New philosophy and old prejudices: Aspects of the reception of Copernicanism in a divided Europe

Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 237-262

  Pantin, Isabelle ^a  

^a UNIVERSITÉ PARIS OUEST NANTERRE LA DÉFENSE   (France)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0040038116     PISSN: 00393681     EISSN: 18792510     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/S0039-3681(98)00049-1     Document Type: Article

References (274)

1. See Regiomontanus, Epytoma ... in almagestum ptolomei (Venice: Hammann, 1496), h8 r (about the movements of the eighth sphere): 'Nam si majores nostri suis decepti sunt instrumentis: et nos decipiemur necessario: cum nostre considerationes: nisi antiquorum conferantur observationibus: nihil unquam edocebunt.' On Regiomontanus's views, see N. Swerdlow, 'Science and Humanism in the Renaissance: Regiomontanus's Oration on the Dignity and Utility of the Mathematical Sciences', in P. Horwich (ed.), World Changes: Thomas Kuhn and the Nature of Science (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993), pp. 131-168.
2. See Regiomontanus, Epytoma ... in almagestum ptolomei (Venice: Hammann, 1496), h8 r (about the movements of the eighth sphere): 'Nam si majores nostri suis decepti sunt instrumentis: et nos decipiemur necessario: cum nostre considerationes: nisi antiquorum conferantur observationibus: nihil unquam edocebunt.' On Regiomontanus's views, see N. Swerdlow, 'Science and Humanism in the Renaissance: Regiomontanus's Oration on the Dignity and Utility of the Mathematical Sciences', in P. Horwich (ed.), World Changes: Thomas Kuhn and the Nature of Science (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993), pp. 131-168.
3. L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941), vol. V, ch. 16, pp. 332-377: 'The aftermath of Regiomontanus'.
4. The Alphonsine tables had been first printed in 1483 (Venice: Ratdolt). Santritter's edition is introduced by letters exchanged by Augustinus Moravus from Olmutz (University of Padua) and Santritter.
5. See, for example, the foreword written by Georgius Collimitius Tanstetter for the edition of the tables of Peurbach and Regiomontanus (Vienna, 1514) which was to be referred to by Ramus in his Prooemium mathematicum (Paris: Wechel, 1567), p. 274; see infra; Melanchthon's introductions to Sacrobosco's Sphaera (Wittenberg, 1531) and to the edition by Schöner of the Scripta ... Regiomontani de torqueto etc. (Nuremberg, 1544). Two praises of Regiomontanus (by Schöner and Reinhold) are inserted in Melanchthon's Selectae declamationes (Strasbourg: Enmel, 1558-1559).
6. See, for example, the foreword written by Georgius Collimitius Tanstetter for the edition of the tables of Peurbach and Regiomontanus (Vienna, 1514) which was to be referred to by Ramus in his Prooemium mathematicum (Paris: Wechel, 1567), p. 274; see infra; Melanchthon's introductions to Sacrobosco's Sphaera (Wittenberg, 1531) and to the edition by Schöner of the Scripta ... Regiomontani de torqueto etc. (Nuremberg, 1544). Two praises of Regiomontanus (by Schöner and Reinhold) are inserted in Melanchthon's Selectae declamationes (Strasbourg: Enmel, 1558-1559).
7. See, for example, the foreword written by Georgius Collimitius Tanstetter for the edition of the tables of Peurbach and Regiomontanus (Vienna, 1514) which was to be referred to by Ramus in his Prooemium mathematicum (Paris: Wechel, 1567), p. 274; see infra; Melanchthon's introductions to Sacrobosco's Sphaera (Wittenberg, 1531) and to the edition by Schöner of the Scripta ... Regiomontani de torqueto etc. (Nuremberg, 1544). Two praises of Regiomontanus (by Schöner and Reinhold) are inserted in Melanchthon's Selectae declamationes (Strasbourg: Enmel, 1558-1559).
8. See, for example, the foreword written by Georgius Collimitius Tanstetter for the edition of the tables of Peurbach and Regiomontanus (Vienna, 1514) which was to be referred to by Ramus in his Prooemium mathematicum (Paris: Wechel, 1567), p. 274; see infra; Melanchthon's introductions to Sacrobosco's Sphaera (Wittenberg, 1531) and to the edition by Schöner of the Scripta ... Regiomontani de torqueto etc. (Nuremberg, 1544). Two praises of Regiomontanus (by Schöner and Reinhold) are inserted in Melanchthon's Selectae declamationes (Strasbourg: Enmel, 1558-1559).
9. Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii a Joanne Stoflerino Iustingensi viro Germano (Oppenheim: Köbel, 1513). Among the preliminary pieces there is a poem by Melanchthon.
10. Quicquid Athlas Afris: quicquid Thracensibus Orpheus / Quicquid apud Thebas creditur esse Linus / Aegipto quicquid Vulcanus: quicquid ubique /Aut Chaldeorum sunt monumenta virum / Quicquid apud Gallos Druides quicquid Zoroastes / Quicquid Persarum Gymnosophista fuit / Omnia (Crede) Stofler Germanus origine Suevus / Hic habet: exacto quae premit aere Coebel.
11. At the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century, northern Italy and Rome attracted many German mathematicians, thanks to their prestigious universities and rich libraries; Italian and German astronomers collaborated in the reformation of the calendar. See D. Marzi, La questione della riforma del calendario nel quinto Concilio Lateranense (Florence: Carnesecchi, 1896); J.D. North, 'The Western Calendar ... Four centuries of discontent', in G.V. Coyne (ed.), The Gregorian Reform of the Calendar (Vatican City: Specola Vaticana, 1983), pp. 75-113, esp. pp. 94-100. Afterwards this movement slackened, and it never extended to the protestant mathematicians of northern Germany.
12. At the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century, northern Italy and Rome attracted many German mathematicians, thanks to their prestigious universities and rich libraries; Italian and German astronomers collaborated in the reformation of the calendar. See D. Marzi, La questione della riforma del calendario nel quinto Concilio Lateranense (Florence: Carnesecchi, 1896); J.D. North, 'The Western Calendar ... Four centuries of discontent', in G.V. Coyne (ed.), The Gregorian Reform of the Calendar (Vatican City: Specola Vaticana, 1983), pp. 75-113, esp. pp. 94-100. Afterwards this movement slackened, and it never extended to the protestant mathematicians of northern Germany.
13. See the registers in the Archivio Universitario di Padova: Matricola della Nazione Alemanna Artista, Atti della Nazione Alemanna Artista, Matricola della Nazione Alemanna Giurista. Among Galileo's private pupils were many 'tedeschi' and 'boemi'. See Galileo, Opere. Edizione nazionale, ed. A. Favaro (Florence: Barbera, reprint 1968), (henceforth refered to as E.N.) vol. XIX, pp. 149-166 Relazioni con gli scolari in Padova. 1° Insegnamento privato. 2° Dozzinanti); A. Favaro, Galileo Galilei e lo Studio di Padova (Padua: Antenore, reprint 1966), I, pp. 143-149.
14. See the registers in the Archivio Universitario di Padova: Matricola della Nazione Alemanna Artista, Atti della Nazione Alemanna Artista, Matricola della Nazione Alemanna Giurista. Among Galileo's private pupils were many 'tedeschi' and 'boemi'. See Galileo, Opere. Edizione nazionale, ed. A. Favaro (Florence: Barbera, reprint 1968), (henceforth refered to as E.N.) vol. XIX, pp. 149-166 Relazioni con gli scolari in Padova. 1° Insegnamento privato. 2° Dozzinanti); A. Favaro, Galileo Galilei e lo Studio di Padova (Padua: Antenore, reprint 1966), I, pp. 143-149.
15. Melanchthon had been Stöfler's pupil. His academic reform affected the universities of Wittenberg, Tübingen, Leipzig, Frankfurt, Greifswald, Rostock and Heidelberg and the new universities of Marburg (created in 1527), Königsberg (1544), Iena (1548) and Helmstedt (1576). See R. S. Westman, 'The Melanchthon Circle, Rheticus, and the Wittenberg Interpretation of the Copernican Theory', Isis 66 (1975), pp. 165-193.
16. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
17. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
18. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
19. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
20. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
21. Nuremberg: Petreius, 1536, foreword by Melanchthon. On Melanchthon's attitude towards the sciences of celestial movements, see W. Maurer, 'M. und die Naturwissenschaft seiner Zeit', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 49, pp. 199-226; S. Caroti, 'Comete, portenti, causalitè naturale et escatologia in P. M.', in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura (Florence: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, 1982), pp. 393-426; idem, 'M.'s Astrology', in P. Zambelli (ed.), Astrologi hallucinati (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1986), pp. 115-121; I. Pantin, 'La lettre de M. à S. Grynaeus: les avatars d'une défense de l'astrologie', in J. Céard (ed.), Divination et controverse religieuse au XVIe siecle (Paris: Presses de l'E.N.S.J.F., 1987), pp. 85-101; D. Bellucci, 'Genèse I, 14 et l'astrologie dans l'exégèse de P. M.', in I. Backus and F. Higman (ed.), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse (Geneva: Droz, 1990), pp. 177-190; S. Kusukawa, 'Aspectio divinorum operum: M. and astrology for Lutheran medics', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (eds), Medicine and the Reformation (London: Wellcome Institute, 1993), pp. 33-56.
22. See R. Mercier, 'Studies in the Medieval Conception of Precession', Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences 27 (1977), pp. 33-71, and, for a recent survey of the whole question, I. Pantin, La Poésie du ciel en France dans la seconde moitié du seizième siècle (Geneva: Droz, 1995), pp. 436-443.
23. See R. Mercier, 'Studies in the Medieval Conception of Precession', Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences 27 (1977), pp. 33-71, and, for a recent survey of the whole question, I. Pantin, La Poésie du ciel en France dans la seconde moitié du seizième siècle (Geneva: Droz, 1995), pp. 436-443.
24. Rheticus visited first Schöner in Nuremberg, then Stöfler's pupils in Tübingen, Peter Apianus in Ingolstadt, and finally Copernicus.
25. Rheticus remained the only realist Copernican among the astronomers of his generation, but he communicated his faith to two friends, the physicians Achilles Pirmin Gasser and Georg Vögelin.
26. Rheticus left Wittenberg in 1542 and went to Leipzig (he remained there until 1550).
27. Reinhold alludes favourably to Copernicus in his commentary to Peurbach (Wittenberg, 1542), when he deals with the theories of the moon and of the eighth sphere. His copy of the De revolutionibus (Edinburgh, Observatory) bears this annotation on the title page: Axioma astronomicum: motus caelestis aequalis est et circularis vel ex aequalibus et circularibus compositus. On Reinhold's unpublished commentary on Copernicus, see A. Birkenmajer, 'Le commentaire inédit d'E. Reinhold sur le De revolutionibus de Copernic', in La Science au XVIème siècle (Paris: Hermann, 1960), pp. 169-178.
28. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
29. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
30. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
31. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
32. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
33. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
34. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
35. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
36. Melanchthon received Rheticus's Narratio prima in February 1540. See his letter to Conrad Mithobius (16 October 1541), in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. C. B. Bretschneider (Halle and Brunswick, 1834-1860), IV, p. 679. In his Initia doctrinae (Wittenberg, 1549), he expressed a strong disapproval of heliocentrism (ed. Bretschneider XIII, p. 216), while paying compliments to Copernicus on some limited points (ibid., pp. 225, 241, 244, 262). In the corrected edition of the Initia (1550) the condemnation is maintained, but its phrasing is softened here and there. On these corrections, see E. Wohlwill, 'Melanchthon und Copernicus', Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaft 3 (1904), pp. 260-267; see also J. R. Christianson, 'Copernicus and the Lutherans', Sixteenth Century 16 (continued) Journal 4 (1973), pp. 1-10; B. T. Moran, 'The Universe of Ph. Melanchthon: Criticism and Use of the Copernican Theory', Comitatus 4 (1973), pp. 1-23.
37. Reinhold, Tabulae prutenicae (Tübingen, 1551), p. 28. On this work, see D. Savoie, La diffusion du copernicianisme au XVIème siècle: les Tables Pruténiques d 'E. Reinhold (thèse de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1996).
38. Reinhold, Tabulae prutenicae (Tübingen, 1551), p. 28. On this work, see D. Savoie, La diffusion du copernicianisme au XVIème siècle: les Tables Pruténiques d 'E. Reinhold (thèse de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1996).
39. See O. Gingerich, 'The role of E. Reinhold and the Prutenic Tables in the dissemination of the Copernican Theory', Studia Copernicana VI (1973) (Warsaw: Ossolineum), pp. 43-62.
40. This 'Wittenberg compromise' was a variant of the more general 'pragmatic compromise in astronomy' which is studied in N. Jardine, The Birth of History and Philosophy of Science: Kepler's A Defense of Tycho against Ursus with essays on its provenance and significance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, revised edition 1988), especially ch. 7, pp. 225-257. I agree with Jardine's statement that such pragmatism represented 'neither a general epistemological stance nor a general endorsement of sceptical epistemology' (p. 243).
41. See the unpublished lectures of Caspar Straub (1575) and Andreas Schadt (1577) referred to in Westman (1975) 'The Melanchthon Circle ...'.
42. See R. S. Westman, 'Three Responses to the Copernican Theory: Johannes Praetorius, Tycho Brahe and Michael Maestlin', in idem (ed.), The Copernican Achievement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), pp. 285-345.
43. See M. Lerner, Le Monde des sphères. II: La fin du cosmos classique (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1997), which provides an accurate reassessment of the question and a complete bibliography.
44. See C. Jones Schofield, Tychonic and Semi-Tychonic World Systems (New York: Arno, 1980); O. Gingerich and R. S. Westman, 'The Wittich Connection: Conflict and Priority in Late Sixteenth-Century Cosmology', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 78 (1988), Part 7; M. A. Granada, El Debate cosmologico en 1588 (Naples: Bibliopolis, 1996).
45. See C. Jones Schofield, Tychonic and Semi-Tychonic World Systems (New York: Arno, 1980); O. Gingerich and R. S. Westman, 'The Wittich Connection: Conflict and Priority in Late Sixteenth-Century Cosmology', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 78 (1988), Part 7; M. A. Granada, El Debate cosmologico en 1588 (Naples: Bibliopolis, 1996).
46. See C. Jones Schofield, Tychonic and Semi-Tychonic World Systems (New York: Arno, 1980); O. Gingerich and R. S. Westman, 'The Wittich Connection: Conflict and Priority in Late Sixteenth-Century Cosmology', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 78 (1988), Part 7; M. A. Granada, El Debate cosmologico en 1588 (Naples: Bibliopolis, 1996).
47. In Paris, for example, teachers of mathematics (especially at the Collège Royal) often used books originally designed for the students of Lutheran German universities; so Guillaume Cavellat, whose book-shop was situated near the Collège de Cambray (where the lecteurs royaux gave their lectures), copied many editions from Wittenberg or Tübingen. See I. Pantin, Imprimeurs et libraires parisiens du XVIe siècle ... Fascicule Cavellat (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1986); eadem, 'Les problèmes spécifiques de l'édition des livres scientifiques à la Renaissance: l'exemple de G. Cavellat', in Le Livre dans l'Europe de la Renaissance (Paris: Promodis, 1988), pp. 240-252.
48. In Paris, for example, teachers of mathematics (especially at the Collège Royal) often used books originally designed for the students of Lutheran German universities; so Guillaume Cavellat, whose book-shop was situated near the Collège de Cambray (where the lecteurs royaux gave their lectures), copied many editions from Wittenberg or Tübingen. See I. Pantin, Imprimeurs et libraires parisiens du XVIe siècle ... Fascicule Cavellat (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1986); eadem, 'Les problèmes spécifiques de l'édition des livres scientifiques à la Renaissance: l'exemple de G. Cavellat', in Le Livre dans l'Europe de la Renaissance (Paris: Promodis, 1988), pp. 240-252.
49. Paris: Wechel, 1567, pp. 272-296. Ramus toured the Protestant cities of Germany and Switzerland from 1568 to 1570 and published in Basel his Scholae mathematicae (1569) which include a reedition of the Prooemium.
50. Paris: Wechel, 1567, pp. 272-296. Ramus toured the Protestant cities of Germany and Switzerland from 1568 to 1570 and published in Basel his Scholae mathematicae (1569) which include a reedition of the Prooemium.
51. He inserted an enthusiastic account of his travel in the Defensio pro Aristotele adversus Jac. Schecium (Lausanne: J. Probus, 1571), pp. 109-118: see, for example, the praises of Nuremberg (pp. 113-115) and of Tycho's observations at Augsburg (pp. 116-117).
52. Prooemium ... (1567), pp. 271-272: 'Ergo in Germaniam unicam mathematum scholam vel potius unicam militum officinam redeamus. Etenim subit hoc loco gentis ut procera robustaque corpora, sic animos fortes mathematicis viribus elatosque suspicere atque admirari ... '
53. 'Senatus enim populusque Noribergensis operam dedit, ut perpetuos Regiomontanos haberet', ibid., p. 278.
54. 'Sic Cassellis artifices organorum observandis sideribus necessariorum instruxit, sic quotidianis per instructa organa observationibus oblectatur, ut Ptolomaeus ex aegypto in germaniam cum armillis et 28 (continued) regulis venisse videatur', ibid., p. 287. See B. T. Moran, 'Wilhelm IV of Hesse-Kassel: Informal Communication and the Aristocratic Context of Discovery', in T. Nickles (ed.), Scientific Discovery: Case Studies (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1980), pp. 67-96; idem, 'German Prince-Practitioners: Aspects in the Development of Courtly Science, Technology, and Procedures in the Renaissance', Technology and Culture 22 (1981), pp. 253-274.
55. 'Sic Cassellis artifices organorum observandis sideribus necessariorum instruxit, sic quotidianis per instructa organa observationibus oblectatur, ut Ptolomaeus ex aegypto in germaniam cum armillis et 28 (continued) regulis venisse videatur', ibid., p. 287. See B. T. Moran, 'Wilhelm IV of Hesse-Kassel: Informal Communication and the Aristocratic Context of Discovery', in T. Nickles (ed.), Scientific Discovery: Case Studies (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1980), pp. 67-96; idem, 'German Prince-Practitioners: Aspects in the Development of Courtly Science, Technology, and Procedures in the Renaissance', Technology and Culture 22 (1981), pp. 253-274.
56. 'Sic Cassellis artifices organorum observandis sideribus necessariorum instruxit, sic quotidianis per instructa organa observationibus oblectatur, ut Ptolomaeus ex aegypto in germaniam cum armillis et 28 (continued) regulis venisse videatur', ibid., p. 287. See B. T. Moran, 'Wilhelm IV of Hesse-Kassel: Informal Communication and the Aristocratic Context of Discovery', in T. Nickles (ed.), Scientific Discovery: Case Studies (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1980), pp. 67-96; idem, 'German Prince-Practitioners: Aspects in the Development of Courtly Science, Technology, and Procedures in the Renaissance', Technology and Culture 22 (1981), pp. 253-274.
57. See M. A. Granada, pp. 15-30. Bruno had already published in Paris 'ad Authoris instant.', the program of the disputatio held in the Collège de Cambray in 1586: the Centum et viginti articuli de natura et mundo adversus Peripateticos, reprinted in E. Canone ed., Giordano Bruno. Gli anni napoletani e la 'peregrinatio europea' (Cassino: Università degli studi, 1992), pp. 159-180. But the edition of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus, an expanded version of these theses, aimed at a larger audience.
58. See M. A. Granada, pp. 15-30. Bruno had already published in Paris 'ad Authoris instant.', the program of the disputatio held in the Collège de Cambray in 1586: the Centum et viginti articuli de natura et mundo adversus Peripateticos, reprinted in E. Canone ed., Giordano Bruno. Gli anni napoletani e la 'peregrinatio europea' (Cassino: Università degli studi, 1992), pp. 159-180. But the edition of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus, an expanded version of these theses, aimed at a larger audience.
59. See M. A. Granada, pp. 15-30. Bruno had already published in Paris 'ad Authoris instant.', the program of the disputatio held in the Collège de Cambray in 1586: the Centum et viginti articuli de natura et mundo adversus Peripateticos, reprinted in E. Canone ed., Giordano Bruno. Gli anni napoletani e la 'peregrinatio europea' (Cassino: Università degli studi, 1992), pp. 159-180. But the edition of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus, an expanded version of these theses, aimed at a larger audience.
60. G. Bruno, Opera latine conscripta, ed. F. Fiorentino (Naples: Morano, 1879), I, 1, pp. 16-17.
61. Bruno insists on the innovative side of German astronomy: he assumes that his auditors (the lecturers and students of Wittenberg) are realist Copernicans ('Copernicum etiam qualem putatis esse nedum mathematicum, sed - quod est mirum - obiter physicum', ibid., p. 17), and credits the Landgraf of Hesse, who no longer believes in the solid celestial orbs, with views similar to his own (ibid., p. 19). Moreover, he says that his system will be confirmed by the observations of this prince (ibid., p. 20). According to Granada, Bruno wished his cosmology to receive recognition from German astronomers. To this purpose, he dedicated a copy of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus to Tycho Brahe. See R. Sturlese, 'Su Bruno e Tycho Brahe', Rinascimento 25 (1985), pp. 303-339.
