Unveiling Scheherazade: Feminist orientalism in the international alliance of women, 1911-1950

Feminist Studies

Volumn 27, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 125-157

  Weber, Charlotte ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0040375818     PISSN: 00463663     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3178453     Document Type: Article

References (102)

1. Leila Ahmed, "Western Ethnocentrism and Perceptions of the Harem," Feminist Studies 8 (fall 1982): 526.
2. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), for an explication of orientalism as a "Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient" (71). Other works that focus specifically on European representations of Middle East women include Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); and Sarah Graham-Brown, Images of Women: The Portrayal of Women in Photography of the Middle East, 1860-1950 (London: Quartet Books 1988).
3. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), for an explication of orientalism as a "Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient" (71). Other works that focus specifically on European representations of Middle East women include Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); and Sarah Graham-Brown, Images of Women: The Portrayal of Women in Photography of the Middle East, 1860-1950 (London: Quartet Books 1988).
4. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), for an explication of orientalism as a "Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient" (71). Other works that focus specifically on European representations of Middle East women include Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); and Sarah Graham-Brown, Images of Women: The Portrayal of Women in Photography of the Middle East, 1860-1950 (London: Quartet Books 1988).
5. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), for an explication of orientalism as a "Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient" (71). Other works that focus specifically on European representations of Middle East women include Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); and Sarah Graham-Brown, Images of Women: The Portrayal of Women in Photography of the Middle East, 1860-1950 (London: Quartet Books 1988).
6. Billie Melman, Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718-1918 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992); Reina Lewis, Gendering Orientalism: Race, Femininity, and Representation (London and New York: Routledge, 1996).
7. Billie Melman, Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718-1918 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992); Reina Lewis, Gendering Orientalism: Race, Femininity, and Representation (London and New York: Routledge, 1996).
8. Lewis, 4.
9. Melman, chap. 5.
10. Lewis, 171.
11. See Leila J. Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), chap. 6: "How Wide the Circle of the Feminist 'We,'" (130-55) for a discussion of the varied approaches and rationales that activist women (whether they claimed the term "feminist" or not) adopted in their efforts to improve the situation of their sex internationally.
12. The IAW did not, however, add sections from Latin America, Asia, the Middle East and Africa until after World War I. See Leila J. Rupp, "Challenging Imperialism in International Women's Organizations, 1888-1945," NWSA Journal 8 (1996): 8-27.
13. Given the variety of meanings attached to these terms in scholarly literature, some clarification is in order. I use "feminism" in a broad sense to mean, in Nancy Cott's words, "an integral tradition of protest against arbitrary male dominion." See her "What's in a Name: The Limits of 'Social Feminism'; or, Expanding the Vocabulary of Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (December 1989): 809. This definition has the advantage of being capacious enough to include the myriad forms such protest has taken across time and space. Other important works on defining feminism (and categorizing different expressions of feminism) include Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987); Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach," Signs 14 (autumn 1988): 119-57; and Naomi Black, Social Feminism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989). Although some scholars use "imperialism" and "orientalism" interchangeably, I view the latter as a corollary of the former. I use "imperialism" here to refer to the structural (i.e., political and economic) components of one country's hegemony over another and "orientalism" to describe the cultural representations produced by the dominant nation that sustain the unequal relationship.
14. Given the variety of meanings attached to these terms in scholarly literature, some clarification is in order. I use "feminism" in a broad sense to mean, in Nancy Cott's words, "an integral tradition of protest against arbitrary male dominion." See her "What's in a Name: The Limits of 'Social Feminism'; or, Expanding the Vocabulary of Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (December 1989): 809. This definition has the advantage of being capacious enough to include the myriad forms such protest has taken across time and space. Other important works on defining feminism (and categorizing different expressions of feminism) include Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987); Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach," Signs 14 (autumn 1988): 119-57; and Naomi Black, Social Feminism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989). Although some scholars use "imperialism" and "orientalism" interchangeably, I view the latter as a corollary of the former. I use "imperialism" here to refer to the structural (i.e., political and economic) components of one country's hegemony over another and "orientalism" to describe the cultural representations produced by the dominant nation that sustain the unequal relationship.
