutarque, Vies, ed. and tr. Robert Flacelière, Émile Chambry and Marcel Juneaux (Paris, 1964), I, xix-xx.
101. See D. A. Russell, Plutarch (London, 1973).
102. Bruni's admission that Cicero occasionally went so far as to praise his own speaking abilities (Vila Ciceronis, 480: "Dixit aliquid de facultate dicendi ...") comes in response to a statement made by Plutarch in the Comparison, II, 2 : "And at last he praises not only his deeds and actions, but also his speeches, both those which he delivered himself and those which he committed to writing ..." (tr. Bernadette Perrin).
103. Bruni's admission that Cicero occasionally went so far as to praise his own speaking abilities (Vila Ciceronis, 480: "Dixit aliquid de facultate dicendi ...") comes in response to a statement made by Plutarch in the Comparison, II, 2 : "And at last he praises not only his deeds and actions, but also his speeches, both those which he delivered himself and those which he committed to writing ..." (tr. Bernadette Perrin).
104. Baron, "The Background of the Early Florentine Renaissance," first published in 1938, notes that Bruni's Cicero was written at about the same time that Donatello created his St. George: see In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism, I, 21.
105. Baron, "The Background of the Early Florentine Renaissance," first published in 1938, notes that Bruni's Cicero was written at about the same time that Donatello created his St. George: see In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism, I, 21.
106. Baron, "The Background of the Early Florentine Renaissance," first published in 1938, notes that Bruni's Cicero was written at about the same time that Donatello created his St. George: see In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism, I, 21.
107. Plutarch, Demosthenes, I-III, is in fact an introduction to the two paired lives; Bruni's translation of the Demosthenes begins with Plutarch, Demosthenes, IV: see the incipit as given by Giustiniani, "Sulle traduzioni latine," 38: "Demosthenis pater Demosthenes ut Theopompus historicus tradit in primis honestus ac probus vir fuit...." By dropping Plutarch's first three chapters Bruni showed he had no intention of presenting Demosthenes and Cicero as a pair. Fryde, 38, is thus in error when he states that Bruni planned to produce a "translation of Plutarch's parallel lives of Demosthenes and Cicero."
108. Plutarch, Demosthenes, I-III, is in fact an introduction to the two paired lives; Bruni's translation of the Demosthenes begins with Plutarch, Demosthenes, IV: see the incipit as given by Giustiniani, "Sulle traduzioni latine," 38: "Demosthenis pater Demosthenes ut Theopompus historicus tradit in primis honestus ac probus vir fuit...." By dropping Plutarch's first three chapters Bruni showed he had no intention of presenting Demosthenes and Cicero as a pair. Fryde, 38, is thus in error when he states that Bruni planned to produce a "translation of Plutarch's parallel lives of Demosthenes and Cicero."
109. Plutarch, Demosthenes, I-III, is in fact an introduction to the two paired lives; Bruni's translation of the Demosthenes begins with Plutarch, Demosthenes, IV: see the incipit as given by Giustiniani, "Sulle traduzioni latine," 38: "Demosthenis pater Demosthenes ut Theopompus historicus tradit in primis honestus ac probus vir fuit...." By dropping Plutarch's first three chapters Bruni showed he had no intention of presenting Demosthenes and Cicero as a pair. Fryde, 38, is thus in error when he states that Bruni planned to produce a "translation of Plutarch's parallel lives of Demosthenes and Cicero."
110. Plutarch, Demosthenes, I-III, is in fact an introduction to the two paired lives; Bruni's translation of the Demosthenes begins with Plutarch, Demosthenes, IV: see the incipit as given by Giustiniani, "Sulle traduzioni latine," 38: "Demosthenis pater Demosthenes ut Theopompus historicus tradit in primis honestus ac probus vir fuit...." By dropping Plutarch's first three chapters Bruni showed he had no intention of presenting Demosthenes and Cicero as a pair. Fryde, 38, is thus in error when he states that Bruni planned to produce a "translation of Plutarch's parallel lives of Demosthenes and Cicero."