62. Bruno insists on the innovative side of German astronomy: he assumes that his auditors (the lecturers and students of Wittenberg) are realist Copernicans ('Copernicum etiam qualem putatis esse nedum mathematicum, sed - quod est mirum - obiter physicum', ibid., p. 17), and credits the Landgraf of Hesse, who no longer believes in the solid celestial orbs, with views similar to his own (ibid., p. 19). Moreover, he says that his system will be confirmed by the observations of this prince (ibid., p. 20). According to Granada, Bruno wished his cosmology to receive recognition from German astronomers. To this purpose, he dedicated a copy of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus to Tycho Brahe. See R. Sturlese, 'Su Bruno e Tycho Brahe', Rinascimento 25 (1985), pp. 303-339.
63. Bruno insists on the innovative side of German astronomy: he assumes that his auditors (the lecturers and students of Wittenberg) are realist Copernicans ('Copernicum etiam qualem putatis esse nedum mathematicum, sed - quod est mirum - obiter physicum', ibid., p. 17), and credits the Landgraf of Hesse, who no longer believes in the solid celestial orbs, with views similar to his own (ibid., p. 19). Moreover, he says that his system will be confirmed by the observations of this prince (ibid., p. 20). According to Granada, Bruno wished his cosmology to receive recognition from German astronomers. To this purpose, he dedicated a copy of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus to Tycho Brahe. See R. Sturlese, 'Su Bruno e Tycho Brahe', Rinascimento 25 (1985), pp. 303-339.
64. Bruno insists on the innovative side of German astronomy: he assumes that his auditors (the lecturers and students of Wittenberg) are realist Copernicans ('Copernicum etiam qualem putatis esse nedum mathematicum, sed - quod est mirum - obiter physicum', ibid., p. 17), and credits the Landgraf of Hesse, who no longer believes in the solid celestial orbs, with views similar to his own (ibid., p. 19). Moreover, he says that his system will be confirmed by the observations of this prince (ibid., p. 20). According to Granada, Bruno wished his cosmology to receive recognition from German astronomers. To this purpose, he dedicated a copy of the Camoeracensis Acrotismus to Tycho Brahe. See R. Sturlese, 'Su Bruno e Tycho Brahe', Rinascimento 25 (1985), pp. 303-339.
65. See O. Gingerich, 'The Civil Reception of the Gregorian Calendar', in G. V. Coyne (ed.), The Gregorian Reform ..., pp. 265-279.
66. H. M. Nobis, 'The Reaction of Astronomers to the Gregorian Calendar', in Coyne (ed.), The Gregorian Reform ..., p. 243.
67. Novae coelestium orbium theoricae congruentes cum observationibus N. Copernici (Venice: D. Zenaro, 1589). Magini was the first astronomer to draw benefit concurrently from the 'Wittenberg compromise' and from the Gregorian calendar in his Ephemerides ... ad annum 1620 secundum Copernici hypotheses, Prutenicosque canones atque juxta Gregorianam Anni correctionem (Venice: D. Zenaro, 1582) (his first publication, dedicated to the Pope).
68. Novae coelestium orbium theoricae congruentes cum observationibus N. Copernici (Venice: D. Zenaro, 1589). Magini was the first astronomer to draw benefit concurrently from the 'Wittenberg compromise' and from the Gregorian calendar in his Ephemerides ... ad annum 1620 secundum Copernici hypotheses, Prutenicosque canones atque juxta Gregorianam Anni correctionem (Venice: D. Zenaro, 1582) (his first publication, dedicated to the Pope).
69. See J. M. Lattis, Between Copernicus and Galileo: Christoph Clavius and the Collapse of Ptolemaic Cosmology (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1994), pp. 167-173.
70. The Landgraf of Hesse, who shared this concern, corresponded only with 'a circle of German princes and through them with court mathematicians and physicians', Moran (1981), pp. 262-263.
71. Among the other beneficiaries: Bartholomeus Scultetus (in Leipzig), Thaddeus Hagecius (Imperial physician, in Prague), Caspar Peucer (in Wittenberg) and Brucaeus (in Rostock); Rollenhagen (an astrologer of Magdeburg) received a copy through Heinrich Rantzov, and Jacob Kurz, the Emperor's pro-chancellor, another through Hagecius. See J. L. E. Dreyer, Tycho Brahe: A Picture of Scientific Life and Work in theXVIth Century (Gloucester: P. Smith, reprint 1977), pp. 181-183; V. Thoren, The Lord of Uraniborg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 273. Thoren remarks that Tycho encouraged the recipients 'to share the contents of the work with friends and return their comments to him'.
72. Among the other beneficiaries: Bartholomeus Scultetus (in Leipzig), Thaddeus Hagecius (Imperial physician, in Prague), Caspar Peucer (in Wittenberg) and Brucaeus (in Rostock); Rollenhagen (an astrologer of Magdeburg) received a copy through Heinrich Rantzov, and Jacob Kurz, the Emperor's pro-chancellor, another through Hagecius. See J. L. E. Dreyer, Tycho Brahe: A Picture of Scientific Life and Work in theXVIth Century (Gloucester: P. Smith, reprint 1977), pp. 181-183; V. Thoren, The Lord of Uraniborg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 273. Thoren remarks that Tycho encouraged the recipients 'to share the contents of the work with friends and return their comments to him'.
73. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
74. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
75. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
76. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
77. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
78. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
79. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
80. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
81. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
82. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
83. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
84. See A. Favaro, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe ... con G. A. Magini (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1886), pp. 193-196 (Gellius to M., 15 Jan. 1590), pp. 386-387 (M. to Gellius, 15 July 1590), pp. 388-391 (Gellius to M., 6 Aug. 1590), pp. 392-394 (M. to Tycho, 13 Sept. 1590), pp. 198-199 (Gellius to M., 4 Oct. 1590), pp. 394-406 (Tycho to M., 1/10 Dec. 1590), pp. 199-205 (Gellius to M., 1 Feb. 1591; contains copy of a letter from Tycho), pp. 406-408 (M. to Tycho, 1 Aug. 1591), pp. 205-206 Gellius to M., 14 March 1591), pp. 207-209 (Gellius to M., 14 March 1592; contains copy of a letter from Tycho). On Magini, see also A. G. Clarke, G. A. Magini (1555-1617) and Late Renaissance Astrology (London: Warburg Institute, unpublished dissertation, 1985).
85. See the letter written in Oct. 1590 and copied by Gellius for Magini: Favaro (1886), p. 203; Tycho Brahe, Opera omnia, ed. J. L. E. Dreyer (Copenhagen: libr. Gyldendaliana, 1913-29), VII, p. 281.
86. See the letter written in Oct. 1590 and copied by Gellius for Magini: Favaro (1886), p. 203; Tycho Brahe, Opera omnia, ed. J. L. E. Dreyer (Copenhagen: libr. Gyldendaliana, 1913-29), VII, p. 281.
87. Dreyer (ed.) VII, p. 315.
88. Dreyer (ed.), V, p. 21.
89. Ibid., p. 22: '... volui aliis insuper Eruditis viris, etiam inter eos qui mihi adhuc forte ignoti sunt, ansam praebere, ut de Rebus Philosophicis, potissimum vero iis, quae Sideralem scientiam concernunt, mecum pariter per literas disserere'.
90. See Dreyer (1977 repr.), pp. 239-267; Thoren (1990), pp. 376-415.
91. See Dreyer (1977 repr.), pp. 239-267; Thoren (1990), pp. 376-415.
92. Mechanica (Wandsbeck, 1598), fos. G4r-G5v.
93. 'Ex quo itaque e praemissis Carissimi illius MAGINI literis intelligam, esse in Italia Magnificos quosdam et praecellentes viros, qui Astronomicis rebus addicti, Organa etiam ad nostrorum imitationem parare, atque observationes Corporum Coelestium his subtiliter perficere non intermittendum ducant, est sane id mihi auditu quam jucundissimum. Nec dubito quin eximia utilitas ad Artem Astronomicam ampliandam hinc promanare queat', ibid., fo. G6 r.
94. On this mission, see W. Norlind, 'Tycho Brahe et ses rapports avec l'Italie', Scientia 69 (1955), pp. 47-61; Thoren (1990), pp. 405-406.
95. On this mission, see W. Norlind, 'Tycho Brahe et ses rapports avec l'Italie', Scientia 69 (1955), pp. 47-61; Thoren (1990), pp. 405-406.
96. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
97. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
98. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
99. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
100. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
101. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
102. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598
103. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
104. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
105. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
106. See Favaro (1886), pp. 217-223 (Tycho to Magini, Dresden, 28 Nov. 1598 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 120-125), pp. 223-224 (Tengnagel to M., Rome, 15 Oct. 1599), pp. 224-229 (M. to Tycho, 4 Nov. 1599), pp. 235-236 (laudatory poem), pp. 417-419 (Tycho to M., 24 Dec. 1599 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 229-231), pp. 230-234 (Magini to Tycho, 4 March 1600; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 250-254), pp. 236-241 (Tycho to M., 14 Jan. 1601 old style; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 394-398; pp. 420-422 (M. to Tycho, 20 Feb. 1601; cf. Dreyer (ed.), VIII, pp. 399-401). Baldi never mentioned Tycho either in his Cronica de' Matematici (Urbino: Monticelli, 1707) or in his De le vite de' Matematici, unpublished: see E. Narducci, Catalogo di manuscritti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (Rome: Tipografia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, 2nd rev. edition, 1892), pp. 31-38.
107. Tengnagel had given to the Republic and to the Doge Marino Grimani manuscripts containing in particular Tycho's stellar catalogue, see C. Clavius, Corrispondenza, ed. U. Baldini and P.-D. Napolitani (Università di Pisa: preprint 1992), no. 164, note 10.
108. See E.N. X, pp. 78-80 (letters from Tycho to G.V. Pinelli, 3 Jan. 1600, and to Galileo, 4 May 1600, apparently unanswered).
109. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
110. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
111. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
112. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
113. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
114. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
115. On Clavius's attitude, see M.-P. Lerner, 'L'entrée de Tycho Brahe chez les jésuites, ou le chant du cygne de Clavius', in L. Giard (ed.), Les Jésuites à la Renaissance (Paris: P.U.F., 1995), pp. 145-185, esp. pp. 145-151. Lerner analyses the only letter written by Tycho to Clavius (5 Jan. 1600), which remained unanswered; see W. Norlind, 'A Hitherto Unpublished Letter from Tycho Brahe to Ch. Clavius', The Observatory 74 (1954), pp. 20-23; idem, Tycho Brahe (Lund, 1970), pp. 376-381; Clavius (1992), no. 159. A letter from Tengnagel to Clavius (24 Jan. 1600) alludes to the objection concerning the difference of religion and assures the Jesuit that Tycho had no hostility towards Catholicism: 'Nee est, quod Paternitas T. ob religionis apud me insinuatam diversitatem rescriptione supersedeat. Nam quemadmodum tunc aliquatenus innui, Dominus Tycho nulli particulare sectae ita mancipatus est, ut veterem et Catholicam Religionem contra quam multi alias ex iis oris oriundi facere consueverunt, aversetur .' See Norlind (1970), p. 382; Clavius (1992), no. 163; Lerner (1995), p. 150.
