Refashioning mother India: Feminism and nationalism in late-colonial India

Feminist Studies

Volumn 26, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 623-644

  Sinha, Mrinalini ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0040198072     PISSN: 00463663     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3178643     Document Type: Article

References (125)

1. Katherine Mayo, Mother India (London: Jonathan Cape, 1927). For the political agenda of Mayo's book, see Manoranjan Jha, Katherine Mayo and India (New Delhi: People's Publishing House, 1971).
2. Katherine Mayo, Mother India (London: Jonathan Cape, 1927). For the political agenda of Mayo's book, see Manoranjan Jha, Katherine Mayo and India (New Delhi: People's Publishing House, 1971).
3. For the nationalist iconography of India as Mother India, see Jasodhara Bagchi, "Representing Nationalism: Ideology of Motherhood in Colonial Bengal," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS65-WS71; Tanika Sarkar, "Nationalist Iconography: Images of Women in Nineteenth-Century Bengali Literature," Economic and Political Weekly 2, no. 47 (21 Nov. 1987): 2011-15; and C.S. Lakshmi, "Mother, Mother-Community, and Mother-Politics in Tamil Nadu," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS72-WS83.
4. For the nationalist iconography of India as Mother India, see Jasodhara Bagchi, "Representing Nationalism: Ideology of Motherhood in Colonial Bengal," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS65-WS71; Tanika Sarkar, "Nationalist Iconography: Images of Women in Nineteenth-Century Bengali Literature," Economic and Political Weekly 2, no. 47 (21 Nov. 1987): 2011-15; and C.S. Lakshmi, "Mother, Mother-Community, and Mother-Politics in Tamil Nadu," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS72-WS83.
5. For the nationalist iconography of India as Mother India, see Jasodhara Bagchi, "Representing Nationalism: Ideology of Motherhood in Colonial Bengal," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS65-WS71; Tanika Sarkar, "Nationalist Iconography: Images of Women in Nineteenth-Century Bengali Literature," Economic and Political Weekly 2, no. 47 (21 Nov. 1987): 2011-15; and C.S. Lakshmi, "Mother, Mother-Community, and Mother-Politics in Tamil Nadu," Economic and Political Weekly 25, nos. 42-43 (20-27 Oct. 1990): WS72-WS83.
6. Katherine Mayo, Slaves of the Gods (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1929), 237.
7. See editor's Introduction and select responses of Indian women to Mother India in Selections from Katherine Mayo's Mother India, ed. Mrinalini Sinha (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000).
8. For some accounts of the early women's movement in colonial India, see Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1978); Radha Kumar, The History of Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women's Rights and Feminism in India, 1800-1990 (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993); and Geraldine Forbes, The New Cambridge History of India: Women in Modern India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
9. For some accounts of the early women's movement in colonial India, see Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1978); Radha Kumar, The History of Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women's Rights and Feminism in India, 1800-1990 (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993); and Geraldine Forbes, The New Cambridge History of India: Women in Modern India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
10. For some accounts of the early women's movement in colonial India, see Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1978); Radha Kumar, The History of Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women's Rights and Feminism in India, 1800-1990 (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993); and Geraldine Forbes, The New Cambridge History of India: Women in Modern India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
11. Sarojini Naidu had very publicly rejected the label "feminism" to characterize the women's movement in India in an interview in London in 1928; and she repeated it in her presidential address at the annual meeting of All-India Women's Conference in 1930. See Indian Social Reformer, 20 Oct.1928, 7; and Stri Dharma 13, no. 4 (February 1930): 136-39. The term "feminist," however, continued to be used in the writings from, and about, the early women's movement in India. See Stri Dharma 16, no. 4 (February 1933): 177-80; and Amrit Kaur, Challenge to Women (Allahabad: New Literature, 1946), 3. Rather than enter into a semantic debate over the appropriateness of the term "feminism" in the context of the early women's movement in India, I have preferred to use the term to distinguish the discourse of the women's movement from other discourses on women. In this context, see Gail Omvedt, "Feminism and the Women's Movement in India," Working Paper No. 16 (Research Centre for Women's Studies, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay, 1987).
12. Sarojini Naidu had very publicly rejected the label "feminism" to characterize the women's movement in India in an interview in London in 1928; and she repeated it in her presidential address at the annual meeting of All-India Women's Conference in 1930. See Indian Social Reformer, 20 Oct.1928, 7; and Stri Dharma 13, no. 4 (February 1930): 136-39. The term "feminist," however, continued to be used in the writings from, and about, the early women's movement in India. See Stri Dharma 16, no. 4 (February 1933): 177-80; and Amrit Kaur, Challenge to Women (Allahabad: New Literature, 1946), 3. Rather than enter into a semantic debate over the appropriateness of the term "feminism" in the context of the early women's movement in India, I have preferred to use the term to distinguish the discourse of the women's movement from other discourses on women. In this context, see Gail Omvedt, "Feminism and the Women's Movement in India," Working Paper No. 16 (Research Centre for Women's Studies, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay, 1987).
13. Sarojini Naidu had very publicly rejected the label "feminism" to characterize the women's movement in India in an interview in London in 1928; and she repeated it in her presidential address at the annual meeting of All-India Women's Conference in 1930. See Indian Social Reformer, 20 Oct.1928, 7; and Stri Dharma 13, no. 4 (February 1930): 136-39. The term "feminist," however, continued to be used in the writings from, and about, the early women's movement in India. See Stri Dharma 16, no. 4 (February 1933): 177-80; and Amrit Kaur, Challenge to Women (Allahabad: New Literature, 1946), 3. Rather than enter into a semantic debate over the appropriateness of the term "feminism" in the context of the early women's movement in India, I have preferred to use the term to distinguish the discourse of the women's movement from other discourses on women. In this context, see Gail Omvedt, "Feminism and the Women's Movement in India," Working Paper No. 16 (Research Centre for Women's Studies, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay, 1987).
