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Volumn 7, Issue 4, 1977, Pages 777-797

Pronouns, Quantifiers, and Relative Clauses (II): Appendix

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EID: 0040252146     PISSN: 00455091     EISSN: 19110820     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00455091.1977.10716195     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (14)

References (22)
  • 1
    • 84954018190 scopus 로고
    • Reply to Geach
    • (eds.) Words and Objections (Reidel, Dordrecht), and The Roots of Reference, pp. 90-91.
    • See especially W. V. Quine, “Reply to Geach”, in Davidson and Hintikka (eds.) Words and Objections (Reidel, Dordrecht, 1969), pp. 331-32 and The Roots of Reference, pp. 90-91.
    • (1969) Davidson and Hintikka , pp. 331-332
    • Quine, W.V.1
  • 2
  • 3
    • 84894710938 scopus 로고
    • Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, (University Microfilms: Ann Arbor, 1971), esp. pp. 136-54.
    • J. Wallace, Philosophical Grammar, Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1964 (University Microfilms: Ann Arbor, 1971), esp. pp. 136-54.
    • (1964) Philosophical Grammar
    • Wallace, J.1
  • 4
    • 84954003502 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • In saying that they propose a binary analysis, I am cutting through their confusing terminology, and regarding their ‘sortalizer’ as the first constituent in a binary structure. The contrast they have in mind between ‘sortal’ (or ‘restricted’) quantifiers on the one hand and binary quantifiers on the other is never adequately explained, and in my view is better dispensed with. This will help to clear up one contradiction in their paper; for on p. 52 ‘Many P’s are Q’s’ is said to be irreducibly sortal while on pp. 50 and 56 sortal quantifiers are said to be replaceable everywhere by non-sortal quantifiers. The point is that ‘Many P’s are Q‘s’ is irreducibly binary, and it is not threatened by the replacement of Altham and Tennant’s ‘sortal’ quantifiers by other n-ary (n>1) quantifiers.
    • J.E.J. Altham and N.W. Tennant, op. cit. In saying that they propose a binary analysis, I am cutting through their confusing terminology, and regarding their ‘sortalizer’ as the first constituent in a binary structure. The contrast they have in mind between ‘sortal’ (or ‘restricted’) quantifiers on the one hand and binary quantifiers on the other is never adequately explained, and in my view is better dispensed with. This will help to clear up one contradiction in their paper; for on p. 52 ‘Many P’s are Q’s’ is said to be irreducibly sortal while on pp. 50 and 56 sortal quantifiers are said to be replaceable everywhere by non-sortal quantifiers. The point is that ‘Many P’s are Q‘s’ is irreducibly binary, and it is not threatened by the replacement of Altham and Tennant’s ‘sortal’ quantifiers by other n-ary (n>1) quantifiers.
    • op. cit.
    • Altham, J.E.J.1    Tennant, N.W.2
  • 6
    • 84953489231 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • It is not so much a suggestion Dummett makes on his own account as one he offers to one who is impressed by Russell’s theory of descriptions.
    • M. Dummett, Frege, p. 162. It is not so much a suggestion Dummett makes on his own account as one he offers to one who is impressed by Russell’s theory of descriptions.
    • Frege , pp. 162
    • Dummett, M.1
  • 7
    • 84953576933 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Geach offers a binary treatment of ‘Just one’ quantifier and also, with acknowledgement to Prior, to the ‘the’ quantifier. Presumably to maintain consistency with his views on relative clauses, the binary structure Geach assigns to the sentence ‘The only bachelor who was at the party was F’ is ‘The only bachelor x (x was at the party; x was F)’, rather than ‘The x (x was a bachelor at the party; x was F). But there is no getting around the fact that the property which is required to be uniquely exemplified for the truth of the sentence is 'being a bachelor at the party’. In view of this,‘bachelor’ “goes with” ‘was at the party’ in away in which it plainly does not go with‘was F ’,and it seems pointless not to have a notation which registers this fact. See e.g. B.H. Partee, ‘Some Transformational Extensions of Montague Grammar’, in Partee (ed.), Montague Grammar (Academic Press, 1976), p. 55: ‘Only by making the major syntactic division between “the” and “boy who lives in the park” can a uniform semantic treatment of the be given’.
    • ‘Back Reference’, pp. 204-5. Geach offers a binary treatment of ‘Just one’ quantifier and also, with acknowledgement to Prior, to the ‘the’ quantifier. Presumably to maintain consistency with his views on relative clauses, the binary structure Geach assigns to the sentence ‘The only bachelor who was at the party was F’ is ‘The only bachelor x (x was at the party; x was F)’, rather than ‘The x (x was a bachelor at the party; x was F). But there is no getting around the fact that the property which is required to be uniquely exemplified for the truth of the sentence is 'being a bachelor at the party’. In view of this,‘bachelor’ “goes with” ‘was at the party’ in away in which it plainly does not go with‘was F ’,and it seems pointless not to have a notation which registers this fact. See e.g. B.H. Partee, ‘Some Transformational Extensions of Montague Grammar’, in Partee (ed.), Montague Grammar (Academic Press, 1976), p. 55: ‘Only by making the major syntactic division between “the” and “boy who lives in the park” can a uniform semantic treatment of the be given’.
    • Back Reference , pp. 204-205
  • 10
    • 84954018192 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On Complex Terms
    • ‘On Complex Terms’, Logic Matters, p. 104.
    • Logic Matters , pp. 104
  • 11
    • 84954018195 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Complex Terms Again
    • ‘Complex Terms Again’, Logic Matters, pp. 107-8.
    • Logic Matters , pp. 107-108
  • 12
    • 84872896355 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Roots of Reference, p. 90., The longer argument in Reference and Generality contains a counter-argument against a way of trying to get out of this ‘difficulty’. Since I shall argue the ‘difficulty’ is quite spurious we do not have to go into these ramifications.
    • Roots of Reference, p. 90. See Reference and Generality, p. 117. The longer argument in Reference and Generality contains a counter-argument against a way of trying to get out of this ‘difficulty’. Since I shall argue the ‘difficulty’ is quite spurious we do not have to go into these ramifications.
    • Reference and Generality , pp. 117
  • 13
    • 84954000553 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Quine’s Syntactical Insights
    • See also ‘On Complex Terms’, pp. 102-5.
    • “Quine’s Syntactical Insights”, Logic Matters, p. 122. See also ‘On Complex Terms’, pp. 102-5.
    • Logic Matters , pp. 122
  • 14
    • 84954018193 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On Complex Terms
    • 1 have changed the numbering and the constituents to make them appropriate to the examples we are considering.
    • “On Complex Terms”, Logic Matters, p. 105.1 have changed the numbering and the constituents to make them appropriate to the examples we are considering.
    • Logic Matters , pp. 105
  • 18
    • 84954018195 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Complex Terms Again
    • see also Reference and Generality, p. 118-19 and ‘Back Reference’, p. 202.
    • ‘Complex Terms Again’, Logic Matters, p. 107; see also Reference and Generality, p. 118-19 and ‘Back Reference’, p. 202.
    • Logic Matters , pp. 107
  • 19
    • 84960599280 scopus 로고
    • Good and Evil
    • See P.T. Ceach, ‘Good and Evil’, Analysis 17 (1956), p. 33.
    • (1956) Analysis , vol.17 , pp. 33
    • Ceach, P.T.1


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