Coverage of "bride burning" in the Dallas Observer: A cultural analysis of the "other"

Frontiers

Volumn 16, Issue 2-3, 1996, Pages 69-100

  Parameswaran, Radhika ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0040155925     PISSN: 01609009     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3346804     Document Type: Article

References (101)

1. I am fully aware of the problems associated with using the term "third world." It has been contested as hierarchical and derogatory. However, people from postcolonial and developing nations continue to be classified as "third world people" within dominant discourses such as reports of the United Nations and the World Bank. I use the term self-consciously; Chandra Mohanty points out that it not only makes concrete the economic relationship between the first world and the third world, but it also takes into account our history of colonization and relationships of dominance between first and third world peoples. See Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Western Discourses," in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, ed. Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991).
2. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes."
3. Rebecca Sherman, "Aleyamma's Pyre," Dallas Observer, 15 April 1993, 10-21. All further references to this story will be cited in text.
4. Peter Dahlgren and Sumitra Chakrapani, "The Third World on TV News: Western Ways of Seeing the 'Other,'" in Television Coverage of International Affairs, ed. William C. Adams (Norwood, N.J.: Ablex, 1982), 53.
5. Dahlgren and Chakrapani, "The Third World on TV News," 53.
6. Keya Ganguly, "Accounting for Others: Feminism and Representation," in Women Making Meaning: New Feminist Directions in Communication, ed. Lana Rakow (New York: Routledge, 1992), 71.
7. Carl Bybee suggests that the news-as-ideology position forces recognition of the intersection of power and knowledge. His assertion that domination may be "exercised not simply as coercive force but as through the creation of a 'reality' that naturalizes the reasonableness and the inevitability of oppression" is particularly relevant to this paper. See Carl Bybee, "Constructing Women as Authorities: Local Journalism and the Microphysics of Power," Critical Studies in Mass Communication 7:3 (1990): 199.
8. Nancy Lays Stepans writes about the role metaphors and analogies played in linking race and gender (particularly in linking women with "lower races") in scientific research in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. She argues that human variation and difference were experienced through a metaphorical system that "structured the experience and understanding of difference and that in essence created the objects of difference." Analyzing how metaphors directed and constituted the parameters of research or knowledge production on race and gender, Stepans looks at how metaphors organized reality and constructed signs of inferiority. See Nancy L. Stepans, "Race and Gender: The Role of Analogy in Science," ISIS 77 (1986): 265.
9. Sander Gilman, Seeing the Insane (New York: Wiley, 1982), xi.
10. Wes Cecil, Pranav Jani, and Stacy Takacs, "India Is(n't): Misrepresentations of India in the United States Media," Samar (Summer 1994): 4.
11. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 74.
12. Sonali Vepa, "New Growth, New Challenges: Indians Form One of America's Fastest Growing Immigrant Communities," India Currents, 31 October 1992, M19.
13. Vepa, "New Growth, New Challenges."
14. Discussing the flood of Indian immigration to the United States in the sixties, Mahesh Mehta writes, "In 1965 when the discriminatory laws based on national origin quotas that had blocked Asian immigration for half a century were abolished, the large number of Indian immigrants started arriving. . . ." See Mahesh Mehta, "Indian Immigration to U.S.," in Mother India: Children Abroad, ed. Vidya Sagar and Manohar Puri (New Delhi: International Publishers, 1986), 126. See also Rahul Singh, "A Great Indian Wave: Indians Abroad Decide to Document Their Diaspora," Far Eastern Economic Review 146 (October 19,1989): 36, for a discussion of Indian immigration to the United States in the sixties.
15. Discussing the flood of Indian immigration to the United States in the sixties, Mahesh Mehta writes, "In 1965 when the discriminatory laws based on national origin quotas that had blocked Asian immigration for half a century were abolished, the large number of Indian immigrants started arriving. . . ." See Mahesh Mehta, "Indian Immigration to U.S.," in Mother India: Children Abroad, ed. Vidya Sagar and Manohar Puri (New Delhi: International Publishers, 1986), 126. See also Rahul Singh, "A Great Indian Wave: Indians Abroad Decide to Document Their Diaspora," Far Eastern Economic Review 146 (October 19,1989): 36, for a discussion of Indian immigration to the United States in the sixties.