14. Sarojini Naidu had very publicly rejected the label "feminism" to characterize the women's movement in India in an interview in London in 1928; and she repeated it in her presidential address at the annual meeting of All-India Women's Conference in 1930. See Indian Social Reformer, 20 Oct.1928, 7; and Stri Dharma 13, no. 4 (February 1930): 136-39. The term "feminist," however, continued to be used in the writings from, and about, the early women's movement in India. See Stri Dharma 16, no. 4 (February 1933): 177-80; and Amrit Kaur, Challenge to Women (Allahabad: New Literature, 1946), 3. Rather than enter into a semantic debate over the appropriateness of the term "feminism" in the context of the early women's movement in India, I have preferred to use the term to distinguish the discourse of the women's movement from other discourses on women. In this context, see Gail Omvedt, "Feminism and the Women's Movement in India," Working Paper No. 16 (Research Centre for Women's Studies, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay, 1987).
15. Sarojini Naidu had very publicly rejected the label "feminism" to characterize the women's movement in India in an interview in London in 1928; and she repeated it in her presidential address at the annual meeting of All-India Women's Conference in 1930. See Indian Social Reformer, 20 Oct.1928, 7; and Stri Dharma 13, no. 4 (February 1930): 136-39. The term "feminist," however, continued to be used in the writings from, and about, the early women's movement in India. See Stri Dharma 16, no. 4 (February 1933): 177-80; and Amrit Kaur, Challenge to Women (Allahabad: New Literature, 1946), 3. Rather than enter into a semantic debate over the appropriateness of the term "feminism" in the context of the early women's movement in India, I have preferred to use the term to distinguish the discourse of the women's movement from other discourses on women. In this context, see Gail Omvedt, "Feminism and the Women's Movement in India," Working Paper No. 16 (Research Centre for Women's Studies, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay, 1987).
16. For the problematic relation between feminism and nationalism more generally, see Louis A. West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Routledge, 1997); and Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London: Zed Books,1986).
17. For the problematic relation between feminism and nationalism more generally, see Louis A. West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Routledge, 1997); and Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London: Zed Books,1986).
18. For the problematic relation between feminism and nationalism more generally, see Louis A. West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Routledge, 1997); and Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London: Zed Books,1986).
19. See Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? (London: Zed Publications, 1986).
20. For elaboration of this paradigm, see Partha Chatterjee "The Nationalist Resolution of the Women's Question," in Recasting Women: Essays in Indian Colonial History, ed. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 233-53; and more recently in Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
21. For elaboration of this paradigm, see Partha Chatterjee "The Nationalist Resolution of the Women's Question," in Recasting Women: Essays in Indian Colonial History, ed. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 233-53; and more recently in Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
22. The above formulation is from Dipesh Chakrabarty, "The Difference-Deferral of (a) Colonial Modernity: Public Debates on Domesticity in British Bengal," History Workshop Journal 36 (autumn 1993): 1-33.
23. See, for example, the discussion of women and Indian nationalism in R. Radhakrishnan, "Nationalism, Gender, and Narrative," in Nationalisms and Sexualities, ed. Andrew Parker et al. (New York: Routledge, 1992), 77-95.
24. Chatterjee, Nation and Its Fragments, 133. I owe this reading of Chatterjee to Sumit Sarkar, Writing Social History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). For a specifically gendered critique of Chatterjee's formulation, see Himani Bannerji, "Projects of Hegemony: Towards a Critique of Subaltern Studies' 'Resolution of the Women's Question,' " Economic and Political Weekly 35 (11-17 Mar. 2000), 902-20. Although sympathetic to the issues raised by both authors, I offer a somewhat different critique-as I hope will be evident in this article-of the enormously productive work of Chatterjee on the gendered discourse of Indian nationalism.
25. Chatterjee, Nation and Its Fragments, 133. I owe this reading of Chatterjee to Sumit Sarkar, Writing Social History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). For a specifically gendered critique of Chatterjee's formulation, see Himani Bannerji, "Projects of Hegemony: Towards a Critique of Subaltern Studies' 'Resolution of the Women's Question,' " Economic and Political Weekly 35 (11-17 Mar. 2000), 902-20. Although sympathetic to the issues raised by both authors, I offer a somewhat different critique-as I hope will be evident in this article-of the enormously productive work of Chatterjee on the gendered discourse of Indian nationalism.
26. Chatterjee, Nation and Its Fragments, 133. I owe this reading of Chatterjee to Sumit Sarkar, Writing Social History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). For a specifically gendered critique of Chatterjee's formulation, see Himani Bannerji, "Projects of Hegemony: Towards a Critique of Subaltern Studies' 'Resolution of the Women's Question,' " Economic and Political Weekly 35 (11-17 Mar. 2000), 902-20. Although sympathetic to the issues raised by both authors, I offer a somewhat different critique-as I hope will be evident in this article-of the enormously productive work of Chatterjee on the gendered discourse of Indian nationalism.
27. For a discussion of the changes of the interwar period, see Sumit Sarkar, Modern India: 1885-1947 (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983), 165-348; and Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 126-55.
28. For a discussion of the changes of the interwar period, see Sumit Sarkar, Modern India: 1885-1947 (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983), 165-348; and Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 126-55.