15. Given the variety of meanings attached to these terms in scholarly literature, some clarification is in order. I use "feminism" in a broad sense to mean, in Nancy Cott's words, "an integral tradition of protest against arbitrary male dominion." See her "What's in a Name: The Limits of 'Social Feminism'; or, Expanding the Vocabulary of Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (December 1989): 809. This definition has the advantage of being capacious enough to include the myriad forms such protest has taken across time and space. Other important works on defining feminism (and categorizing different expressions of feminism) include Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987); Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach," Signs 14 (autumn 1988): 119-57; and Naomi Black, Social Feminism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989). Although some scholars use "imperialism" and "orientalism" interchangeably, I view the latter as a corollary of the former. I use "imperialism" here to refer to the structural (i.e., political and economic) components of one country's hegemony over another and "orientalism" to describe the cultural representations produced by the dominant nation that sustain the unequal relationship.
16. Given the variety of meanings attached to these terms in scholarly literature, some clarification is in order. I use "feminism" in a broad sense to mean, in Nancy Cott's words, "an integral tradition of protest against arbitrary male dominion." See her "What's in a Name: The Limits of 'Social Feminism'; or, Expanding the Vocabulary of Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (December 1989): 809. This definition has the advantage of being capacious enough to include the myriad forms such protest has taken across time and space. Other important works on defining feminism (and categorizing different expressions of feminism) include Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987); Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach," Signs 14 (autumn 1988): 119-57; and Naomi Black, Social Feminism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989). Although some scholars use "imperialism" and "orientalism" interchangeably, I view the latter as a corollary of the former. I use "imperialism" here to refer to the structural (i.e., political and economic) components of one country's hegemony over another and "orientalism" to describe the cultural representations produced by the dominant nation that sustain the unequal relationship.
17. Joyce Zonana, "The Sultan and the Slave: Feminist Orientalism and the Structure of Jane Eyre," in Revising the Word and the World, ed. Veve Clark et al. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993). Zonana uses the term "feminist orientalism" to designate a Western feminist imagination that automatically equates polygyny with female sexual slavery, and female seclusion with imprisonment.
18. Although Rupp examines cross-cultural dynamics within the international women's movement, she does not explore in depth the issue of feminist orientalism.
19. Antoinette Burton, "The Feminist Quest for Identity: British Imperial Suffragism and 'Global Sisterhood,' 1900-1915," Journal of Women's History 3, no. 2 (fall 1991): 3. Important critiques of "imperial feminism" include Valerie Amos and Prathiba Pramar, "Challenging Imperial Feminism," Feminist Revieiu 17 (autumn 1984): 3-19; and Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourse," Feminist Review 30 (autumn 1988): 61-87.
20. Antoinette Burton, "The Feminist Quest for Identity: British Imperial Suffragism and 'Global Sisterhood,' 1900-1915," Journal of Women's History 3, no. 2 (fall 1991): 3. Important critiques of "imperial feminism" include Valerie Amos and Prathiba Pramar, "Challenging Imperial Feminism," Feminist Revieiu 17 (autumn 1984): 3-19; and Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourse," Feminist Review 30 (autumn 1988): 61-87.
21. Antoinette Burton, "The Feminist Quest for Identity: British Imperial Suffragism and 'Global Sisterhood,' 1900-1915," Journal of Women's History 3, no. 2 (fall 1991): 3. Important critiques of "imperial feminism" include Valerie Amos and Prathiba Pramar, "Challenging Imperial Feminism," Feminist Revieiu 17 (autumn 1984): 3-19; and Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourse," Feminist Review 30 (autumn 1988): 61-87.
22. See Valerie Hoffman-Ladd, "Polemics on the Modesty and Segregation of Women in Contemporary Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 19 (February 1987): 23-50, for a penetrating analysis of these issues.
23. I am well aware that the designation "Middle East" is imprecise as well as politically charged; nevertheless, it is too ingrained in common parlance to avoid. I use it here to denote the geographic region that includes the present political states of Egypt, Sudan, Lebanon, Syria, Israel and the Occupied Territories, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Yemen, Turkey, and Iran. Although the category "Middle Eastern" includes a multiplicity of religions and ethnicities, the cultural influence of Islam and Arab civilization extends throughout the region. As I hope will become clear, I do not use the term to mean either "Muslim" or "Arab" but, rather, to suggest this basic fact.