111. See note 4 above. Bruni's friend Pier Paolo Vergerio was the author of biographies of the Carrara lords of Padua: Benjamin G. Kohl, Padua under the Carrara, 1318-1405 (Baltimore, 1998), xxi, 366, 433. For series and collections of biographies see Massimo Miglio, "Biografia e raccolte biografiche nel quattrocento italiano," Rendiconti dell'Accademia delle Scienze dell'Istituto di Bologna, 63 (1974-75), 166-99. Cinquecento practitioners included Paolo Giovio and Vasari: on both see T. C. Price Zimmermann, Paolo Giovio: The Historian and the Crisis of Sixteenth-century Italy (Princeton, 1995).
112. See note 4 above. Bruni's friend Pier Paolo Vergerio was the author of biographies of the Carrara lords of Padua: Benjamin G. Kohl, Padua under the Carrara, 1318-1405 (Baltimore, 1998), xxi, 366, 433. For series and collections of biographies see Massimo Miglio, "Biografia e raccolte biografiche nel quattrocento italiano," Rendiconti dell'Accademia delle Scienze dell'Istituto di Bologna, 63 (1974-75), 166-99. Cinquecento practitioners included Paolo Giovio and Vasari: on both see T. C. Price Zimmermann, Paolo Giovio: The Historian and the Crisis of Sixteenth-century Italy (Princeton, 1995).
113. See note 4 above. Bruni's friend Pier Paolo Vergerio was the author of biographies of the Carrara lords of Padua: Benjamin G. Kohl, Padua under the Carrara, 1318-1405 (Baltimore, 1998), xxi, 366, 433. For series and collections of biographies see Massimo Miglio, "Biografia e raccolte biografiche nel quattrocento italiano," Rendiconti dell'Accademia delle Scienze dell'Istituto di Bologna, 63 (1974-75), 166-99. Cinquecento practitioners included Paolo Giovio and Vasari: on both see T. C. Price Zimmermann, Paolo Giovio: The Historian and the Crisis of Sixteenth-century Italy (Princeton, 1995).
114. Vita Ciceronis, 418.
115. The most famous instance occurs in the Alexander, I, where Plutarch declares "... it is not Histories I am writing, but Lives...." See also, however, Plutarch's Cato minor, XXIV, 1, and XXXVII, 5, passages translated by Bruni in Plutarch, Graecorum romanorumque ... vitae,
116. r.
117. r.
118. Russell, Plutarch, 102.
119. D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero (London, 1971), xii.
120. Plutarch, Cicero, XXIV, 1-2; Comparison, II, 1-2.
121. Plutarch, Cicero, XXIV, 1-2; Comparison, II, 1-2.
122. Ibid., V, 4; XXV, 1; Comparison, I, 4-6.
123. Ibid., V, 4; XXV, 1; Comparison, I, 4-6.
124. Ibid., VI, 5; XLV, 1 and 5; Comparison, II, 1-2.
125. Ibid., VI, 5; XLV, 1 and 5; Comparison, II, 1-2.
126. Russell, Plutarch, 105-6, 135.
127. Plutarch, Cicero, VI.
128. Plutarch, Cicero, VI, 3, writing fora Greek audience, mentions only a stop in Campania. His source for the incident is Cicero's oration Pro Plancio, 65, where Puteoli (modern-day Pozzuoli) is explicitly named.
129. Plutarch, Cicero, VI, 3, writing fora Greek audience, mentions only a stop in Campania. His source for the incident is Cicero's oration Pro Plancio, 65, where Puteoli (modern-day Pozzuoli) is explicitly named.
130. Ibid., VI, 4-5.
131. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 426-28: "Ceterum animadvertens hoc habere populorum naturam ut praesentia quidem acriter intueantur, absentia vero non multum discernant, statuit de cetero in oculis populi romani vivere, externos autem magistratus ut minus efficaces ad gloriam obmittere." Cfr. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 66, where the "lesson" is related without Bruni's cynicism and contempt for popular opinion.
132. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 426-28: "Ceterum animadvertens hoc habere populorum naturam ut praesentia quidem acriter intueantur, absentia vero non multum discernant, statuit de cetero in oculis populi romani vivere, externos autem magistratus ut minus efficaces ad gloriam obmittere." Cfr. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 66, where the "lesson" is related without Bruni's cynicism and contempt for popular opinion.
133. One should remember that 1415 was also the year when Bruni returned to Florence to pursue a career in politics. As a "homo novus" himself and, like Cicero, a provincial by birth, Bruni understood something about the drive needed to emerge. On Bruni's career as an example of political opportunism, see Riccardo Fubini,"La rivendicazione,quot; 31-35.