29. The leader of the Self-Respect movement, E.V. Ramasami Naicker, popularly known as Periyar, made a final break with Gandhian nationalism in 1927. Gandhi, despite his work for "untouchables" and other lower castes in India, had been unwilling to denounce the foundations of the caste system in his elaboration of an idealized version of this system, the varnashramadharma. For the Self-Respect movement, see N.K. Mangalamurugesan, Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu, 1920-1940 (Madurai: Koodal Publishers, 1981); and B.S. Chandrababu, Social Protest and Its Impact on Tamil Nadu: With Reference to the Self-Respect Movement (Madras: Emerald Publishers, 1993).
30. The leader of the Self-Respect movement, E.V. Ramasami Naicker, popularly known as Periyar, made a final break with Gandhian nationalism in 1927. Gandhi, despite his work for "untouchables" and other lower castes in India, had been unwilling to denounce the foundations of the caste system in his elaboration of an idealized version of this system, the varnashramadharma. For the Self-Respect movement, see N.K. Mangalamurugesan, Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu, 1920-1940 (Madurai: Koodal Publishers, 1981); and B.S. Chandrababu, Social Protest and Its Impact on Tamil Nadu: With Reference to the Self-Respect Movement (Madras: Emerald Publishers, 1993).
31. For the politics of "communalism," see Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992); and Bipan Chandra, Communalism in India (New Delhi: Vikas, 1987).
32. For the politics of "communalism," see Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992); and Bipan Chandra, Communalism in India (New Delhi: Vikas, 1987).
33. See A.R.H. Copley, "Projections, Displacement, and Distortion in Nineteenth-Century Moral Imperialism-A Re-Examination of Charles Grant and James Mill," Calcutta Historical Journal 7, no, 2 (January-June 1983): 1-27; Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, "Gender and Imperialism in British India," South Asian Research 5 , no. 2 (1985): 147-65; and Lata Mani, "Contentious Traditions: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India," Cultural Critique 7 (1987): 119-56.
34. See A.R.H. Copley, "Projections, Displacement, and Distortion in Nineteenth-Century Moral Imperialism-A Re-Examination of Charles Grant and James Mill," Calcutta Historical Journal 7, no, 2 (January-June 1983): 1-27; Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, "Gender and Imperialism in British India," South Asian Research 5 , no. 2 (1985): 147-65; and Lata Mani, "Contentious Traditions: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India," Cultural Critique 7 (1987): 119-56.
35. See A.R.H. Copley, "Projections, Displacement, and Distortion in Nineteenth-Century Moral Imperialism-A Re-Examination of Charles Grant and James Mill," Calcutta Historical Journal 7, no, 2 (January-June 1983): 1-27; Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, "Gender and Imperialism in British India," South Asian Research 5 , no. 2 (1985): 147-65; and Lata Mani, "Contentious Traditions: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India," Cultural Critique 7 (1987): 119-56.
36. See Richard J. Poplewell, "The Surveillance of Indian 'Seditionists' in North America, 1905-1915," in Intelligence and International Relations, 1900-1945, ed. Christopher Andrew and Jeremy Noakes (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1987); and his Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian Empire, 1904-1924 (London: Frank Cass, 1995). Also see correspondence among British officials to counteract publicity in the United States against the British Raj in Foreign Office, Embassies, and Consulates: United States of America: General Correspondence, Foreign Office 115/2597,1920, Public Records Office, Kew, U.K.
37. See Richard J. Poplewell, "The Surveillance of Indian 'Seditionists' in North America, 1905-1915," in Intelligence and International Relations, 1900-1945, ed. Christopher Andrew and Jeremy Noakes (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1987); and his Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian Empire, 1904-1924 (London: Frank Cass, 1995). Also see correspondence among British officials to counteract publicity in the United States against the British Raj in Foreign Office, Embassies, and Consulates: United States of America: General Correspondence, Foreign Office 115/2597,1920, Public Records Office, Kew, U.K.
38. See Richard J. Poplewell, "The Surveillance of Indian 'Seditionists' in North America, 1905-1915," in Intelligence and International Relations, 1900-1945, ed. Christopher Andrew and Jeremy Noakes (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1987); and his Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian Empire, 1904-1924 (London: Frank Cass, 1995). Also see correspondence among British officials to counteract publicity in the United States against the British Raj in Foreign Office, Embassies, and Consulates: United States of America: General Correspondence, Foreign Office 115/2597,1920, Public Records Office, Kew, U.K.
39. I remain indebted in my own work to Jha's pioneering study of the connections between Mayo and the official British propaganda machine; see Katherine Mayo and India.
40. For Mayo's investment in racist politics in the United States, see Gerda Ray, "From Cossack to Trooper: Manliness, Police Reform, and the State," Journal of Social History 28, no. 3 (spring 1995): 565-86.
41. Katherine Mayo, The Isles of Fear: The Truth about the Philippines (London: Faber & Gwyer, 1925). The British edition of the book had a preface from Sir Lionel Curtis, one of the major architects for reconstituting the British Empire to answer its critics in the early twentieth century.
42. Mayo herself acknowledged that the main idea of Mother India had been given to her by J.H. Adams. See note from Mayo to Adams, n.d., Katherine Mayo Papers, folder 181, series 4, box 34, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven. For Adams deputation with the Indian Political Intelligence department in the India Office, see Public and Judicial Records, L/P & J/12/15, India Office Library and Records, London; and Home Department, Political Proceedings, F37, 1924, National Archives of India (NAI), New Delhi. Mayo's original intention had been to make her case against Indian self-rule via a discussion of public health. See editor's introduction, Selections from Katherine Mayo's Mother India.
43. Mayo herself acknowledged that the main idea of Mother India had been given to her by J.H. Adams. See note from Mayo to Adams, n.d., Katherine Mayo Papers, folder 181, series 4, box 34, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven. For Adams deputation with the Indian Political Intelligence department in the India Office, see Public and Judicial Records, L/P & J/12/15, India Office Library and Records, London; and Home Department, Political Proceedings, F37, 1924, National Archives of India (NAI), New Delhi. Mayo's original intention had been to make her case against Indian self-rule via a discussion of public health. See editor's introduction, Selections from Katherine Mayo's Mother India.