24. The IAWs journal appeared mainly in English, with occasional pieces written in French or German.
25. See especially Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London: Zed Books, 1986).
26. Margot Badran's article, "Dual Liberation: Feminism and Nationalism in Egypt, 1870s-1925," Feminist Issues 8 (spring 1988): 15-34, demonstrates the "dynamic interaction" between women's feminism and nationalism in Egypt and points to the folly of viewing these two strands of women's activism separately. She argues "that these women generated a construct of nationalism in which women's liberation was embedded and fought concurrently as feminists and nationalists" (16). Her later work, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), discusses the leadership role of Egyptian feminists in the pan-Arab feminist movement.
27. Margot Badran's article, "Dual Liberation: Feminism and Nationalism in Egypt, 1870s-1925," Feminist Issues 8 (spring 1988): 15-34, demonstrates the "dynamic interaction" between women's feminism and nationalism in Egypt and points to the folly of viewing these two strands of women's activism separately. She argues "that these women generated a construct of nationalism in which women's liberation was embedded and fought concurrently as feminists and nationalists" (16). Her later work, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), discusses the leadership role of Egyptian feminists in the pan-Arab feminist movement.
28. Prior to World War I, Palestine (and the rest of the Arab Middle East) was part of the Ottoman Empire. In the Balfour Declaration of 1917, the British government-which had earlier and secretly promised to uphold Arab claims to independence in exchange for their help in defeating the Turks-pledged its support for the creation of a Jewish "national home" in Palestine. In 1920, the League of Nations legitimated British mandatory control over Palestine (including what is now Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, and Jordan).
29. Lest I be misunderstood, let me say here that I do not equate Zionism with Western imperialism. My point, rather, is that the response of Western feminists to the turmoil in Palestine was influenced by imperialist modes of thinking.
30. Chrystal Macmillan, "The Future of the IWSA," Jus Suffragii 14 (February 1920), quoted in Rupp, Worlds of Women, 23. See ibid., chap. 2: "Building an International Movement," for an overview of the IWSA.
31. Chrystal Macmillan, "The Future of the IWSA," Jus Suffragii 14 (February 1920), quoted in Rupp, Worlds of Women, 23. See ibid., chap. 2: "Building an International Movement," for an overview of the IWSA.
32. Chrystal Macmillan, "The Future of the IWSA," Jus Suffragii 14 (February 1920), quoted in Rupp, Worlds of Women, 23. See ibid., chap. 2: "Building an International Movement," for an overview of the IWSA.
33. Annie Furuhjelm, "Our Alliance," Jus Suffragii 8 (1 May 1914), 99. This issue was devoted to the IWSA's tenth anniversary.
34. Sheila Webster, "Harim and Hijab: Seclusive and Exclusive Aspects of Traditional Muslim Dwelling and Dress," Women's Studies International Forum 7, no. 4 (1984): 256.
35. Although she did not submit any to Jus Suffragii, Aletta Jacobs regularly wrote articles for Dutch newspapers which were later reissued in a two-volume collection entitled Reisbrieven uit Afrika en Azie (Travel letters from Africa and Asia). Harriet Feinberg has analyzed Jacobs's letters from Egypt; see her article "A Pioneering Dutch Feminist Views Egypt: Aletta Jacobs' Travel Letters," in Feminist Issues 10 (fall 1990): 65-78. In an argument similar to my own, she distinguishes between two sorts of discourse that Jacobs used in her writing about the Middle East, which she labels "encouraging our peers" and "uplifting our native sisters." Feinberg concludes that Jacobs's feminism helped to pull her discourse more in the direction of the former, in which "some basic equality across cultural, national, and religious boundaries" is assumed (66).
36. Carrie Chapman Catt, speech at the New Jersey State Suffrage Convention, Newark, 13 Nov. 1913, reported in Woman's Journal, 22 Nov. 1913, 371, quoted in Jacqueline Van Voris, Carrie Chapman Catt: A Public Life (New York: The Feminist Press, 1987), 105.
37. Carrie Chapman Catt, speech at the New Jersey State Suffrage Convention, Newark, 13 Nov. 1913, reported in Woman's Journal, 22 Nov. 1913, 371, quoted in Jacqueline Van Voris, Carrie Chapman Catt: A Public Life (New York: The Feminist Press, 1987), 105.