116. See Lerner (1995), pp. 157-183.
117. See G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, reprint 1989) 2 vols; J.-M. Gardair, 'I Lincei: i soggetti, i luoghi, le attività', Quaderni storici 48 (1981), pp. 763-787; G. Olmi, 'In essercitio universale di contemplatione, eprattica: Federico Cesi e i Lincei', in L. Boehm and E. Raimondi (eds), Università, Accademie e società scientifiche in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Bologna: I1 Mulino, 1981), pp. 169-235; E. Garin, 'Fra '500 e '600: Scienze nuove, metodi nuovi, nuove accademie', Nuncius 1 (1986), pp. 3-23; S. Ricci, 'Una Filosofica Milizia'. Tre studi sull' Accademia dei Lincei (Udine: Campanotto, 1994).
118. See G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, reprint 1989) 2 vols; J.-M. Gardair, 'I Lincei: i soggetti, i luoghi, le attività', Quaderni storici 48 (1981), pp. 763-787; G. Olmi, 'In essercitio universale di contemplatione, eprattica: Federico Cesi e i Lincei', in L. Boehm and E. Raimondi (eds), Università, Accademie e società scientifiche in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Bologna: I1 Mulino, 1981), pp. 169-235; E. Garin, 'Fra '500 e '600: Scienze nuove, metodi nuovi, nuove accademie', Nuncius 1 (1986), pp. 3-23; S. Ricci, 'Una Filosofica Milizia'. Tre studi sull' Accademia dei Lincei (Udine: Campanotto, 1994).
119. See G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, reprint 1989) 2 vols; J.-M. Gardair, 'I Lincei: i soggetti, i luoghi, le attività', Quaderni storici 48 (1981), pp. 763-787; G. Olmi, 'In essercitio universale di contemplatione, eprattica: Federico Cesi e i Lincei', in L. Boehm and E. Raimondi (eds), Università, Accademie e società scientifiche in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Bologna: I1 Mulino, 1981), pp. 169-235; E. Garin, 'Fra '500 e '600: Scienze nuove, metodi nuovi, nuove accademie', Nuncius 1 (1986), pp. 3-23; S. Ricci, 'Una Filosofica Milizia'. Tre studi sull' Accademia dei Lincei (Udine: Campanotto, 1994).
120. See G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, reprint 1989) 2 vols; J.-M. Gardair, 'I Lincei: i soggetti, i luoghi, le attività', Quaderni storici 48 (1981), pp. 763-787; G. Olmi, 'In essercitio universale di contemplatione, eprattica: Federico Cesi e i Lincei', in L. Boehm and E. Raimondi (eds), Università, Accademie e società scientifiche in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Bologna: I1 Mulino, 1981), pp. 169-235; E. Garin, 'Fra '500 e '600: Scienze nuove, metodi nuovi, nuove accademie', Nuncius 1 (1986), pp. 3-23; S. Ricci, 'Una Filosofica Milizia'. Tre studi sull' Accademia dei Lincei (Udine: Campanotto, 1994).
121. See G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, reprint 1989) 2 vols; J.-M. Gardair, 'I Lincei: i soggetti, i luoghi, le attività', Quaderni storici 48 (1981), pp. 763-787; G. Olmi, 'In essercitio universale di contemplatione, eprattica: Federico Cesi e i Lincei', in L. Boehm and E. Raimondi (eds), Università, Accademie e società scientifiche in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al Settecento (Bologna: I1 Mulino, 1981), pp. 169-235; E. Garin, 'Fra '500 e '600: Scienze nuove, metodi nuovi, nuove accademie', Nuncius 1 (1986), pp. 3-23; S. Ricci, 'Una Filosofica Milizia'. Tre studi sull' Accademia dei Lincei (Udine: Campanotto, 1994).
122. See Gabneli (1989), I, pp. 311-330, 989; Olmi (1981), pp. 231-234.
123. See Gabneli (1989), I, pp. 311-330, 989; Olmi (1981), pp. 231-234.
124. In his Lynceographum (the unpublished statute book of the Accademia) Cesi said that the Lincei must be faithful and obedient Catholics but never take part in religious controversies: 'Religiosos enim eos, piosque viros optamus, et censemus, unde aequum est, ut salutaria ab istis dogmata, et admonitiones hauriant, et pie firmiterque credere, ac venerari debeant, quae ab Ecclesia sancta Catholica tenentur, de illis vero nullo pacto controversias, disputationesque sumere cum aliis vel scriptis, vel verbis,' Lynceographum, fol. 89, quoted in Olmi (1981), p. 193. Cf. Praescriptiones Lynceae Academiae, ed. J. Faber (Interamna: Guerrieri, 1624): '... Academicoque huic Confessui, et quod anhelantibus discupiunt votis, bono publico litterariae rei et totius Orthodoxi Christiani orbis optatum incrementum, et supplementum felicissimum largiri, pacisque et tranquillitatis bonum, indefessum imperturbatumque in studiis laborem, cum virtutis fructu ad aeternae vitae gloriam conducentem, donare dignetur ...' (p. 11).
125. In his Lynceographum (the unpublished statute book of the Accademia) Cesi said that the Lincei must be faithful and obedient Catholics but never take part in religious controversies: 'Religiosos enim eos, piosque viros optamus, et censemus, unde aequum est, ut salutaria ab istis dogmata, et admonitiones hauriant, et pie firmiterque credere, ac venerari debeant, quae ab Ecclesia sancta Catholica tenentur, de illis vero nullo pacto controversias, disputationesque sumere cum aliis vel scriptis, vel verbis,' Lynceographum, fol. 89, quoted in Olmi (1981), p. 193. Cf. Praescriptiones Lynceae Academiae, ed. J. Faber (Interamna: Guerrieri, 1624): '... Academicoque huic Confessui, et quod anhelantibus discupiunt votis, bono publico litterariae rei et totius Orthodoxi Christiani orbis optatum incrementum, et supplementum felicissimum largiri, pacisque et tranquillitatis bonum, indefessum imperturbatumque in studiis laborem, cum virtutis fructu ad aeternae vitae gloriam conducentem, donare dignetur ...' (p. 11).
126. From 1611 the Astronomia nova had a few readers in Italy, notably Remus Quietanus and Odo Van Maelcote. See Kepler Gesammelte Werke, ed. W. von Dyck and M. Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937-), henceforth referred to as G.W., XVI, pp. 396-397, XVII, p. 37; M. Bucciantmi, 'Dopo il Sidereus nuncius: il copernicanesimo in Italia tra Galileo e Keplero', Nuncius 9 (1994), pp. 15-35; idem, Contro Galileo. Alle origini dell'Affaire (Florence: Olschki 1995), chs 5 and 6.
127. From 1611 the Astronomia nova had a few readers in Italy, notably Remus Quietanus and Odo Van Maelcote. See Kepler Gesammelte Werke, ed. W. von Dyck and M. Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937-), henceforth referred to as G.W., XVI, pp. 396-397, XVII, p. 37; M. Bucciantmi, 'Dopo il Sidereus nuncius: il copernicanesimo in Italia tra Galileo e Keplero', Nuncius 9 (1994), pp. 15-35; idem, Contro Galileo. Alle origini dell'Affaire (Florence: Olschki 1995), chs 5 and 6.
128. From 1611 the Astronomia nova had a few readers in Italy, notably Remus Quietanus and Odo Van Maelcote. See Kepler Gesammelte Werke, ed. W. von Dyck and M. Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937-), henceforth referred to as G.W., XVI, pp. 396-397, XVII, p. 37; M. Bucciantmi, 'Dopo il Sidereus nuncius: il copernicanesimo in Italia tra Galileo e Keplero', Nuncius 9 (1994), pp. 15-35; idem, Contro Galileo. Alle origini dell'Affaire (Florence: Olschki 1995), chs 5 and 6.
129. From 1611 the Astronomia nova had a few readers in Italy, notably Remus Quietanus and Odo Van Maelcote. See Kepler Gesammelte Werke, ed. W. von Dyck and M. Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937-), henceforth referred to as G.W., XVI, pp. 396-397, XVII, p. 37; M. Bucciantmi, 'Dopo il Sidereus nuncius: il copernicanesimo in Italia tra Galileo e Keplero', Nuncius 9 (1994), pp. 15-35; idem, Contro Galileo. Alle origini dell'Affaire (Florence: Olschki 1995), chs 5 and 6.
130. From 1611 the Astronomia nova had a few readers in Italy, notably Remus Quietanus and Odo Van Maelcote. See Kepler Gesammelte Werke, ed. W. von Dyck and M. Caspar (Munich: Beck, 1937-), henceforth referred to as G.W., XVI, pp. 396-397, XVII, p. 37; M. Bucciantmi, 'Dopo il Sidereus nuncius: il copernicanesimo in Italia tra Galileo e Keplero', Nuncius 9 (1994), pp. 15-35; idem, Contro Galileo. Alle origini dell'Affaire (Florence: Olschki 1995), chs 5 and 6.
131. Cesi to Galileo, 3 Nov. 1612, in G. Gabrieli, Il Carteggio Linceo (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1938, reprinted 1996), pp. 284-285, no. 176; cf. Cesi to Faber, 12 Jan. 1612: 'mi sono si ben doluto di non potermi trovar in Germania, ove fioriscono tutte le professioni et scienze, et sono tanti grand'huomini. Ben pol V.S. credermi, che sa quanto io sia germanofilo', ibid., p. 194, no. 100.
132. Cesi to Galileo, 3 Nov. 1612, in G. Gabrieli, Il Carteggio Linceo (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1938, reprinted 1996), pp. 284-285, no. 176; cf. Cesi to Faber, 12 Jan. 1612: 'mi sono si ben doluto di non potermi trovar in Germania, ove fioriscono tutte le professioni et scienze, et sono tanti grand'huomini. Ben pol V.S. credermi, che sa quanto io sia germanofilo', ibid., p. 194, no. 100.