44. Mayo herself acknowledged that the main idea of Mother India had been given to her by J.H. Adams. See note from Mayo to Adams, n.d., Katherine Mayo Papers, folder 181, series 4, box 34, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven. For Adams deputation with the Indian Political Intelligence department in the India Office, see Public and Judicial Records, L/P & J/12/15, India Office Library and Records, London; and Home Department, Political Proceedings, F37, 1924, National Archives of India (NAI), New Delhi. Mayo's original intention had been to make her case against Indian self-rule via a discussion of public health. See editor's introduction, Selections from Katherine Mayo's Mother India.
45. Mayo herself acknowledged that the main idea of Mother India had been given to her by J.H. Adams. See note from Mayo to Adams, n.d., Katherine Mayo Papers, folder 181, series 4, box 34, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven. For Adams deputation with the Indian Political Intelligence department in the India Office, see Public and Judicial Records, L/P & J/12/15, India Office Library and Records, London; and Home Department, Political Proceedings, F37, 1924, National Archives of India (NAI), New Delhi. Mayo's original intention had been to make her case against Indian self-rule via a discussion of public health. See editor's introduction, Selections from Katherine Mayo's Mother India.
46. The attempt of some latter-day U.S. feminists to resurrect Mayo as a feminist concerned with the plight of women in India, therefore, is extremely problematic. For some examples, see Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1979), esp. 119; Elisabeth Bumiller, May You Be the Mother of a Hundred Sons (New York: Random House, 1990), 21-22; and Liz Wilson, "Who Is Authorized to Speak? Katherine Mayo and the Politics of Imperial Feminism in British India," Journal of Indian Philosophy 25 (May 1997): 139-151.
47. The attempt of some latter-day U.S. feminists to resurrect Mayo as a feminist concerned with the plight of women in India, therefore, is extremely problematic. For some examples, see Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1979), esp. 119; Elisabeth Bumiller, May You Be the Mother of a Hundred Sons (New York: Random House, 1990), 21-22; and Liz Wilson, "Who Is Authorized to Speak? Katherine Mayo and the Politics of Imperial Feminism in British India," Journal of Indian Philosophy 25 (May 1997): 139-151.
48. The attempt of some latter-day U.S. feminists to resurrect Mayo as a feminist concerned with the plight of women in India, therefore, is extremely problematic. For some examples, see Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1979), esp. 119; Elisabeth Bumiller, May You Be the Mother of a Hundred Sons (New York: Random House, 1990), 21-22; and Liz Wilson, "Who Is Authorized to Speak? Katherine Mayo and the Politics of Imperial Feminism in British India," Journal of Indian Philosophy 25 (May 1997): 139-151.
49. For cultural-nationalist appropriations of the past, see Uma Chakravarti, "Whatever Happened to Vedic Dasi? Orientalism, Nationalism, and a Script for the Past," in Recasting Women, 27-87; and V. Geetha and S.V. Rajadurai, "One Hundred Years of Brahminitude: Arrival of Annie Besant," Economic and Political Weekly 30, no. 28 (15 July 1995): 1768-79.
50. For cultural-nationalist appropriations of the past, see Uma Chakravarti, "Whatever Happened to Vedic Dasi? Orientalism, Nationalism, and a Script for the Past," in Recasting Women, 27-87; and V. Geetha and S.V. Rajadurai, "One Hundred Years of Brahminitude: Arrival of Annie Besant," Economic and Political Weekly 30, no. 28 (15 July 1995): 1768-79.
51. For the early investment of middle-class British feminism in the imperialist discourse of the uplift of Indian women, see Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). Also see Barbara Ramusack, "Cultural Missionaries, Maternal Imperialists, Feminist Allies: British Women Activists in India, 1865-1945," in Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance, ed. Margaret Strobel and Nupur Chaudhury (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), 119-36; and Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman's Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Colonial Rule (New York: Routledge, 1995).
52. For the early investment of middle-class British feminism in the imperialist discourse of the uplift of Indian women, see Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). Also see Barbara Ramusack, "Cultural Missionaries, Maternal Imperialists, Feminist Allies: British Women Activists in India, 1865-1945," in Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance, ed. Margaret Strobel and Nupur Chaudhury (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), 119-36; and Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman's Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Colonial Rule (New York: Routledge, 1995).
53. For the early investment of middle-class British feminism in the imperialist discourse of the uplift of Indian women, see Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). Also see Barbara Ramusack, "Cultural Missionaries, Maternal Imperialists, Feminist Allies: British Women Activists in India, 1865-1945," in Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance, ed. Margaret Strobel and Nupur Chaudhury (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), 119-36; and Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman's Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Colonial Rule (New York: Routledge, 1995).
54. See, for example, the review of Mother India in the New Statesman (16 July 1927): 448-49, a journal that had been relatively sympathetic toward Indian nationalism. See also the review by Edward Thompson, a critic of many aspects of the British Raj, in Bookman, September 1927, 323.
55. See, for example, the review of Mother India in the New Statesman (16 July 1927): 448-49, a journal that had been relatively sympathetic toward Indian nationalism. See also the review by Edward Thompson, a critic of many aspects of the British Raj, in Bookman, September 1927, 323.
56. See Chakravarti.
57. For the most famous tu quoque response, see K.L. Gauba, Uncle Sham: The Strange Tale of a Civilization Run Amok (Ludhiana: Times of India Corp., 1929).
58. See M.K. Gandhi, "Drain-Inspector's Report," Young India (15 Sept. 1927), in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedababd: Navajivan Publishing House, 1969), 34: 539-47; and K.K. Natarajan, Miss Mayo's Mother India: A Rejoinder (Madras: G.A. Natesan & Co., 1928).