16. Singh, "A Great Indian Wave," 36.
17. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Questions of Multiculturalism," in The Post-Colonial Critic, ed. Sarah Harasym (New York: Routledge, 1990), 61-62.
18. Prem Vora, "South Asian Women's Social Realities: Sakhi and Manavi Organize a Conference at Columbia," India Currents, 31 August 1993, 5.
19. Curt Clemson, "Burning Bride," Letter to the Editor, Dalks Observer, 29 April 1993, 3.
20. Nita Thurman, "Man Gets 75 Years in Killing," Dallas Morning News, 22 January 1993, 25A.
21. Atlanta Journal and Constitution, "Nation in Brief¡ (see section on Texas), 23 January 1993, 4.
22. Jorge Pinada, ¡Till Death Do Us Part,¡ Letter to the Editor, Dallas Observer, 5 May 1993, 3.
23. Bybee, "Constructing Women as Authorities," 209.
24. For a discussion of how writing in the third person helps to establish authority and "truthness," see Bybee, "Constructing Women as Authorities," 209.
25. Roland Barthes, Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: The Noonday Press, 1972), 152.
26. Dahlgren and Chakrapani, "The Third World on TV News," 54.
27. Some Indian Christian women who belong to certain denominations do wear "bindis" on their foreheads. However, Aleyamma, in all the photographs featured in the story, did not wear it. The painting of the woman with a "bindi" on her forehead to represent Aleyamma, an Indian Christian, is problematic because to a Western audience this automatically signals someone who belongs to the Hindu faith.
28. In a personal discussion on June 3, 1994, with Patricia Gaston (assistant Foreign desk editor) who supervised the series on violence against women in the world in the Dallas Morning News, she agreed with me that headlines for stories on non-Western peoples often draw on existing stereotypes regardless of the appropriateness of the headline for a particular story. Gaston also pointed out to me that inappropriate headlines could also be due to the fact that frequently the people who write headlines are not the same as the people who write the stories.
29. John Willigen and V. C. Channa, "Law, Custom, and Crimes Against Women: The Problem of Dowry Death in India," Human Organization 50:4 (1991): 369. The legal definition of a dowry death is, "where the death of a woman is caused by any burns or bodily injury or occurs otherwise than under normal circumstances within seven years of her marriage and it is shown that soon before her death she was subjected to cruelty or harassment by her husband or any other relative of her husband for, or in connection with, any demand for dowry, such death shall be called 'dowry death,' and such husband or relative shall be deemed to have caused her death." See Government of India, India 1986: A Reference Manual (Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1987), 4.
30. John Willigen and V. C. Channa, "Law, Custom, and Crimes Against Women: The Problem of Dowry Death in India," Human Organization 50:4 (1991): 369. The legal definition of a dowry death is, "where the death of a woman is caused by any burns or bodily injury or occurs otherwise than under normal circumstances within seven years of her marriage and it is shown that soon before her death she was subjected to cruelty or harassment by her husband or any other relative of her husband for, or in connection with, any demand for dowry, such death shall be called 'dowry death,' and such husband or relative shall be deemed to have caused her death." See Government of India, India 1986: A Reference Manual (Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1987), 4.
31. Ranjana Kumari, Brides are Not for Burning: Dowry Victims in India (New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1989).
32. Wanda Teays, "The Burning Bride: The Dowry Problem in India," Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 7:2 (1991): 29-52. For more information and analysis of dowry deaths see also Rehana Ghadially and Pramod Kumar, "Bride Burning: The PsychoSocial Dynamics of Dowry Deaths," in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1988).
33. Wanda Teays, "The Burning Bride: The Dowry Problem in India," Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 7:2 (1991): 29-52. For more information and analysis of dowry deaths see also Rehana Ghadially and Pramod Kumar, "Bride Burning: The PsychoSocial Dynamics of Dowry Deaths," in Women in Indian Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1988).