134. Petrarca, Opere, 1251 (Libri familiarium rerum, XXIV, 3, 2): "Quis te falsus glorie splendor senem adolescentium bellis implicuit...?"
135. Petrarca, Opere, 1251 (Libri familiarium rerum, XXIV, 3, 2): "Quis te falsus glorie splendor senem adolescentium bellis implicuit...?"
136. Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, III, 50.
137. Cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, XLV, 1 and 5, with the corresponding passages in Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 488-92.
138. Cfr. Plutarch, Cicero, XLV, 1 and 5, with the corresponding passages in Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 488-92.
139. See Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, XI, i, 15ff., where the case of Cicero is extensively discussed.
140. Plutarch, On Praising Oneself Inoffensively (Moralia, 539-47), where the case of Cicero is mentioned twice, in more favorable terms than in the life (541-42).
141. This section covers pages 468 to 486 in the Viti edition, equal to c. 20% of the whole. It is divided into two parts: the first, 468-80, treats Cicero's literary activity; the second, 480-86, concerns domestica, i.e., Cicero's private life. The highest proportion of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis, c. 80% of the total, relates Cicero's public life in politics (418-68, 486-98). The distribution of material can be schematized as follows: 416-18, prefatory letter to Niccoli; 418-30, youth; 430-44, consulate and Catilinarian conspiracy; 444-52, fall from grace and exile; 452-68, return to Rome, civil war; 468-80, literary works; 480-86, domestica; 486-98, final period and death.
142. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 478: "Una tantum in re audientibus gravem fuisse dicunt, quod de se ac de illo consulatu suo plurimum loquebatur."
143. Ibid., 480.
144. Ibid.: "Nimis profecto insolentes fastidiosique sumus: virtutes ab hominibus ad unguem exigimus; eos de illis ipsis loqui non toleramus."
145. Ibid., "Sed non est propositi nostri causam agere, sed vitam moresque describere." The words "vita moresque" refer to the specific sub-section of the work in which Bruni concerns himself with private and literary matters. Most of the Vita Ciceronis is given over to the account of Cicero's res gestae. See note 80 above.
146. Lucia Gualdo Rosa, "Leonardo Bruni e le sue 'Vite parallele' di Dante e del Petrarca," Letters italiane, 47 (1995), 395-96.
147. Plutarch, Cicero, XLII, begins with the statement: "Such then were Cicero's domestic affairs" (trans. Perrin). This concludes a section on domestica, covered in chapters XL and XLI, where Plutarch discusses (very briefly) Cicero's contributions to literature (XL, 1-3), his divorce from Terentia and remarriage (XLI, 2-4), and the untimely death of his daughter Tullia (XLI, 5).
148. They cover pages 468-86 in the Viti edition (see above, n. 80). The section concludes with the words "Hec domestica," 486, which correspond in function to the opening remarks of Plutarch's chapter XLII (see previous note).
149. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
150. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
151. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
152. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
153. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
154. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
155. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
156. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
157. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
158. Cfr. Petrarchan biography, as represented by the De viris illustribus, where the declared intent is to provide moral exempla. See the 1351-53 preface to the De viris: Francesco Petrarca, Prose, ed. Guido Martellotti et al. (Milan-Naples, 1955), 222, as well as the final preface of 1371-74: Francesco Petrarca, De viris illustribus, ed. Guido Martellotti (Florence, 1964), 4. Both are translated, with commentary, by Benjamin G. Kohl, "Petrarch's Prefaces," 132-44. Of special interest is Petrarch's De gestis Cesaris, a late composition which grew to monographic proportions, and which Petrarch conceived as independent from the De viris. In some ways the De gestis Cesaris may be seen as a forerunner of Bruni's Vita Ciceronis: Petrarch, too, wants to restore his subject's reputation in the face of ancient blame: he makes use of Caesar's Commentaries as well as letters carefully chosen from Cicero's Ad Atticum: he adopts a Suetonian organization "per species," thus formally separating res gestae from private life. See Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 23-24, 78-79, 81, 84, 484-85, and the extract (chapter XX) published from the De gestis itself in Petrarca, Prose, ed. Martellotti, 250-67. The question of an evolution in humanist biographical writing from Petrarch to Bruni is one that requires further exploration. It should be noted, however, that according to Martellotti, Scritti petrarcheschi, 85, 485, Petrarch's concerns remain primarily moral.