59. See M.K. Gandhi, "Drain-Inspector's Report," Young India (15 Sept. 1927), in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedababd: Navajivan Publishing House, 1969), 34: 539-47; and K.K. Natarajan, Miss Mayo's Mother India: A Rejoinder (Madras: G.A. Natesan & Co., 1928).
60. See M.K. Gandhi, "Drain-Inspector's Report," Young India (15 Sept. 1927), in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedababd: Navajivan Publishing House, 1969), 34: 539-47; and K.K. Natarajan, Miss Mayo's Mother India: A Rejoinder (Madras: G.A. Natesan & Co., 1928).
61. See Sinha, "Lineage of the Indian Modern."
62. See Report of the Age of Consent Committee, 1928-2929 (Calcutta: Government of India, 1930).
63. For the limits of the Sarda Act, see Geraldine Forbes, "Women and Modernity: The Issue of Child Marriage in India," Women's Studies International Quarterly 2, no. 4 (1979): 407-19; Barbara Ramusack, "Women's Organizations and Social Change: The Age-of-Marriage Issue in India," in Women and World Change, ed. Naomi Black and A.B. Cottrell (London: Sage, 1981), 198-216; and Judy Whitehead, "Modernising the Motherhood Archetype: Public Health Models and the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929," in Social Reform, Sexuality, and the State, ed. Patricia Uberoi (New Delhi: Sage, 1996), 187-210.
64. For the limits of the Sarda Act, see Geraldine Forbes, "Women and Modernity: The Issue of Child Marriage in India," Women's Studies International Quarterly 2, no. 4 (1979): 407-19; Barbara Ramusack, "Women's Organizations and Social Change: The Age-of-Marriage Issue in India," in Women and World Change, ed. Naomi Black and A.B. Cottrell (London: Sage, 1981), 198-216; and Judy Whitehead, "Modernising the Motherhood Archetype: Public Health Models and the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929," in Social Reform, Sexuality, and the State, ed. Patricia Uberoi (New Delhi: Sage, 1996), 187-210.
65. For the limits of the Sarda Act, see Geraldine Forbes, "Women and Modernity: The Issue of Child Marriage in India," Women's Studies International Quarterly 2, no. 4 (1979): 407-19; Barbara Ramusack, "Women's Organizations and Social Change: The Age-of-Marriage Issue in India," in Women and World Change, ed. Naomi Black and A.B. Cottrell (London: Sage, 1981), 198-216; and Judy Whitehead, "Modernising the Motherhood Archetype: Public Health Models and the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929," in Social Reform, Sexuality, and the State, ed. Patricia Uberoi (New Delhi: Sage, 1996), 187-210.
66. The phrase is from Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak "Can the Subaltern Speak? Speculations on Widow Sacrifice," Wedge 7-8 (winter-spring, 1985): 21.
67. For the history of social reform in colonial India, see Swaminath Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962); and R.K. Sharma, Nationalism, Social Reform, and Indian Women: A Study of the Interaction between Our National Movement and the Movement for Social Reform among Indian Women (Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1981).
68. For the history of social reform in colonial India, see Swaminath Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962); and R.K. Sharma, Nationalism, Social Reform, and Indian Women: A Study of the Interaction between Our National Movement and the Movement for Social Reform among Indian Women (Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1981).
69. Alexander Muddiman, the Home Member of the Government of India, had announced in 1925 that the policy of the government of India was to block the passage of social reform legislations in the assembly. See note by A.P. Muddiman, 11 July 1927, Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 382/27, 1927, NAI.
70. For the continued discomfort of the government of India over the Sarda Act, see Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29., 1929; 946/29, 1929; and 9/31, 1931, NAI.
71. For the continued discomfort of the government of India over the Sarda Act, see Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29., 1929; 946/29, 1929; and 9/31, 1931, NAI.
72. For the continued discomfort of the government of India over the Sarda Act, see Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29., 1929; 946/29, 1929; and 9/31, 1931, NAI.
73. Harbilas Sarda, the initial sponsor of the act, saw the passage of the Act as a major blow to imperialist propagandists such as Mayo; see his "Child Marriage Act," Stri Dharma 13, no. 3 (January 1930): 77-78. Also see Sarda to K.V. Rangaswami, 10 Dec. 1946, Harbilas Sarda Papers, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML), New Delhi.
74. For Muthulakshmi Reddi's initial wariness about adopting too close an identification with nationalist activities, see her letters, speeches, and writings collected in the Muthulakshmi Reddi Papers, NMML. For a discussion of Reddi's politics, see Mrs. Reddy (also frequently spelled "Reddi"), Autobiography of Dr. (Mrs.) S. Muthulakshmi Ready: A Pioneer Woman Legislator (Madras: M. Reddi, 1964); and Aparna Basu, ed. The Pathfinder: Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy (New Delhi: AIWC Publishers, 1987).
75. For Muthulakshmi Reddi's initial wariness about adopting too close an identification with nationalist activities, see her letters, speeches, and writings collected in the Muthulakshmi Reddi Papers, NMML. For a discussion of Reddi's politics, see Mrs. Reddy (also frequently spelled "Reddi"), Autobiography of Dr. (Mrs.) S. Muthulakshmi Ready: A Pioneer Woman Legislator (Madras: M. Reddi, 1964); and Aparna Basu, ed. The Pathfinder: Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy (New Delhi: AIWC Publishers, 1987).
76. Muthulakshmi Reddi, "Government's Attitude towards the Women's Movement and Its Responsibility in Social Reform Movements," presented at the Indian National Social Reform Conference, Madras, December 1927. See "Speeches and Writings," vol. 2, pt. 2, Reddi Papers.