38. The harem system in Muslim societies is designed to preserve social distance between the sexes in both the public and private spheres. It is marked physically by architectural features within family dwellings (the word harem - a derivation of an Arabic word meaning "forbidden" or "holy" - refers both to the portion of a house occupied by female family members and to the women themselves) and socially by the custom of veiling (through which women maintained their seclusion in public). The seclusion of women was common in Mediterranean societies before the rise of Islam and varies in degree and in kind throughout the Middle East. Historically, veiling and the rigid seclusion of women was a sign of wealth, an indication that a man had sufficient "economic resources to safeguard the honor of his family by having servants to perform the jobs delegated to women in poorer households." See Webster, 253. Although elite and poorer women in urban areas wore the veil when venturing out in public, peasant and nomadic women could not afford to have their movements so encumbered. For more on the harem system, see Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation; and Fatima Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a Modern Muslim Society, rev. ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). The latter provides an explanation of the gender ideology common to most Muslim societies, in which women's sexuality is perceived to be a powerful, potentially chaotic force which must be restrained by strict sexual segregation.
39. The harem system in Muslim societies is designed to preserve social distance between the sexes in both the public and private spheres. It is marked physically by architectural features within family dwellings (the word harem - a derivation of an Arabic word meaning "forbidden" or "holy" - refers both to the portion of a house occupied by female family members and to the women themselves) and socially by the custom of veiling (through which women maintained their seclusion in public). The seclusion of women was common in Mediterranean societies before the rise of Islam and varies in degree and in kind throughout the Middle East. Historically, veiling and the rigid seclusion of women was a sign of wealth, an indication that a man had sufficient "economic resources to safeguard the honor of his family by having servants to perform the jobs delegated to women in poorer households." See Webster, 253. Although elite and poorer women in urban areas wore the veil when venturing out in public, peasant and nomadic women could not afford to have their movements so encumbered. For more on the harem system, see Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation; and Fatima Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a Modern Muslim Society, rev. ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). The latter provides an explanation of the gender ideology common to most Muslim societies, in which women's sexuality is perceived to be a powerful, potentially chaotic force which must be restrained by strict sexual segregation.
40. The harem system in Muslim societies is designed to preserve social distance between the sexes in both the public and private spheres. It is marked physically by architectural features within family dwellings (the word harem - a derivation of an Arabic word meaning "forbidden" or "holy" - refers both to the portion of a house occupied by female family members and to the women themselves) and socially by the custom of veiling (through which women maintained their seclusion in public). The seclusion of women was common in Mediterranean societies before the rise of Islam and varies in degree and in kind throughout the Middle East. Historically, veiling and the rigid seclusion of women was a sign of wealth, an indication that a man had sufficient "economic resources to safeguard the honor of his family by having servants to perform the jobs delegated to women in poorer households." See Webster, 253. Although elite and poorer women in urban areas wore the veil when venturing out in public, peasant and nomadic women could not afford to have their movements so encumbered. For more on the harem system, see Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation; and Fatima Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a Modern Muslim Society, rev. ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). The latter provides an explanation of the gender ideology common to most Muslim societies, in which women's sexuality is perceived to be a powerful, potentially chaotic force which must be restrained by strict sexual segregation.
41. Carrie Chapman Catt, "The Holy Land," Jus Suffragii 6, no. 5 (15 Feb. 1912), 55.
42. Carrie Chapman Catt diary, Catt Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., reel 1, 6, 45-46.
43. Catt, "The Holy Land," 55.
44. Ibid. Catt's diary recounts in detail her visits with the female members of four Muslim families but says little about her interaction with Christian or Jewish women.
45. Catt diary, 21-26.
46. Ibid., 26.
47. Veiling has long been a subject of contention in the debates between reformers and traditionalists in many Middle East countries throughout the twentieth century. See Webster for a discussion of the different ways in which Western feminists and Muslim women have interpreted the veil. She argues that "customs of partitioning and veiling are as exclusive of men as they are seclusive of women, and that women in purdah societies are not as passive and down-trodden as may be supposed by outsiders" (252) and cites the opinion of many Arab women that the veil has been accorded disproportionate significance by those who consider its abolition to be of primary importance in women's emancipation See also Beth Baron, "Unveiling in Early Twentieth-Century Egypt: Practical and Symbolic Considerations," Middle Eastern Studies 25 (July 1989): 370-86. For an insightful analysis of how the colonial discourses of the West shaped the modern debate over veiling within Muslim countries (and thereby set the terms for the veil's reemergence as a symbol of resistance to Western domination), see Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam, chap. 8.