34. Willigen and Charma, "Law, Custom, and Crimes Against Women," 369.
35. Within the story itself, Rebecca Sherman briefly explains the connection between "burning bride" and "dowry deaths" and then writes, "Clearly, Aleyamma Mathew and Rachel Kalluvilayil were not burned for their dowries" (12). One wonders why, despite her awareness, the misleading term "burning bride" was used in large type on the cover.
36. For further details of how stereotypes in mass media work, see Ellen Seiter, "Stereotypes and the Media: A Re-Evaluation," Journal of Communication 36:2 (1986): 14-26. Seiter calls for more detailed analyses of stereotypes that would take into account how they arise out of certain historical and social structures. Seiter suggests that rather than just documenting stereotypes we must also study the content of stereotypes and their relationship to one another.
37. Sander Gilman, Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 20.
38. Wahneema Lubiano, "Black Ladies, Welfare Queens, and State Minstrels: Ideological War by Narrative Means," in Race-ing Justice, En-gendering Power, ed. Toni Morrison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1992).
39. Lubiano, "Black Ladies," 342.
40. The words "spicy" and "curry" are often associated with Indians due to popular cultural notions of Indian food. Frequently when I have been introduced to people in the United States for the first time, I have been asked, "Wow, do you eat all that spicy curry every day?" Of course, there are also other icebreakers such as yoga, meditation, the Hare Krishna movement, etc.
41. Cecil, Jani, and Takacs, "India Is(n't): Misrepresentations of India in the United States Media," 5.
42. Cecil, Jani, and Takacs, "India Is(n't): Misrepresentations of India in the United States Media." An Oprah Winfrey talk show aired in March 1994 featured Indian immigrants in the United States. Predictably, the show featured an "exotic" element - arranged marriages among the Indian immigrant community. For an analysis of this talk show see Caitrin Lynch, "Arranged Marriages on the Oprah Winfrey Show: What Difference Does it Make?" presented at the 23rd Annual Conference on South Asia (University of Wisconsin-Madison, November 4-6, 1994).
43. Cecil, Jani, and Takacs, "India Is(n't): Misrepresentations of India in the United States Media." An Oprah Winfrey talk show aired in March 1994 featured Indian immigrants in the United States. Predictably, the show featured an "exotic" element - arranged marriages among the Indian immigrant community. For an analysis of this talk show see Caitrin Lynch, "Arranged Marriages on the Oprah Winfrey Show: What Difference Does it Make?" presented at the 23rd Annual Conference on South Asia (University of Wisconsin-Madison, November 4-6, 1994).
44. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 72.
45. Statistics on the number of Indian Christian immigrants in the United States are not available. However, the fact that Hindus, who form the overwhelming majority in India, constitute 83 percent of India's population and Christians only 2.43 percent gives us a strong indication of the composition of the Indian immigrant population in the United States. Statistics on the Indian population, which were compiled in 1993, are cited from Britannica Book of Year (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 1994).
46. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 59.
47. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 59.
48. Mathew Kurian, The Caste-Class Formations: A Case Study of Kerala (New Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1986), 1-6.
49. Kurian, The Caste-Class Formations, 65-66.
50. See George Kurian, The Indian Family in Transition: A Case Study of Kerala Syrian Christians (s' Gravenhage, Holland: Mouton & Co, 1961), 76. Lionel Caplan also writes about the practice of dowry among Christians in Madras, the capital of Tamilnadu, a state in South India. Caplan, who did his fieldwork in Madras from 1974 to 1975, documents the rapidly spreading practice of dowry among Christians in Madras. See Lionel Caplan, "Bridegroom Price in Urban India: Class, Caste, and 'Dowry' Evil among Christians in Madras," Man 19:2 (1984): 216-233.
51. See George Kurian, The Indian Family in Transition: A Case Study of Kerala Syrian Christians (s' Gravenhage, Holland: Mouton & Co, 1961), 76. Lionel Caplan also writes about the practice of dowry among Christians in Madras, the capital of Tamilnadu, a state in South India. Caplan, who did his fieldwork in Madras from 1974 to 1975, documents the rapidly spreading practice of dowry among Christians in Madras. See Lionel Caplan, "Bridegroom Price in Urban India: Class, Caste, and 'Dowry' Evil among Christians in Madras," Man 19:2 (1984): 216-233.