77. Muthulakshmi Reddi, "Government's Attitude towards the Women's Movement and Its Responsibility in Social Reform Movements," presented at the Indian National Social Reform Conference, Madras, December 1927. See "Speeches and Writings," vol. 2, pt. 2, Reddi Papers.
78. See Muthulakshmi Reddi to Eleanor Rathbone, 14 Feb. 1920; and Reddi to Alice Caton, 24 Feb. 1930, Eleanor Rathbone Papers, box 92, folder 1, Fawcett Library, London.
79. Eleanor Rathbone, Child Marriage: The Indian Minotaur (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1934). Here Rathbone had clearly changed her views from her previous, "Has Katherine Mayo Slandered Mother India?" Hibbert Journal 27 (January 1929): 193-214. The change in her views was a response both to her exchange with Indian women activists, like Reddi, and her own experiences in raising questions about the Sarda Act as member of parliament in Britain. For a sympathetic biography of Rathbone, see Mary D. Stocks, Eleanor Rathbone: A Biography (London: Victor Gollancz, 1949).
80. Eleanor Rathbone, Child Marriage: The Indian Minotaur (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1934). Here Rathbone had clearly changed her views from her previous, "Has Katherine Mayo Slandered Mother India?" Hibbert Journal 27 (January 1929): 193-214. The change in her views was a response both to her exchange with Indian women activists, like Reddi, and her own experiences in raising questions about the Sarda Act as member of parliament in Britain. For a sympathetic biography of Rathbone, see Mary D. Stocks, Eleanor Rathbone: A Biography (London: Victor Gollancz, 1949).
81. Eleanor Rathbone, Child Marriage: The Indian Minotaur (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1934). Here Rathbone had clearly changed her views from her previous, "Has Katherine Mayo Slandered Mother India?" Hibbert Journal 27 (January 1929): 193-214. The change in her views was a response both to her exchange with Indian women activists, like Reddi, and her own experiences in raising questions about the Sarda Act as member of parliament in Britain. For a sympathetic biography of Rathbone, see Mary D. Stocks, Eleanor Rathbone: A Biography (London: Victor Gollancz, 1949).
82. See the recollection of the women's deputation in Margaret Cousins, "Impressions of the Second All-India Women's Conference," Stri Dhartna 12, no. 5 (March 1928); 67-69. Also see Motilal Nehru's speech in Extract from Legislative Assembly Debates, 11 Sept. 1929, Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29, 1929, NAI.
83. See the recollection of the women's deputation in Margaret Cousins, "Impressions of the Second All-India Women's Conference," Stri Dhartna 12, no. 5 (March 1928); 67-69. Also see Motilal Nehru's speech in Extract from Legislative Assembly Debates, 11 Sept. 1929, Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29, 1929, NAI.
84. See Sinha, "Lineage of the Indian Modern."
85. See the complaint by M.K. Acharya, Extract from Legislative Assembly Debates, 4 Sept. 1929, Home Department, Judicial Proceedings, 570/29, 1929, NAI.
86. Subject File, "Social Welfare Measures, 1927-1928," Reddi Papers, file no. 8, pt. 1.
87. For an exposition of Acharya's views, see esp. M.K Acharya, Indian Marriage Systems or Siva-Sliakti Unity in the Light of Western Science (Madras: All-India Brahmana Maha Sabha, 1929), Acharya's son even complained to Reddi that she had misrepresented his father in attributing his views to an unreconstructed Hindu orthodoxy. See M.K. Acharya to Muthulakshmi Reddi, 20 Oct. 1929, Subject File, "Social Welfare Measures, 1927-1928," Reddi Papers, file no. 8, pt. 1.
88. For an exposition of Acharya's views, see esp. M.K Acharya, Indian Marriage Systems or Siva-Sliakti Unity in the Light of Western Science (Madras: All-India Brahmana Maha Sabha, 1929), Acharya's son even complained to Reddi that she had misrepresented his father in attributing his views to an unreconstructed Hindu orthodoxy. See M.K. Acharya to Muthulakshmi Reddi, 20 Oct. 1929, Subject File, "Social Welfare Measures, 1927-1928," Reddi Papers, file no. 8, pt. 1.
89. Malati Patwardhan, quoted in Press Clippings (1927-30), Reddi Papers, file no, 10.
90. Kamalabai Lakshman Rau, quoted in Stri Dharma 9, no 5 (March 1928): 67-69 and 14, no. 5 (March 1931): 178.
91. Kamalabai Lakshman Rau, quoted in Stri Dharma 9, no 5 (March 1928): 67-69 and 14, no. 5 (March 1931): 178.
92. For the charter, see Stri Dharma 9, no 3 (January 1928): 33. For the subsequent controversy, see Stri Dharma 13, no. 3 (January 1930): 79-80.
93. For the charter, see Stri Dharma 9, no 3 (January 1928): 33. For the subsequent controversy, see Stri Dharma 13, no. 3 (January 1930): 79-80.
94. See Kamalabai Lakshman Rau, "The Law of Inheritance and Indian Women," Stri Dharma 10, no. 8 (June 1927): 117-19.
95. For one example, see Reddi's review of Rathbone's book on child marriage in India in "Social Welfare Measures," Reddi Papers, file no. 8, pt. 2.
96. See Stri Dharma 9, no. 12 (October 1928): 305. The Stri Dharma was expressing a view that was quite prevalent in the inner circle of the WIA, the oldest all-India women's organization. The AIWC, however, retained the directive against political involvement in its constitution for several years more. See Aparna Basu and Bharati Ray, Women's Struggle: A History of the All-India Women's Conference, 1927-1990 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1990).