133. Cesi to Galileo, 3 Nov. 1612, in G. Gabrieli, Il Carteggio Linceo (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1938, reprinted 1996), pp. 284-285, no. 176; cf. Cesi to Faber, 12 Jan. 1612: 'mi sono si ben doluto di non potermi trovar in Germania, ove fioriscono tutte le professioni et scienze, et sono tanti grand'huomini. Ben pol V.S. credermi, che sa quanto io sia germanofilo', ibid., p. 194, no. 100.
134. After the death of Tycho, Tengnagel worked on his astronomical papers, intending to prepare planetary tables, and he appealed to Magini for help. See Favaro (1886), pp. 258-260 (Tengnagel to Magini, 24 Dec. 1603), pp. 264-265 (idem, 19 July 1604), pp. 285-286 (idem, 20 Nov. 1604).
135. After the death of Tycho, Tengnagel worked on his astronomical papers, intending to prepare planetary tables, and he appealed to Magini for help. See Favaro (1886), pp. 258-260 (Tengnagel to Magini, 24 Dec. 1603), pp. 264-265 (idem, 19 July 1604), pp. 285-286 (idem, 20 Nov. 1604).
136. After the death of Tycho, Tengnagel worked on his astronomical papers, intending to prepare planetary tables, and he appealed to Magini for help. See Favaro (1886), pp. 258-260 (Tengnagel to Magini, 24 Dec. 1603), pp. 264-265 (idem, 19 July 1604), pp. 285-286 (idem, 20 Nov. 1604).
137. After the death of Tycho, Tengnagel worked on his astronomical papers, intending to prepare planetary tables, and he appealed to Magini for help. See Favaro (1886), pp. 258-260 (Tengnagel to Magini, 24 Dec. 1603), pp. 264-265 (idem, 19 July 1604), pp. 285-286 (idem, 20 Nov. 1604).
138. The first letter from Kepler to Magini is dated from Graz, 1 June 1601 (G.W. XIV, pp. 172-173).
139. See Favaro (1886).
140. J. A. Magini Ephemerides ... ad annum 1620 .... Addita est ejusdem in Stadium adnimadversio ..., (Venice: Zenaro, 1582). This attack did not go unnoticed. See for exemple, the letter addressed to Magini by Thomas Finck, a Dane, then in Padua: 'Fuerunt mecum nonnulli, qui aegre ferentes Stadium ita a te accipi, id apud me obtinere conati sunt: ut, si fieri posset, aliquid saltem e tuis Ephemeridibus exquirerem, quod limam ferre non posset', Favaro (1886), p. 188. Finck probably alludes to the reactions of his German fellow students.
141. J. A. Magini Ephemerides ... ad annum 1620 .... Addita est ejusdem in Stadium adnimadversio ..., (Venice: Zenaro, 1582). This attack did not go unnoticed. See for exemple, the letter addressed to Magini by Thomas Finck, a Dane, then in Padua: 'Fuerunt mecum nonnulli, qui aegre ferentes Stadium ita a te accipi, id apud me obtinere conati sunt: ut, si fieri posset, aliquid saltem e tuis Ephemeridibus exquirerem, quod limam ferre non posset', Favaro (1886), p. 188. Finck probably alludes to the reactions of his German fellow students.
142. In a letter (25 March 1608) the bookseller urges Magini to make a few improvements so that his ephemerides could completely outdo those of Origanus, and promises him widespread fame: 'et clarissimi nominis tui fama omnibus inde per Germaniam et loca alia viris datis innotescat magis, magisque celebretur ... ', Favaro (1886), p. 322. Schönwetter published Magini's ephemerides (from 1608 to 1630) in 1608, 1610 and 1615 (they were also printed in Venice).
143. In Origanus's Ephemerides novae annorum XXXVI (Frankfurt on Oder: Eichorn, 1599), β5r-β6r.
144. Frankfurt on Oder: Eichorn for Reichardt, 1609; with privileges granted by the Emperor and by Henri IV, King of France.
145. '... tibi imaginaris Magine, te unum inter Mathematicos vigilare, et in hoc studiorum genere, quod ad Ephemerides scribendas et publicandas attinet, solertem esse, quod forte de Italicis, tibi facile concessero; quando praeter Ephemerides Pitati ..., Josephi Scalae ..., et tuas ..., nullas alias Italorum vel aliarum nationum, praeter Germanorum viderim .... Quomodo enim cum primus Ioannes Regiomontanus Germanus 30 annorum ab anno 1475 in 1505 composuerit Ephemerides, quod autor tabularum Prutenicarum Erasmus Reinholdus in vita Regiomontani ostendit, et Petrus Ramus in Scholis mathematicis confirmat, tuque, negare non audebis, nisi impudentissimus haberi velis, Germani hunc nativum sui soli desererent foetum, nec eundem cultura et continuatione alerent .... Et quomodo quaeso tu Magine, qui extraneus es, me hominem Germanum impedire potuisses, quo minus, qui eandem tecum profiteor scientiam, ipsam quoque scriptis meis illustrarem', ed. cit., (c)4r.
146. On the contrary, Kepler considered working with Magini on new ephemerides (G.W. XVI, p. 295: to Magini, 22 March 1610). However he adamantly refused to be involved in his quarrels: 'Tu ideo mecum vis contrahere, ut Origani Ephemeridibus tenebras occinamus. Ego etsi non teneor indemnem praestare Origanum, nihil tamen hujus faciam vindictae studio, quod meas admonitiones et oblatam societatem contempsit. Itaque haec summe necessaria erit conditio, ut hujus vestri certaminis in Ephemeridibus communi nomine edendis, ne levissima quidem fiat mentio' (G.W. XVI, p. 310: to M., 10 May 1610).
147. On the contrary, Kepler considered working with Magini on new ephemerides (G.W. XVI, p. 295: to Magini, 22 March 1610). However he adamantly refused to be involved in his quarrels: 'Tu ideo mecum vis contrahere, ut Origani Ephemeridibus tenebras occinamus. Ego etsi non teneor indemnem praestare Origanum, nihil tamen hujus faciam vindictae studio, quod meas admonitiones et oblatam societatem contempsit. Itaque haec summe necessaria erit conditio, ut hujus vestri certaminis in Ephemeridibus communi nomine edendis, ne levissima quidem fiat mentio' (G.W. XVI, p. 310: to M., 10 May 1610).
148. '... rogo, ut cum Maginus Italus iniquus nobis Germanis, litem mihi moverit, ne tu Germanus me et disciplinam nostram Mathematicam deseras, sed, quod facis, strenue partum in hac decus tuearis, nec illud nobis Germanis eripi sinas', 1 Sept. 1609; G.W. XVI, p. 253.
149. '... rogo, ut cum Maginus Italus iniquus nobis Germanis, litem mihi moverit, ne tu Germanus me et disciplinam nostram Mathematicam deseras, sed, quod facis, strenue partum in hac decus tuearis, nec illud nobis Germanis eripi sinas', 1 Sept. 1609; G.W. XVI, p. 253.
150. The first edition had a print-run of 550 copies; see Galileo, E.N. X, p. 300; Galileo, Le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1992), pp. XC-CII; Kepler, Discussion avec le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1993), pp. XI-XVI.
151. The first edition had a print-run of 550 copies; see Galileo, E.N. X, p. 300; Galileo, Le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1992), pp. XC-CII; Kepler, Discussion avec le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1993), pp. XI-XVI.
152. The first edition had a print-run of 550 copies; see Galileo, E.N. X, p. 300; Galileo, Le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1992), pp. XC-CII; Kepler, Discussion avec le Messager céleste, ed. and trans. I. Pantin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1993), pp. XI-XVI.
153. See his letter to Kepler, 7/17 Sept. 1610 (G.W. XVI, pp. 333-334), and, for a detailed account of the reception of the Sidereus nuncius, Kepler (1993), pp. IX-LXXVIII.
154. See his letter to Kepler, 7/17 Sept. 1610 (G.W. XVI, pp. 333-334), and, for a detailed account of the reception of the Sidereus nuncius, Kepler (1993), pp. IX-LXXVIII.
155. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
156. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
157. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
158. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
159. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
160. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
161. Wedderburn's Confutatio (Padua, 1610), probably inspired by Sarpi, might perhaps also be put down to philosophical solidarity. But the case is somewhat ambiguous. See I. Pantin, La Querelle du Cannocchiale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, forthcoming), with ed. and trans. of M. Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio (1610); J. Wedderburn, Quatuor problematum ... confutatio (1610); A. Roffeni, Epistola apologetica (1611); F. Sizzi, Dianoia (1611); Sidereus nuncius Collegii Romani (1611).
162. See Horky's letter to Kepler, 24 May 1610: 'Video omnes Italos Galileo favere' (G.W. XVI, p. 311); Kepler (1993), pp. XXXVI-XLIX.
163. See Horky's letter to Kepler, 24 May 1610: 'Video omnes Italos Galileo favere' (G.W. XVI, p. 311); Kepler (1993), pp. XXXVI-XLIX.
164. See Serum's letter to Galileo, 7 Aug. 1610 (Galileo, E. N. X, pp. 411-413); Kepler (1993), pp. L-LII.
165. See Serum's letter to Galileo, 7 Aug. 1610 (Galileo, E. N. X, pp. 411-413); Kepler (1993), pp. L-LII.
166. 'Equidem subirascebar Italiae nostrae, quod, cum imperii sit mater et religionis sanctae tribunal, in caeteris scientiis externorum ope indigeret; et licet tanquam domina utatur ancillis vocatis ad arcem, tamen vidi ancillas super dominam superbire. Aristoteles factus erat oraculum philosophorum, Homerus poetarum, Ptolemeus astronomorum, Hippocrates medicorum .... Sed cum et hae primariae artes ad Hispanos et Germanos migrassent, nulla nobis reliqua laus est .... Sed profecto viget adhuc imperium Italicum: nam Pontifex Maximus supereminet cunctis principibus terrae, et theologia Romana cunctis scientiis praescribit leges. Toti est nota mundo Italiae virtus, sibi uni ignota: et quidem in doctrinis inferioribus Italia praepollet jam cunctis. Reliquum est ut infideles expellat ancillas, et ex propriis sibi paret auxiliares. Telesius expulit justissime Aristotelem; sed tamen funera hujus adhuc honorantur: Virgilius et Danthes Homerum obscurarunt .... In judiciis astrorum Cardanus Arabes profligavit. In astronomia nos Ptolemeus et Copernicus pudefaciebant: sed tu, Vir Clarissime, non modo restituis nobis 72 (continued) gloriam Pythagoreorum, a Graecis subdolis subreptam, eoram dogmata resuscitando, sed totius mundi gloriam tuo splendore extinguis ...', E. N. XI, p. 23. Galileo's emphasis. On the religious aspect of the rivalry between Germans and Italians, see I. Pantin, 'Dissiper les ténèbres qui reste encore à percer. Galilée, l'Eglise conquérante et la République des Philosophes', in A. Mothu (ed.), Révolution scientifique et dissidences religieuses (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).