48. Veiling has long been a subject of contention in the debates between reformers and traditionalists in many Middle East countries throughout the twentieth century. See Webster for a discussion of the different ways in which Western feminists and Muslim women have interpreted the veil. She argues that "customs of partitioning and veiling are as exclusive of men as they are seclusive of women, and that women in purdah societies are not as passive and down-trodden as may be supposed by outsiders" (252) and cites the opinion of many Arab women that the veil has been accorded disproportionate significance by those who consider its abolition to be of primary importance in women's emancipation See also Beth Baron, "Unveiling in Early Twentieth-Century Egypt: Practical and Symbolic Considerations," Middle Eastern Studies 25 (July 1989): 370-86. For an insightful analysis of how the colonial discourses of the West shaped the modern debate over veiling within Muslim countries (and thereby set the terms for the veil's reemergence as a symbol of resistance to Western domination), see Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam, chap. 8.
49. Catt, "The Holy Land," 55.
50. Catt diary, 52.
51. Carrie Chapman Catt, "Egypt," Jus Suffragii 6, no. 8 (15 Apr. 1912).
52. See Melman. Her conclusion states: "Observation of women's life in another culture brought on a re-evaluation, by the Western women, of their own position as individuals and as a marginalised group in a patriarchal culture" (308).
53. "Call to the Seventh Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance," Jus Suffragii 7, no. 5 (15 Jan. 1913), 41.
54. The first women's organization from a Middle East country to affiliate with the IAW was the Egyptian Feminist Union (founded and led by Huda Sha'rawi), which sent delegates to the 1923 Rome Congress. Arab Women's Unions from Palestine and Syria joined later, in 1935.
55. Rupp, "Challenging Imperialism," 8; see also Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, chap. 5.
56. Rupp, "Challenging Imperialism," 8; see also Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, chap. 5.
57. Rupp, "Constructing Internationalism: The Case of Transnational Women's Organizations, 1888-1945," American Historial Review 99 (December 1994): 1578-79.
58. The women were Egypt's Huda Sha'rawi and Uruguay's Paulina Luisi. Its nine officers, including Catt's successor Margery Corbett Ashby, were British and European. The remaining eleven board members hailed from Great Britain, Europe, and the United States.
59. "Women's Progress in Egypt," Jus Suffragii 9, no. 8 (1 May 1915): 282. The quotation referred to the life of an uneducated harem woman.
60. Arthur Field, "Women in Present-Day Turkey," Jus Suffragii 18, no. 1 (October 1923): 8-9.
61. A. Montgomery, "The I.L.O. Agricultural Settlements for Armenians," Jus Suffragii 18, no. 1 (October 1923): 68.
62. M. Darnley-Naylor, "Women of Syria and Palestine and the Need for Education," Jus Suffragii 23, no. 5 (February 1929): 68.
63. E.S. Stevens, "The Woman Movement in Iraq," Jus Suffragii 24, no. 2 (November 1929):16.
64. Rupp, Worlds of Women, 220. The league appointed a Committee on Experts on the Status of Women in 1938.
65. "Position of Women of Native Races," Jus Suffragii 29, no. 10 (July 1935): 96-7.
66. "Resolutions to be Presented in the Name of the Alliance Board," Jus Suffragii 29, no. 5 (April 1935): 35.
67. See Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam for a discussion of the expectation by Western feminists that Muslim women's "advancement" must be based on the adoption of Western culture. She also analyzes the appositional tendencies inherent in Islam which have allowed Muslim feminists to articulate a feminism compatible with Islamic precepts.
68. Rosa Welt-Strauss, "Arab Women in Congress," Jus Suffragii 24, no. 4 (January 1930): 43; "Women's Conferences at Damascus and Bagdad," Jus Suffragii 27, no. 3 (December 1932): 17-18; Nancy Ronart, "Damascus Today: Women's New Freedom," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 4 (January 1947): 47; and L. Dorothy Potter, "Advances in Egypt," Jus Suffragii 44, no. 2 (December 1949): 28-29.