97. See Stri Dharma 9, no. 12 (October 1928): 305. The Stri Dharma was expressing a view that was quite prevalent in the inner circle of the WIA, the oldest all-India women's organization. The AIWC, however, retained the directive against political involvement in its constitution for several years more. See Aparna Basu and Bharati Ray, Women's Struggle: A History of the All-India Women's Conference, 1927-1990 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1990).
98. On this point, see the presidential address at the 1937 annual conference of the AIWC, cited in Bulletin of the Indian Women's Movement, no. 12 (January 1937): 1-3.
99. Maya Devi Gangulee to Eleanor Rathbone, 27 Aug. 1932, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 4. For the fear that on a "communal ticket," women would become "puppets" in the hands of communalists and would be forced to be loyal to that community, see also Stri Dharma 16, no. 1 (September 1933): 553.
100. Radhabai Subbarayon to Eleanor Rathbone, 16 Sept. 1932, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 4.
101. Shareefah Hamid Ali to Eleanor Rathbone, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 9. Eventually Begum Shah Nawaz was alone among the women representatives to appear before the various government committees on the franchise question to support communal electorates for women. Shah Nawaz recognized that it was impossible for Muslim women to support political representation for themselves in a form that was substantially different from that demanded by the men of the community. See Shah Nawaz to Eleanor Rathbone, 17 Sept. 1934, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 10.
102. Shareefah Hamid Ali to Eleanor Rathbone, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 9. Eventually Begum Shah Nawaz was alone among the women representatives to appear before the various government committees on the franchise question to support communal electorates for women. Shah Nawaz recognized that it was impossible for Muslim women to support political representation for themselves in a form that was substantially different from that demanded by the men of the community. See Shah Nawaz to Eleanor Rathbone, 17 Sept. 1934, Rathbone Papers, box 93, folder 10.
103. See Amrit Kaur, "The Responsibility of Women as Citizens in the India of Today," Stri Dharma 18, no. 2 (December 1934): 43-49. For the suffrage controversy, see Sinha, "Suffragism and Internationalism."
104. See Amrit Kaur, "The Responsibility of Women as Citizens in the India of Today," Stri Dharma 18, no. 2 (December 1934): 43-49. For the suffrage controversy, see Sinha, "Suffragism and Internationalism."
105. This memorandom was enclosed in the All-India Women's Conference Papers, file no. 12, NMML. The view was shared by the three all-India women's organizations. See Bulletin of the National Council of Women in India 5, no. 2 (August 1935): 22; AIWC, "A Joint Declaration on Women's Franchise"; and WIA, "Women's Suffrage," Stri Dharma 15, no. 5 (March 1932): 241-43, 244-46.
106. This memorandom was enclosed in the All-India Women's Conference Papers, file no. 12, NMML. The view was shared by the three all-India women's organizations. See Bulletin of the National Council of Women in India 5, no. 2 (August 1935): 22; AIWC, "A Joint Declaration on Women's Franchise"; and WIA, "Women's Suffrage," Stri Dharma 15, no. 5 (March 1932): 241-43, 244-46.
107. This memorandom was enclosed in the All-India Women's Conference Papers, file no. 12, NMML. The view was shared by the three all-India women's organizations. See Bulletin of the National Council of Women in India 5, no. 2 (August 1935): 22; AIWC, "A Joint Declaration on Women's Franchise"; and WIA, "Women's Suffrage," Stri Dharma 15, no. 5 (March 1932): 241-43, 244-46.
108. This memorandom was enclosed in the All-India Women's Conference Papers, file no. 12, NMML. The view was shared by the three all-India women's organizations. See Bulletin of the National Council of Women in India 5, no. 2 (August 1935): 22; AIWC, "A Joint Declaration on Women's Franchise"; and WIA, "Women's Suffrage," Stri Dharma 15, no. 5 (March 1932): 241-43, 244-46.
109. Gandhi, quoted in B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi: A Biography (1958; reprint Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 315.
110. See Stri Dharma 16, no 1 (September 1933): 553.
111. Muthulakshmi Reddi to Eleanor Rathbone, 29 July 1931, quoted in Gail Pearson, "Reserved Seats: Women and the Vote in Bombay," Indian Economic and Social History Review 20, no. 1 (January-March 1983): 56.
112. On the distinction made in the Self-Respect movement between formal and substantive equality, see M.S.S. Pandian, " 'De-Nationalizing' the Past: 'Nation' in E.V. Ramasamy's Political Discourse," Economic and Political Weekly 28, no. 2 (16 Oct. 1993): 2282-87; and V. Geetha, "Periyar, Women, and an Ethic of Citizenship," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 17 (25 Apr. 1998): Ws9-Ws15. For a more general discussion of this question, see also Vidhu Verma, "Colonialism and Liberation: Ambedkar's Quest for Distributive Justice," Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 39 (25 Sept. 1999): 2804-10.
113. On the distinction made in the Self-Respect movement between formal and substantive equality, see M.S.S. Pandian, " 'De-Nationalizing' the Past: 'Nation' in E.V. Ramasamy's Political Discourse," Economic and Political Weekly 28, no. 2 (16 Oct. 1993): 2282-87; and V. Geetha, "Periyar, Women, and an Ethic of Citizenship," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 17 (25 Apr. 1998): Ws9-Ws15. For a more general discussion of this question, see also Vidhu Verma, "Colonialism and Liberation: Ambedkar's Quest for Distributive Justice," Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 39 (25 Sept. 1999): 2804-10.