167. 'Equidem subirascebar Italiae nostrae, quod, cum imperii sit mater et religionis sanctae tribunal, in caeteris scientiis externorum ope indigeret; et licet tanquam domina utatur ancillis vocatis ad arcem, tamen vidi ancillas super dominam superbire. Aristoteles factus erat oraculum philosophorum, Homerus poetarum, Ptolemeus astronomorum, Hippocrates medicorum .... Sed cum et hae primariae artes ad Hispanos et Germanos migrassent, nulla nobis reliqua laus est .... Sed profecto viget adhuc imperium Italicum: nam Pontifex Maximus supereminet cunctis principibus terrae, et theologia Romana cunctis scientiis praescribit leges. Toti est nota mundo Italiae virtus, sibi uni ignota: et quidem in doctrinis inferioribus Italia praepollet jam cunctis. Reliquum est ut infideles expellat ancillas, et ex propriis sibi paret auxiliares. Telesius expulit justissime Aristotelem; sed tamen funera hujus adhuc honorantur: Virgilius et Danthes Homerum obscurarunt .... In judiciis astrorum Cardanus Arabes profligavit. In astronomia nos Ptolemeus et Copernicus pudefaciebant: sed tu, Vir Clarissime, non modo restituis nobis 72 (continued) gloriam Pythagoreorum, a Graecis subdolis subreptam, eoram dogmata resuscitando, sed totius mundi gloriam tuo splendore extinguis ...', E. N. XI, p. 23. Galileo's emphasis. On the religious aspect of the rivalry between Germans and Italians, see I. Pantin, 'Dissiper les ténèbres qui reste encore à percer. Galilée, l'Eglise conquérante et la République des Philosophes', in A. Mothu (ed.), Révolution scientifique et dissidences religieuses (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).
168. E. N. VI, pp. 257-258.
169. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
170. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
171. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
172. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
173. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
174. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
175. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
176. See G. Oertel, De vita et fatis Simonis Marii (Erlangen, 1775); J. Bosscha and J. Oudemans, 'Galilée et M.', Archives néerlandaises des Sciences exactes et naturelles, series II, VIII (1903), pp. 115-189; J. Bosscha, 'S. M. Réhabilitation d'un astronome calomnié', Archives néerlandaises ..., series II, XII (1907), pp. 258-307, 490-528; E. Zinner, 'Zur Ehrenrettung des S. M.', Vierteljahresschrift der Astronomischen Gesellschaft(1942) vol. 77-1; A. Wilder, 'S. M., der Namenspatron unserer Schule', in 450 Jahre Simon Marius Gymnasium Gunzenhausen (Gunzenhausen, 1981). Marius was born in 1573. From 1586 to 1601 he studied at the Lutheran school of Heilsbronn. In 1596, he published a Schrift über den Kometen von 1596. In 1597 and 1598 he applied in vain for a stipendium at the university of Königsberg. His Tabulae directionum novae appearend in 1599. In 1601, he visited Tycho in Prague and met David Fabricius and Kepler. From 1601 to 1605 he studied medicine at Padua and observed the nova of 1604. In 1606, he became the mathematicus of the margraves of Brandenburg, at Ansbach. He heard about the Dutch telescope, through Fuchs von Bimbach, an officer; after obtaining an instrument he made celestial observations starting in the winter 1609. In 1612, the city of Gunzenhauzen offered him a silver tumbler, as a reward for his discovery of the Jovian satellites. He published in 1619 a Judicium über den Kometen von 1618 and died in December 1624.
177. '... quarum etiam usus, quia similes, correctiores, et coelo propius correspondentes nulla unquam aetas vidit, per totam Europam hactenus unus et maximus fuit. Ex his enim tot Ephemeridum volumina deducta sunt, ex earum fundamento emendatio Calendarii derivata est ... ', Mundus Jovialis (Nuremberg, 1614), facsimile and trans. J. Schlör (Gunzenhausen: Schrenk-Verlag, 1988), p. 20.
178. Praefatio ad lectorem, ed. cit., p. 42.
179. M. Biagioli, for his part, interprets the controversy as an example of 'the patron's role in scientific exchanges': Biagioli, Galileo Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 68-71. On the curiosity aroused by the debate in Germany, see Bucciantini (1994).
180. M. Biagioli, for his part, interprets the controversy as an example of 'the patron's role in scientific exchanges': Biagioli, Galileo Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 68-71. On the curiosity aroused by the debate in Germany, see Bucciantini (1994).
181. G.W. Kepler, XIII, p. 130. See Kepler, Le secret du monde, trans. A. Segonds (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1984), p. XXXVI.
182. G.W. Kepler, XIII, p. 130. See Kepler, Le secret du monde, trans. A. Segonds (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1984), p. XXXVI.
183. G.W. XIII, p. 145 (Graz, 13 Oct. 1597): 'Tum si habet alibi locorum opinionis socium, literas ab ipso impetret; qua ratione, monstratis literis (quorsum etiam mihi tuae prosunt), opinionem hanc in animis doctorum excitare potest, quasi omnes ubique professores mathematum consentirent.' In a letter to the duke Frederick of Württemberg (29 Feb. 1596), Kepler had already stated that 'all the famous astronomers of [the] time follow[ed] Copernicus, instead of Ptolemy and Alfonso' (G.W. XIII, p. 66).
184. G.W. XIII, p. 145 (Graz, 13 Oct. 1597): 'Tum si habet alibi locorum opinionis socium, literas ab ipso impetret; qua ratione, monstratis literis (quorsum etiam mihi tuae prosunt), opinionem hanc in animis doctorum excitare potest, quasi omnes ubique professores mathematum consentirent.' In a letter to the duke Frederick of Württemberg (29 Feb. 1596), Kepler had already stated that 'all the famous astronomers of [the] time follow[ed] Copernicus, instead of Ptolemy and Alfonso' (G.W. XIII, p. 66).
185. De revolutionibus, 1543, dedication to the Pope: 'Si fortasse erunt mataiologoi, qui cum omnium Mathematum ignari sint, tarnen de illis judicium sibi sumunt, propter aliquem locum scripturae, male ad suum propositum detortum, ausi fuerint meum hoc institutum reprehendere ac insectari: illos nihil moror, adeo ut etiam illorum judicium tanquam temerarium contemnam ... non debet mirum videri studiosis, si qui tales nos etiam ridebunt. Mathemata mathematicis scribuntur ...'.
186. G.W. XIII, p. 203. See E. Rosen, 'Kepler and the Lutheran Attitude towards Copernicanism', in idem, Copernicus and his Successors (London: Hambledon Press, 1995), pp. 217-238.
187. G.W. XIII, p. 203. See E. Rosen, 'Kepler and the Lutheran Attitude towards Copernicanism', in idem, Copernicus and his Successors (London: Hambledon Press, 1995), pp. 217-238.
188. Kepler, like Rheticus and Rothmann, had adopted this line of argument: the Bible is adapted to the understanding of ordinary, unlearned people, so it cannot teach physics or astronomy, which are difficult sciences; see M. A. Granada, 'Il problema astronomico-cosmologico e le sacre scritture dopo Copernico: C. Rothmann e la teoria dell' accommodazione', Rivista di storia della filosofia 51 (1996) pp. 789-828. His position is explained in the introduction to the Astronomia nova, in the Epitome and in many passages of his correspondence. See, for example, his comments on a letter from Marius that had been quoted by Vicke: 'Cum sacris ego uno verbo transigo: de mathematicis loquuntur, non docent mathematica, loquuntur autem ut capi possint, id est sermone usitato' (G.W. XVI, p. 389; cf. pp. 382-383, and IV, p. 354). Galileo went further in his Letter to ... Christina where he assumed the possibility of a heliocentrist interpretation of the Bible.
189. Kepler, like Rheticus and Rothmann, had adopted this line of argument: the Bible is adapted to the understanding of ordinary, unlearned people, so it cannot teach physics or astronomy, which are difficult sciences; see M. A. Granada, 'Il problema astronomico-cosmologico e le sacre scritture dopo Copernico: C. Rothmann e la teoria dell' accommodazione', Rivista di storia della filosofia 51 (1996) pp. 789-828. His position is explained in the introduction to the Astronomia nova, in the Epitome and in many passages of his correspondence. See, for example, his comments on a letter from Marius that had been quoted by Vicke: 'Cum sacris ego uno verbo transigo: de mathematicis loquuntur, non docent mathematica, loquuntur autem ut capi possint, id est sermone usitato' (G.W. XVI, p. 389; cf. pp. 382-383, and IV, p. 354). Galileo went further in his Letter to ... Christina where he assumed the possibility of a heliocentrist interpretation of the Bible.
190. Kepler, like Rheticus and Rothmann, had adopted this line of argument: the Bible is adapted to the understanding of ordinary, unlearned people, so it cannot teach physics or astronomy, which are difficult sciences; see M. A. Granada, 'Il problema astronomico-cosmologico e le sacre scritture dopo Copernico: C. Rothmann e la teoria dell' accommodazione', Rivista di storia della filosofia 51 (1996) pp. 789-828. His position is explained in the introduction to the Astronomia nova, in the Epitome and in many passages of his correspondence. See, for example, his comments on a letter from Marius that had been quoted by Vicke: 'Cum sacris ego uno verbo transigo: de mathematicis loquuntur, non docent mathematica, loquuntur autem ut capi possint, id est sermone usitato' (G.W. XVI, p. 389; cf. pp. 382-383, and IV, p. 354). Galileo went further in his Letter to ... Christina where he assumed the possibility of a heliocentrist interpretation of the Bible.
191. Kepler, like Rheticus and Rothmann, had adopted this line of argument: the Bible is adapted to the understanding of ordinary, unlearned people, so it cannot teach physics or astronomy, which are difficult sciences; see M. A. Granada, 'Il problema astronomico-cosmologico e le sacre scritture dopo Copernico: C. Rothmann e la teoria dell' accommodazione', Rivista di storia della filosofia 51 (1996) pp. 789-828. His position is explained in the introduction to the Astronomia nova, in the Epitome and in many passages of his correspondence. See, for example, his comments on a letter from Marius that had been quoted by Vicke: 'Cum sacris ego uno verbo transigo: de mathematicis loquuntur, non docent mathematica, loquuntur autem ut capi possint, id est sermone usitato' (G.W. XVI, p. 389; cf. pp. 382-383, and IV, p. 354). Galileo went further in his Letter to ... Christina where he assumed the possibility of a heliocentrist interpretation of the Bible.
192. 'Marius imperitia hominum, sectae hujus amplitudinem intra duos restringit, quae jam pene publica est: nisi flos omnis doctorum hominum intra Academiarum septa sit conclusus', G.W. IV, p. 354.