69. Rosa Welt-Strauss, "Arab Women in Congress," Jus Suffragii 24, no. 4 (January 1930): 43; "Women's Conferences at Damascus and Bagdad," Jus Suffragii 27, no. 3 (December 1932): 17-18; Nancy Ronart, "Damascus Today: Women's New Freedom," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 4 (January 1947): 47; and L. Dorothy Potter, "Advances in Egypt," Jus Suffragii 44, no. 2 (December 1949): 28-29.
70. Rosa Welt-Strauss, "Arab Women in Congress," Jus Suffragii 24, no. 4 (January 1930): 43; "Women's Conferences at Damascus and Bagdad," Jus Suffragii 27, no. 3 (December 1932): 17-18; Nancy Ronart, "Damascus Today: Women's New Freedom," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 4 (January 1947): 47; and L. Dorothy Potter, "Advances in Egypt," Jus Suffragii 44, no. 2 (December 1949): 28-29.
71. Rosa Welt-Strauss, "Arab Women in Congress," Jus Suffragii 24, no. 4 (January 1930): 43; "Women's Conferences at Damascus and Bagdad," Jus Suffragii 27, no. 3 (December 1932): 17-18; Nancy Ronart, "Damascus Today: Women's New Freedom," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 4 (January 1947): 47; and L. Dorothy Potter, "Advances in Egypt," Jus Suffragii 44, no. 2 (December 1949): 28-29.
72. Margery Corbett Ashby, "An International Pilgrimage," Jus Suffragii 29, no. 6 (March 1935): 44.
73. Hanna Rydh, "Amongst the Women of Iraq," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 12 (September 1947):167.
74. Hanna Rydh, "Flight of the President," Jus Suffragii 41, no. 12 (September 1947): 161.
75. See especially Hoffman-Ladd.
76. On veiling as a symbol of resistance, see especially Frantz Fanon, A Dying Colonialism, trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1965).
77. Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, 23.
78. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
79. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
80. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
81. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
82. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
83. Massara Kelani, "Extract from a Report on Syria Presented to the Mediterranean Women's Conference," Jus Suffragii 26, no. 9 (June 1932): 105; Mme. El Khoury, "A Greeting from the Arab Women," Jus Suffragii 40, no. 6 (March 1946): 63; Huda Ghanma, "Report from Transjordan," 114; and Dr. Haniha Amin Zaki, "Status of Women in Iraq," 48, both in Jus Suffragii 43, no. 8 (June 1949). The fifth, a report on Egypt submitted by Eva el Masri, indicated that unveiling had been a step forward for Egyptian women. It appeared in Jus Suffragii 32, nos. 1-2 (August-September 1938): 89.
84. El Khoury, 63.
85. Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam, chap. 5.
86. Ibid.
87. See Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation. My shift in emphasis here from "Muslim" to "Arab" is meant to reflect the fact that both Muslims and Christians participated in the construction of Arab nationalism and Arab feminism.
88. Rupp, "Constructing Internationalism," 1592.
89. "A Glimpse of Egypt and a Journey through Palestine: An Interview with Mrs. Henry Fawcett, L.L.D.," Jus Suffragii 15, no. 9 (June 1921): 129.
90. Badran, "Dual Liberation," 28.
91. Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, chap. 12.
92. Ibid., 239.
93. Jus Suffragii, 15, no. 9 (June 1921): 130.
94. Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, 224.
95. Rosa Welt-Strauss, 43.
96. Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, 224.
97. Quoted in Mineke Bosch, with Annemarie Kloosterman, eds., Politics and Friendship: Letters from the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, 1902-1942 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1985), 17.
98. E.S. Stevens.
99. See Elizabeth Monroe, Britain's Moment in the Middle East, 1914-1971 (London: Chatto & Windus, 1981), for an account of British policymaking in the Middle East during the twentieth century. The story presented here, which pays only cursory attention to indigenous perspectives, is one of a Great Power's inevitable decline in the face of militant nationalism.
100. Margery Corbett Ashby, "An International Pilgrimage," Jus Suffragii 29, no. 6 (March 1935): 43.
101. "Egypt," Jus Suffragii 33, no. 2 (November 1938): 12.
102. Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation, 234-36, 249.