52. See Kamal K. Sridhar, "The Development of English as an Elite Language in the Multi-lingual Context of India" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1977) for information on the introduction and establishment of English as a medium of education in India.
53. Sonia Ahuja writes that the Western media persist even today in presenting only negative information about India. She points out that one of the reasons for these negative depictions is that in the West very little is known about the history of Asia. Specifically discussing the ability of many Indians to speak English fluently, she writes, ". . . some Americans find it hard to understand why many Indians speak English fluently. This suggests that many are not even aware that India was once part of the British empire for about 200 years. Also, because of the long British presence in India, India's educational system is modeled after the British one." See Sonia Ahuja, "Media Misses other Side of India," The International Iowan, March 1995, 8.
54. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati: A Study of Widow Burning in India (New York: Viking, 1990), 12. For more information on Sati, see Kanta Grover, Burning Flesh (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1990) and Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan, "The Subject of Sati," in Interrogating Modernity: Culture and Colonialism in India, ed. Tejaswini Niranjana, Vivek Dhareshwar, and P. Sudhir (Calcutta: Seagull Books, 1993).
55. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati: A Study of Widow Burning in India (New York: Viking, 1990), 12. For more information on Sati, see Kanta Grover, Burning Flesh (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1990) and Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan, "The Subject of Sati," in Interrogating Modernity: Culture and Colonialism in India, ed. Tejaswini Niranjana, Vivek Dhareshwar, and P. Sudhir (Calcutta: Seagull Books, 1993).
56. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati: A Study of Widow Burning in India (New York: Viking, 1990), 12. For more information on Sati, see Kanta Grover, Burning Flesh (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1990) and Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan, "The Subject of Sati," in Interrogating Modernity: Culture and Colonialism in India, ed. Tejaswini Niranjana, Vivek Dhareshwar, and P. Sudhir (Calcutta: Seagull Books, 1993).
57. Five thousand one hundred and fifty-seven dowry murders were reported for the year 1992 ("Indian National Crime Records' Bureau 1992," World Factbook [New York: Kaleidoscope, 1993]). Sati, on the other hand, does not occur on this scale. Since India achieved independence, a few incidents of Sati have been reported. Citing the reported cases of Sati, Santosh Singh writes, "After 1955 every year at least one or two instances have been taking place here and there even though it is believed that the custom has completely died out because of social and legislative measures taken in this regard. The well-known instance is of Roop Kanwar who performed Sati on 4th September 1987 at village Deorala in Rajasthan." See Santosh Singh, A Passion for Flames (Jaipur, India: RBSA Publishers, 1989), 24.
58. Five thousand one hundred and fifty-seven dowry murders were reported for the year 1992 ("Indian National Crime Records' Bureau 1992," World Factbook [New York: Kaleidoscope, 1993]). Sati, on the other hand, does not occur on this scale. Since India achieved independence, a few incidents of Sati have been reported. Citing the reported cases of Sati, Santosh Singh writes, "After 1955 every year at least one or two instances have been taking place here and there even though it is believed that the custom has completely died out because of social and legislative measures taken in this regard. The well-known instance is of Roop Kanwar who performed Sati on 4th September 1987 at village Deorala in Rajasthan." See Santosh Singh, A Passion for Flames (Jaipur, India: RBSA Publishers, 1989), 24.
59. Although I have not documented this, I have noticed that words like "tradition," "ancient," "custom," and "culture" are used frequently in the media with reference to practices and events in non-Western societies. The frequent use of such words conveys the impression of static, tribal societies untouched by time.
60. Teays, "The Burning Bride," 29.
61. Teays, "The Burning Bride," 31.
62. S. J. Tambiah, "Dowry, Bridewealth, and Women's Property Rights," in Bridewealth and Dowry, ed. Jack Goody and S. J. Tambiah (London: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 69.