193. See the conclusion of the 'ad lectorem admonitio'.
194. See Kepler (1993), note 20, p. 48.
195. Elie Diodati was to make Galileo a similar offer in a letter dated from Paris, 27 Aug. 1620: '... [Camillo Guidi] mi disse che sin qui non aveva sentito nè visto da lei opera alcuna della meccanica, e che per conto dell' altr' opera [circa la costituzione dell'universo] non credeva che V.S. fusse per publicarla ... e se per altro ci sono alcuni rispetti locali per i quali differisca di stamparle in coteste bande, si potrebbero vincere in questa regione' (E. N. XIII, p. 48).
196. See his profession of faith in his Admonitio ad bibliopolas exteros, praesertim Italos addressed to the Italian booksellers after the condemnation of his Epitome in 1619: 'Ecclesiae filius, et doctrinam catholicam, quantum ejus ad hanc usque meam aetatem capere potui, non voluntate tantum amplector, sed et judicio comprobo', G.W. VI, p. 543, quoted in Bucciantini (1995), p. 123.
197. See his profession of faith in his Admonitio ad bibliopolas exteros, praesertim Italos addressed to the Italian booksellers after the condemnation of his Epitome in 1619: 'Ecclesiae filius, et doctrinam catholicam, quantum ejus ad hanc usque meam aetatem capere potui, non voluntate tantum amplector, sed et judicio comprobo', G.W. VI, p. 543, quoted in Bucciantini (1995), p. 123.
198. See his profession of faith in his Admonitio ad bibliopolas exteros, praesertim Italos addressed to the Italian booksellers after the condemnation of his Epitome in 1619: 'Ecclesiae filius, et doctrinam catholicam, quantum ejus ad hanc usque meam aetatem capere potui, non voluntate tantum amplector, sed et judicio comprobo', G.W. VI, p. 543, quoted in Bucciantini (1995), p. 123.
199. 'Imprimis gaudeo esse in Germania qui cum Italo Galileo in certamen veniat aperiendi nobis arcana coelestia, et rogo D. tuam, adhorteris Marium, ut obtrectandi affectus inter nationes usitatos, tanta diligentia excludat quantum sibi cavendum statuit prius a personalibus. Veritatis enim res agitur, 'G.W. XVI, p. 389.
200. Bucciantini (1995), quoted above.
201. Kepler, G.W., t. XX, 1, pp. 168-180. See Bucciantini (1995), pp. 106-114.
202. Kepler, G.W., t. XX, 1, pp. 168-180. See Bucciantini (1995), pp. 106-114.
203. In his Replicationes de situ et motu terrae (Oct. 1618), first printed in Bucciantini (1995), pp. 177-205.
204. In his Replicationes de situ et motu terrae (Oct. 1618), first printed in Bucciantini (1995), pp. 177-205.
205. On these political aspects, see P. Redondi, Galileo eretico (Turin: Einaudi, 1983); Biagioli (1993).
206. On these political aspects, see P. Redondi, Galileo eretico (Turin: Einaudi, 1983); Biagioli (1993).
207. Notably through the elaboration of a new theory of the tides, first formulated in the Discorso del flusso e reflusso del mare, addressed to Cardinal Alessandro Orsini in 1616.
208. See E. N. XIV, p. 340: 'dubito che i pensieri del Lansbergio e alcuni del Keplero siano più tosto a diminutione della dottrina del Copernico che a stabilimento.'
209. According to Tarde, Galileo stated that the Dioptrice was a book 'si obscur qu'il semble que l'auteur même ne s'est pas entendu', J. Tarde, A la rencontre de Galilée, ed. F. Moureau (Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p. 63. He acknowledged that Kepler's mind was free, but very different from his own (19
210. According to Tarde, Galileo stated that the Dioptrice was a book 'si obscur qu'il semble que l'auteur même ne s'est pas entendu', J. Tarde, A la rencontre de Galilée, ed. F. Moureau (Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p. 63. He acknowledged that Kepler's mind was free, but very different from his own (19 Nov. 1634, letter to Micanzio, E. N. XVI, p. 163).
211. According to Tarde, Galileo stated that the Dioptrice was a book 'si obscur qu'il semble que l'auteur même ne s'est pas entendu', J. Tarde, A la rencontre de Galilée, ed. F. Moureau (Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p. 63. He acknowledged that Kepler's mind was free, but very different from his own (19 Nov. 1634, letter to Micanzio, E. N. XVI, p. 163).
212. Micanzio was to address to him this significant praise of the Dialogo: 'è cosa inesplicabile, come da cose triviali, quotidiane e sotto gl'occhi di tutti, V.S. Ecc.ma osservi gl'effetti di natura, e si alzi a speculazioni profundissime, iniscogitabili e didotte da principii veri, reali, che pagano la mente e pascono soavissimamente', 27 January 1635, E. N. XVI, pp. 200-201.
213. See, for example, G.W. XVII, pp. 293-294.
214. This passage of Kepler's Admonitio ad bibliopolas exteros (1619) probably aims at Foscarini and Galileo: 'In uno terrae motu circa Solem annuo difficultas oritur; eo quod importunitate quorundam, dogmata astronomica loco non suo, ne qua par erat methodo, proponentium, effectum est, ut lectio Copernici, quae ab annis paulo minus octaginta (ex quo Paulo III Summo Pontifici opus dedicatum) liberrima fuit; suspensa porro sit, donec emendetur.' (G.W. VI, p. 543) Cf. supra, note 83.
215. This passage of Kepler's Admonitio ad bibliopolas exteros (1619) probably aims at Foscarini and Galileo: 'In uno terrae motu circa Solem annuo difficultas oritur; eo quod importunitate quorundam, dogmata astronomica loco non suo, ne qua par erat methodo, proponentium, effectum est, ut lectio Copernici, quae ab annis paulo minus octaginta (ex quo Paulo III Summo Pontifici opus dedicatum) liberrima fuit; suspensa porro sit, donec emendetur.' (G.W. VI, p. 543) Cf. supra, note 83.
216. Peiresc had read with enthusiasm the Sidereus and Galileo's other books (E.N. XII, pp. 114, 118, 142). See A. Favaro, Amid e corrispondenti di Galileo (Florence: Salimbeni, reprint 1983), III, pp. 1537-1582; C. Rizza, 'Galileo nella corrisondenza di Peiresc', Studi francesi 5 (1961), pp. 433-451; eadem, Peiresc e I'ltalia (Turin: Giappichelli, 1965).
217. Peiresc had read with enthusiasm the Sidereus and Galileo's other books (E.N. XII, pp. 114, 118, 142). See A. Favaro, Amid e corrispondenti di Galileo (Florence: Salimbeni, reprint 1983), III, pp. 1537-1582; C. Rizza, 'Galileo nella corrisondenza di Peiresc', Studi francesi 5 (1961), pp. 433-451; eadem, Peiresc e I'ltalia (Turin: Giappichelli, 1965).
218. Peiresc had read with enthusiasm the Sidereus and Galileo's other books (E.N. XII, pp. 114, 118, 142). See A. Favaro, Amid e corrispondenti di Galileo (Florence: Salimbeni, reprint 1983), III, pp. 1537-1582; C. Rizza, 'Galileo nella corrisondenza di Peiresc', Studi francesi 5 (1961), pp. 433-451; eadem, Peiresc e I'ltalia (Turin: Giappichelli, 1965).
219. Peiresc had read with enthusiasm the Sidereus and Galileo's other books (E.N. XII, pp. 114, 118, 142). See A. Favaro, Amid e corrispondenti di Galileo (Florence: Salimbeni, reprint 1983), III, pp. 1537-1582; C. Rizza, 'Galileo nella corrisondenza di Peiresc', Studi francesi 5 (1961), pp. 433-451; eadem, Peiresc e I'ltalia (Turin: Giappichelli, 1965).
220. Diodati, born in Geneva, was a lawyer at the Parlement of Paris. A friend of the brothers Du Puy, Naudé, Gassendi and Peiresc, he corresponded with Bernegger, Campanella, etc. His relations with Galileo dated back to his first sojourn in Italy, in 1620. See J. M. Gardair, 'E. D. e la diffusione europea del Dialogo', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti e crisi del sapere (Florence: Barbera, 1984), pp. 391-398.
221. See E.N. XIII, p. 275.
222. His first known letter to Galileo is dated 1 Feb. 1629. See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1477-1534. See also the letters (April and May 1634) where Descartes questions Mersenne about Galileo (E. N. XVI, pp. 88-89, 96).
223. His first known letter to Galileo is dated 1 Feb. 1629. See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1477-1534. See also the letters (April and May 1634) where Descartes questions Mersenne about Galileo (E. N. XVI, pp. 88-89, 96).
224. Pieroni (Vienna) to Galileo, 15 Dec. 1635, E. N. XVI, p. 359.
225. Pieroni (Neustadt) to Galileo, 4 Jan. 1635, E. N. XVI, p. 188.
226. 10 Feb. 1635, E. N. XVI, p. 209.
227. Galileo to Diodati, 7 March 1634 (E. N. XVI, p. 59): 'e l'infamia ricade sopra i traditori e i ostituiti nel più sublime grado dell'ignoranza, madre della malignità, dell'invidia, della rabbia e di tutti gli altri vizii e peccati scelerati e brutti'.
228. To Diodati, 18 Dec. 1635, about the difficulties which delay the printing of the Discorsi '... talche sto in gran pensiero che finalmente quella parte de' miei studii, ne' quali avevo qualche ambizione, abbia a restar desolata e svanire in fumo. Infelice questo nostro clima, nel quale regna una fissa resoluzione di voler esterminare tutte le novità, in particulare nelle scienzie, quasi che già si sia saputo ogni scibile.' (E. N. XVI, p. 361) Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 235.
229. To Diodati, 18 Dec. 1635, about the difficulties which delay the printing of the Discorsi '... talche sto in gran pensiero che finalmente quella parte de' miei studii, ne' quali avevo qualche ambizione, abbia a restar desolata e svanire in fumo. Infelice questo nostro clima, nel quale regna una fissa resoluzione di voler esterminare tutte le novità, in particulare nelle scienzie, quasi che già si sia saputo ogni scibile.' (E. N. XVI, p. 361) Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 235.
230. In March 1635, Galileo told Peiresc that he had addressed to Cardinal Barberini excessive praise of Galileo himself, for he thought it in his best interest not to appear too brilliant: 'tenga pur per fermo V.S. I11.ma che questa, diro, in certo modo da lei stimata singolarità è stata e tuttavia è la principale, anzi la unica e sola, cagione del mio precipizio' (E. N. XVI, p. 235).