159. On Bruni's eclectic use of Livy, Thucydides, and other classical models, see Riccardo Fubini, "Osservazioni sugli 'Historiarum florentini populi libri XII di Leonardo Bruni," in Studi di storia medievale e moderna per Ernesto Sestan (2 vols.: Florence, 1980), I, 403-48.
160. Plutarch, Cicero, XLV, 1, cites Cicero's "natural craving for honour" (trans. Perrin) as the main factor pushing him into an alliance with the young Octavian. The theme of Cicero's grasping for more power continues to be Plutarch's Leitmotiv in XLV, 5, and XLVI, 1-2.
161. Plutarch, Cicero, XLV, 1, cites Cicero's "natural craving for honour" (trans. Perrin) as the main factor pushing him into an alliance with the young Octavian. The theme of Cicero's grasping for more power continues to be Plutarch's Leitmotiv in XLV, 5, and XLVI, 1-2.
162. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 488: "Hic est iam Ciceronis velut optimi poete extremus actus, et certe meo iudicio omnium fortissimus atque pulcherrimus."
163. See note 90 above. Plutarch returns to these criticisms in his Comparison, IV, 3, where he repeats the accusation made by Brutus (Ad Brutum, XVII, 2-5, Brutus to Atticus, June 43 BC), i.e., that by throwing in his lot with Octavian, Cicero was in fact favoring a new form of tyranny as a vehicle of self-promotion.
164. See note 90 above. Plutarch returns to these criticisms in his Comparison, IV, 3, where he repeats the accusation made by Brutus (Ad Brutum, XVII, 2-5, Brutus to Atticus, June 43 BC), i.e., that by throwing in his lot with Octavian, Cicero was in fact favoring a new form of tyranny as a vehicle of self-promotion.
165. Fryde's account, however, 49-50, is highly condensed at this point. Nor does Viti's edition bother to list sources other than Plutarch for this section, 488-98. Among the main sources (besides Plutarch) are the following: Philippic I (488); Ad familiares XII, 23 (490) and XI, 7 (490-92): Philippics V VI, and AYK (492).
166. Fryde's account, however, 49-50, is highly condensed at this point. Nor does Viti's edition bother to list sources other than Plutarch for this section, 488-98. Among the main sources (besides Plutarch) are the following: Philippic I (488); Ad familiares XII, 23 (490) and XI, 7 (490-92): Philippics V VI, and AYK (492).
167. Fryde's account, however, 49-50, is highly condensed at this point. Nor does Viti's edition bother to list sources other than Plutarch for this section, 488-98. Among the main sources (besides Plutarch) are the following: Philippic I (488); Ad familiares XII, 23 (490) and XI, 7 (490-92): Philippics V VI, and AYK (492).
168. Fryde's account, however, 49-50, is highly condensed at this point. Nor does Viti's edition bother to list sources other than Plutarch for this section, 488-98. Among the main sources (besides Plutarch) are the following: Philippic I (488); Ad familiares XII, 23 (490) and XI, 7 (490-92): Philippics V VI, and AYK (492).
169. See Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford, 1960), 162-63.
170. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 490-92: "Voluntatem enim pro auctoritate haberi debere cum auctoritas impeditur." The phrase is modelled on Cicero's own, Ad familiares, XI, 7, 2 (Cicero to Decimus Brutus, December 44 BC): "Voluntas senatus pro auctoritate haberi debet, cum auctoritas impeditur metu."
171. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 490-92: "Voluntatem enim pro auctoritate haberi debere cum auctoritas impeditur." The phrase is modelled on Cicero's own, Ad familiares, XI, 7, 2 (Cicero to Decimus Brutus, December 44 BC): "Voluntas senatus pro auctoritate haberi debet, cum auctoritas impeditur metu."
172. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 490. A modern proponent of the same view is Shackleton Bailey, 246-47.
173. Bruni, Vita Ciceronis, 492: "Hoc fuit pestiferum rei publice vulnus, semen et origo secutarum calamitatum." Comments Shackleton Bailey, 274: "The death of the consuls saved Antony and gave Octavian his chance."