63. Teays, "The Burning Bride," 51.
64. Teays, "The Burning Bride," 51.
65. Geeta Patel, "Killing the Other Off," unpublished paper (Iowa City: University of Iowa, 1993).
66. Patel, "Killing the Other Off," 3.
67. Here I must thank one of my students in class who, in a classroom exercise with this article in the Dallas Observer, pointed out that she would begin her own version of the story with a discussion of Aleyamma's relationship with her Indian women friends at work and describe their efforts to help her cope with Mathew Varughese's abuse. She said that she would then write about their message to the police detective and explore the concerns underlying their message. My student felt that such a beginning would move towards portraying third world women as not only victims of patriarchy but also as women who critique patriarchy and recognize their own oppression within this system.
68. Lata Mani, "Reading Eyewitness Accounts of Widow Burning," in Interrogating Modernity: Culture and Colonialism in India.
69. The media in the United States persistently portray third world women as "victims" of tradition and culture. While this problem cannot be alleviated by merely including more positive stories (that is, stories where third world women have mobilized against their oppression), one wonders still why the actions of third world women to combat oppression remain invisible or are marginalized in the Western media. A brief story in the Washington Post discusses the successful protest of rural women from hundreds of villages in Andhra Pradesh, India, to ban the sale of cheap liquor. See Molly Moore, "Indian Village Women Fight State, Husbands to Ban Liquor," Washington Post, 19 December 1993, A33. The movement to ban cheap liquor was launched by rural women who were subjected to violence from their alcoholic husbands; these poor, rural men would spend their money on alcohol sold by the Indian government on their way home from work, and abuse their wives in their drunken state in the evenings. Discussing the success of their campaign, Molly Moore writes, "The odds seemed overwhelming from the start; poor, illiterate village women taking on one of India's most powerful political lobbies and generations of rigid social codes. But in a campaign hailed by many as India's first major grass-roots women's movement, some of the country's most destitute women have forced a large Indian state to ban the sale of cheap, government-produced liquor." Such stories inevitably remain tucked away in the inside pages of newspapers and magazines and never hit the front pages or become cover stories. One of the top priorities of the Fourth United Nations World Conference on Women (held at Beijing from September 4 to September 15,1995) is to encourage the media to move away from depicting women only as victims and to begin covering women's efforts to change their situation so that their struggles become apparent to the public. See official handout of the Secretariat of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Division for the Advancement of Women, 7 (1995). Covering third world women's struggles along with their oppression is important if they are to be viewed as "subjects" and not as objects all the time.
70. The media in the United States persistently portray third world women as "victims" of tradition and culture. While this problem cannot be alleviated by merely including more positive stories (that is, stories where third world women have mobilized against their oppression), one wonders still why the actions of third world women to combat oppression remain invisible or are marginalized in the Western media. A brief story in the Washington Post discusses the successful protest of rural women from hundreds of villages in Andhra Pradesh, India, to ban the sale of cheap liquor. See Molly Moore, "Indian Village Women Fight State, Husbands to Ban Liquor," Washington Post, 19 December 1993, A33. The movement to ban cheap liquor was launched by rural women who were subjected to violence from their alcoholic husbands; these poor, rural men would spend their money on alcohol sold by the Indian government on their way home from work, and abuse their wives in their drunken state in the evenings. Discussing the success of their campaign, Molly Moore writes, "The odds seemed overwhelming from the start; poor, illiterate village women taking on one of India's most powerful political lobbies and generations of rigid social codes. But in a campaign hailed by many as India's first major grass-roots women's movement, some of the country's most destitute women have forced a large Indian state to ban the sale of cheap, government-produced liquor." Such stories inevitably remain tucked away in the inside pages of newspapers and magazines and never hit the front pages or become cover stories. One of the top priorities of the Fourth United Nations World Conference on Women (held at Beijing from September 4 to September 15,1995) is to encourage the media to move away from depicting women only as victims and to begin covering women's efforts to change their situation so that their struggles become apparent to the public. See official handout of the Secretariat of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Division for the Advancement of Women, 7 (1995). Covering third world women's struggles along with their oppression is important if they are to be viewed as "subjects" and not as objects all the time.
71. Sayantani Dasgupta, "Breaking the Silence: Women Helping Women is the Goal of Manavi, the Pioneering Women's Group," India Currents, 30 June 1993, 17.