114. On the distinction made in the Self-Respect movement between formal and substantive equality, see M.S.S. Pandian, " 'De-Nationalizing' the Past: 'Nation' in E.V. Ramasamy's Political Discourse," Economic and Political Weekly 28, no. 2 (16 Oct. 1993): 2282-87; and V. Geetha, "Periyar, Women, and an Ethic of Citizenship," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 17 (25 Apr. 1998): Ws9-Ws15. For a more general discussion of this question, see also Vidhu Verma, "Colonialism and Liberation: Ambedkar's Quest for Distributive Justice," Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 39 (25 Sept. 1999): 2804-10.
115. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c. 1925-1948," Social Scientist 19 (May-June 1991): 24-41; Natalie Pickering, "Recasting the Indian Nation: Dravidian Nationalism Replies to the Women's Question," Thatched Patio 6 (May-June 1993): 1-20; and Prabha Rani, "Women's Indian Association and the Self-Respect Movement in Madras, 1925-1936: Perceptions on Women," in Women and Indian Nationalism, ed. Leela Kasruri and Vina Mazumdar (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994), 94-109. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the most prominent leader and theorist of the non-Brahman movement from Maharashtra, also theorized the link between gender, caste, and sexuality; on this point see Sharmila Rege, "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 44 (31 Oct. 1998): Ws39-Ws46; and Chhaya Datar, "Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in Maharashtra: Is It a More Emancipatory Force?" Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 41 (9-15 Oct. 1999): 2964-68.
116. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c. 1925-1948," Social Scientist 19 (May-June 1991): 24-41; Natalie Pickering, "Recasting the Indian Nation: Dravidian Nationalism Replies to the Women's Question," Thatched Patio 6 (May-June 1993): 1-20; and Prabha Rani, "Women's Indian Association and the Self-Respect Movement in Madras, 1925-1936: Perceptions on Women," in Women and Indian Nationalism, ed. Leela Kasruri and Vina Mazumdar (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994), 94-109. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the most prominent leader and theorist of the non-Brahman movement from Maharashtra, also theorized the link between gender, caste, and sexuality; on this point see Sharmila Rege, "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 44 (31 Oct. 1998): Ws39-Ws46; and Chhaya Datar, "Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in Maharashtra: Is It a More Emancipatory Force?" Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 41 (9-15 Oct. 1999): 2964-68.
117. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c. 1925-1948," Social Scientist 19 (May-June 1991): 24-41; Natalie Pickering, "Recasting the Indian Nation: Dravidian Nationalism Replies to the Women's Question," Thatched Patio 6 (May-June 1993): 1-20; and Prabha Rani, "Women's Indian Association and the Self-Respect Movement in Madras, 1925-1936: Perceptions on Women," in Women and Indian Nationalism, ed. Leela Kasruri and Vina Mazumdar (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994), 94-109. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the most prominent leader and theorist of the non-Brahman movement from Maharashtra, also theorized the link between gender, caste, and sexuality; on this point see Sharmila Rege, "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 44 (31 Oct. 1998): Ws39-Ws46; and Chhaya Datar, "Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in Maharashtra: Is It a More Emancipatory Force?" Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 41 (9-15 Oct. 1999): 2964-68.
118. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c. 1925-1948," Social Scientist 19 (May-June 1991): 24-41; Natalie Pickering, "Recasting the Indian Nation: Dravidian Nationalism Replies to the Women's Question," Thatched Patio 6 (May-June 1993): 1-20; and Prabha Rani, "Women's Indian Association and the Self-Respect Movement in Madras, 1925-1936: Perceptions on Women," in Women and Indian Nationalism, ed. Leela Kasruri and Vina Mazumdar (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994), 94-109. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the most prominent leader and theorist of the non-Brahman movement from Maharashtra, also theorized the link between gender, caste, and sexuality; on this point see Sharmila Rege, "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 44 (31 Oct. 1998): Ws39-Ws46; and Chhaya Datar, "Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in Maharashtra: Is It a More Emancipatory Force?" Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 41 (9-15 Oct. 1999): 2964-68.
119. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c. 1925-1948," Social Scientist 19 (May-June 1991): 24-41; Natalie Pickering, "Recasting the Indian Nation: Dravidian Nationalism Replies to the Women's Question," Thatched Patio 6 (May-June 1993): 1-20; and Prabha Rani, "Women's Indian Association and the Self-Respect Movement in Madras, 1925-1936: Perceptions on Women," in Women and Indian Nationalism, ed. Leela Kasruri and Vina Mazumdar (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994), 94-109. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the most prominent leader and theorist of the non-Brahman movement from Maharashtra, also theorized the link between gender, caste, and sexuality; on this point see Sharmila Rege, "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint," Economic and Political Weekly 33, no. 44 (31 Oct. 1998): Ws39-Ws46; and Chhaya Datar, "Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in Maharashtra: Is It a More Emancipatory Force?" Economic and Political Weekly 34, no. 41 (9-15 Oct. 1999): 2964-68.
120. See E.V.R. Periyar, Self-Respect Marriages (Madras: Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institute, 1983). For the "woman question" in the movement, see S. Anandhi, "Women's Question in the Dravidian Movement c.
121. On this point, see Pandian.
122. Kovai A. Ayyamuthu, Meyo Kutru Moyya Poyya (Mayo's charges: true or false) (Kanchipurum: Kumaran Printing Press, 1929). See the English translation of an extract from the book in Selections from Mother India, 293-98.
123. Kovai A. Ayyamuthu, Meyo Kutru Moyya Poyya (Mayo's charges: true or false) (Kanchipurum: Kumaran Printing Press, 1929). See the English translation of an extract from the book in Selections from Mother India, 293-98.
124. The controversy led to a fallout between Reddi and the local Congress representative, O. Kandiyar Chetty. See "Speeches and Writings," Reddi Papers, 2, p. 2.
125. Miguel A. Cabrera, "Linguistic Approach or Return to Subjectivism? In Search of an Alternative to Social History," Social History 24, no. 1 (January 1999): 82.