72. Note once again the use of words like "traditions," "ancestors," and "homeland" to describe Aleyamma's decision to stay with her husband.
73. Anson Shupe, William Stacey, and Lonnie Hazelwood, Violent Men, Violent Couples: The Dynamics of Domestic Violence (Massachusetts: Lexington Books, 1987), 113-114. See table on page 114 for factors that contribute to violence among couples in the United States. From the percentages in the table one can see that alcohol is the second most important factor next to financial pressures, conflict over children, and jealousy, all of which are equally important (carry the same percentage).
74. Glenda Kantor and Murray Straus, "The 'Drunken Bum' Theory of Wife Beating," Social Problems 34:3 (1987): 223.
75. Kantor and Straus, "The 'Drunken Bum' Theory of Wife Beating,"224.
76. Kantor and Straus, "The 'Drunken Bum' Theory of Wife Beating,"224.
77. Ann Jones and Susan Schlechter, When Love Goes Wrong (New York: Harper Perennial, 1993), 56.
78. Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley, Ca.: University of California Press, 1980), 7.
79. Thurman, "Man Gets 75 Years in Killing," 25A.
80. Thurman, "Man Gets 75 Years in Killing."
81. Dasgupta, "Breaking the Silence," 17.
82. Rebecca Sherman explained that in an earlier version of the story information on the shelters was included. However, in the final version, the names and activities of these shelters were edited out. The exclusion of positive information in the media cannot be seen as the result of the actions of individual journalists alone, but as the consequence of a combination of factors such as the philosophy of journalism, the definitions of news worthiness, and the structures of media organizations and media practices.
83. See Sakhi's newsletter of January 1994 for details of their services. Information can also be obtained by writing to: Sakhi P. O. Box 20208 Greeley Square Station New York, NY 10001-0006 (212) 695-5447
84. See informational flyer put out by Sakhi. This particular flyer, titled "Sakhi - Break the Silence: Domestic Violence is a Crime," lists services provided by Sakhi, some additional resources to go to for help with domestic violence, and specific suggestions for identifying abuse and taking action to end abuse.
85. Dasgupta, "Breaking the Silence," 17.
86. Constance Hays, "Ending Violence in a New Home," The New York Times, 6 December 1993, B3.
87. Constance Hays, "Ending Violence."
88. "Orientalist" is an adjective drawn from the work of Edward Said (Orientalism [London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978]). Citing Said's work, Keya Ganguly writes, "Orientalism, in this usage, refers to the discursive apparatus by means of which the Orient is actively produced, fixed, and objectified in Western imagery and imaginations." See Ganguly, "Accounting for Others," 73.
89. "Orientalist" is an adjective drawn from the work of Edward Said (Orientalism [London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978]). Citing Said's work, Keya Ganguly writes, "Orientalism, in this usage, refers to the discursive apparatus by means of which the Orient is actively produced, fixed, and objectified in Western imagery and imaginations." See Ganguly, "Accounting for Others," 73.
90. Patel, "Killing the Other Off."
91. Barbara Crossette, "Indian Women's Group Takes on Abuse Cases That Government Neglects," The New York Times, 3 May 1991, 8.
92. Patel, "Killing the Other Off," 7-8.
93. Crossette, "Indian Women's Group Takes on Abuse Cases That Government Neglects," 8.
94. Patel "Killing the Other Off," 8.
95. Crossette, "Indian Women's Group Takes on Abuse Cases That Government Neglects," 8.
96. Patel, "Killing the Other Off," 7.
97. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 65.
98. Maria Mies, The Lacemakers of Narsapur: Indian Housewives Produce for the World Market (London: Zed Press, 1982).
99. Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes," 59.
100. The "World, Women, and Media Workshop," which was held at the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Iowa from March 23 to March 26,1995, is a good example of a conference where United States journalists, Chinese journalists, and media scholars convened to discuss better ways of covering the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women. One of the issues that generated much discussion at this workshop was the representation of third world women in the media.
101. Anannya Bhattacharjee, telephone interview, April 3, 1994.