231. For example, Galileo accepted that the Dialogo should not be reprinted in the collected editions of his work, so as not to endanger the whole project (to Micanzio, 26 July 1636, E. N. XVI, p. 455).
232. Notably François de Noailles, his former pupil in Padua, then ambassador of France to Rome. See E. N. XVI, pp. 164, 166, 171, etc. Galileo gave him a manuscript copy of the Discorsi in 1636, and dedicated to him the printed edition of the book (E. N. XIX, p. 621). See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1319-1345.
233. Notably François de Noailles, his former pupil in Padua, then ambassador of France to Rome. See E. N. XVI, pp. 164, 166, 171, etc. Galileo gave him a manuscript copy of the Discorsi in 1636, and dedicated to him the printed edition of the book (E. N. XIX, p. 621). See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1319-1345.
234. Notably François de Noailles, his former pupil in Padua, then ambassador of France to Rome. See E. N. XVI, pp. 164, 166, 171, etc. Galileo gave him a manuscript copy of the Discorsi in 1636, and dedicated to him the printed edition of the book (E. N. XIX, p. 621). See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1319-1345.
235. Notably François de Noailles, his former pupil in Padua, then ambassador of France to Rome. See E. N. XVI, pp. 164, 166, 171, etc. Galileo gave him a manuscript copy of the Discorsi in 1636, and dedicated to him the printed edition of the book (E. N. XIX, p. 621). See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1319-1345.
236. To Diodati, 28 Jan. 1638: 'Sono ancora sul tirare avanti un mio concetto assai capriccioso; e questo è di portar, pur sempre in dialogo, una moltitudine di postille fatte intorno a' luoghi più importanti di tutti i libri di coloro che mi ànno scritto contro e anco di qualch' altro auto re e in particulare di Aristotele ...' (E. N. XVII, p. 262). Cf. Galileo's letters to Diodati, 25 July 1634, and to Micanzio, 19 Nov. 1634.
237. To Micanzio, 12 July 1636, about the edition of the Letter to ... Christina: 'Io gusterei assai che il S. Lodovico [Elzevier] ne facesse venir buon numero a Venezia, e poi di costi qua, a confusione de' miei nimici calunniatori.' (E. N. XVI, p. 349) Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 445.
238. To Micanzio, 12 July 1636, about the edition of the Letter to ... Christina: 'Io gusterei assai che il S. Lodovico [Elzevier] ne facesse venir buon numero a Venezia, e poi di costi qua, a confusione de' miei nimici calunniatori.' (E. N. XVI, p. 349) Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 445.
239. To Micanzio, 12 July 1636, about the edition of the Letter to ... Christina: 'Io gusterei assai che il S. Lodovico [Elzevier] ne facesse venir buon numero a Venezia, e poi di costi qua, a confusione de' miei nimici calunniatori.' (E. N. XVI, p. 349) Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 445.
240. Bernegger had already published in Strasbourg, in 1613, a Latin translation of the Compasso, without informing Galileo, whom he did not know. See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1349-1373.
241. Bernegger had already published in Strasbourg, in 1613, a Latin translation of the Compasso, without informing Galileo, whom he did not know. See Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1349-1373.
242. Mersenne issued Les Mecaniques (a translation of unpublished lectures dating from 1594), in 1634, and Les Nouvelles pensées de Galilée (an adaptation of the Discorsi) in 1639. On Carcavy's projected translation of the Galileo's work, see E. N. XVI, p. 96 (from Diodati, 16 May 1634).
243. Mersenne issued Les Mecaniques (a translation of unpublished lectures dating from 1594), in 1634, and Les Nouvelles pensées de Galilée (an adaptation of the Discorsi) in 1639. On Carcavy's projected translation of the Galileo's work, see E. N. XVI, p. 96 (from Diodati, 16 May 1634).
244. Mersenne issued Les Mecaniques (a translation of unpublished lectures dating from 1594), in 1634, and Les Nouvelles pensées de Galilée (an adaptation of the Discorsi) in 1639. On Carcavy's projected translation of the Galileo's work, see E. N. XVI, p. 96 (from Diodati, 16 May 1634).
245. 11 Aug. 1635 (E. N. XVI, p. 302). Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 359.
246. 11 Aug. 1635 (E. N. XVI, p. 302). Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 359.
247. Roberto Galilei, alluding to the Discorsi, informed Galileo that the French booksellers 'meglio l'ameriano in latino che nella volgaria nostra italiana, già che dicano non avere correttori buoni, e ancora per l'ispaccio saria maggiore per questo regnio ...' (Lyon, 4 April 1634; E. N. XVI, pp. 72-73). Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 326: 'El libraro dice in oltra che per l'ignoranza de la lingua italiana in queste contrade desiderarebbe ch'el detto trattato fusse latino.' (from Carcavy, Toulouse, 21 Oct. 1635)
248. Roberto Galilei, alluding to the Discorsi, informed Galileo that the French booksellers 'meglio l'ameriano in latino che nella volgaria nostra italiana, già che dicano non avere correttori buoni, e ancora per l'ispaccio saria maggiore per questo regnio ...' (Lyon, 4 April 1634; E. N. XVI, pp. 72-73). Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 326: 'El libraro dice in oltra che per l'ignoranza de la lingua italiana in queste contrade desiderarebbe ch'el detto trattato fusse latino.' (from Carcavy, Toulouse, 21 Oct. 1635)
249. Roberto Galilei, alluding to the Discorsi, informed Galileo that the French booksellers 'meglio l'ameriano in latino che nella volgaria nostra italiana, già che dicano non avere correttori buoni, e ancora per l'ispaccio saria maggiore per questo regnio ...' (Lyon, 4 April 1634; E. N. XVI, pp. 72-73). Cf. E. N. XVI, p. 326: 'El libraro dice in oltra che per l'ignoranza de la lingua italiana in queste contrade desiderarebbe ch'el detto trattato fusse latino.' (from Carcavy, Toulouse, 21 Oct. 1635)
250. Galileo to Micanzio, 16 August 1636 (E. N. XVI, p. 475): 'per ver dire, dove oltre alle serrate dimostrazioni pure matematiche entrano discorsi, nel trasportar l'opere dalla lingua del loro autore in un'altra, si perde assai di grazia, e forse di energia e anco di chiarezza'.
251. 'Tra l'amico e io riduremmo il tutto in istile chiaro, seben non con tanta energia con quanta posso spiegarmi nella nostra favella toscana': to Diodati, 6 June 1637 (E. N. XVII, p. 96). Cf. E. N. XVII, p. 174.
252. 'Tra l'amico e io riduremmo il tutto in istile chiaro, seben non con tanta energia con quanta posso spiegarmi nella nostra favella toscana': to Diodati, 6 June 1637 (E. N. XVII, p. 96). Cf. E. N. XVII, p. 174.
253. The first collective edition of the Galilean work was published in Bologna, by Del Dozza, in 1656.
254. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
255. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
256. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
257. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
258. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
259. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
260. The Elzeviers were established in Leyden, The Hague and Copenhagen; they had shops in Venice and Frankfurt, and kept close links with booksellers in London, Paris and Florence. See A. Willems, Les Elzevier (Brussels: Van Trigt, 1880); Favaro (1983), III, pp. 1377-1410; R. S. Westman, 'The Reception of Galileo's Dialogue. A Partial World Census of Extant Copies', in P. Galluzzi (ed.), Novità celesti . . ., pp. 329-371. The print-run of the first edition was 600 copies (E.N. XVI, p. 101). In April 1635, 300 copies were sent to Paris (E.N. t. XVI, p. 258) and, in 1636, 438 to the fair at Frankfurt (E.N. XVI, p. 415). Afterwards, the Systema cosmicum was printed in Lyon (1641) and in London (1663).
261. 'Polybius in Eclogis lib. 13. cap. 3. Equidem existimo, Naturam mortalibus VERITATEM constituisse Deam maximam, maximamque illi vim attribuisse. Nam haec cum ab omnibus oppugnetur, atque adeo omnes nonnumquam verisimiles conjecturae ab Errore stent; ipsa per se nescio quomodo in animos hominum sese insinuat: et modo repente illam suam vim exerit: modo tenebris obtecta longo tempore, ad extremum suapte vi ipsa vincit obtinetque, and de Errore triumphat. Chôris prokrimatos ta panta krinete.' On this motto, see Kepler (1993), p. 35 and p. 135, note 5; F. Saxl, 'Veritas filia temporis', in R. Klibansky and H. J. Paton (eds), Philosophy and History (Oxford, 1936), pp. 197-222; F. Simone, 'Veritas filia temporis. A proposito di un testo di Giordano Bruno', Revue de littérature comparée 22 (1948), pp. 508-521; J. A. Van Dorsten, 'Temporis filia veritas: Learning and Religious Peace', in J. van der Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 38-45. 122 Systema, sig. ): (4 r. Cf. Kepler (1993), note 197, pp. 110-111.
262. 'Polybius in Eclogis lib. 13. cap. 3. Equidem existimo, Naturam mortalibus VERITATEM constituisse Deam maximam, maximamque illi vim attribuisse. Nam haec cum ab omnibus oppugnetur, atque adeo omnes nonnumquam verisimiles conjecturae ab Errore stent; ipsa per se nescio quomodo in animos hominum sese insinuat: et modo repente illam suam vim exerit: modo tenebris obtecta longo tempore, ad extremum suapte vi ipsa vincit obtinetque, and de Errore triumphat. Chôris prokrimatos ta panta krinete.' On this motto, see Kepler (1993), p. 35 and p. 135, note 5; F. Saxl, 'Veritas filia temporis', in R. Klibansky and H. J. Paton (eds), Philosophy and History (Oxford, 1936), pp. 197-222; F. Simone, 'Veritas filia temporis. A proposito di un testo di Giordano Bruno', Revue de littérature comparée 22 (1948), pp. 508-521; J. A. Van Dorsten, 'Temporis filia veritas: Learning and Religious Peace', in J. van der Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 38-45. 122 Systema, sig. ): (4 r. Cf. Kepler (1993), note 197, pp. 110-111.
263. 'Polybius in Eclogis lib. 13. cap. 3. Equidem existimo, Naturam mortalibus VERITATEM constituisse Deam maximam, maximamque illi vim attribuisse. Nam haec cum ab omnibus oppugnetur, atque adeo omnes nonnumquam verisimiles conjecturae ab Errore stent; ipsa per se nescio quomodo in animos hominum sese insinuat: et modo repente illam suam vim exerit: modo tenebris obtecta longo tempore, ad extremum suapte vi ipsa vincit obtinetque, and de Errore triumphat. Chôris prokrimatos ta panta krinete.' On this motto, see Kepler (1993), p. 35 and p. 135, note 5; F. Saxl, 'Veritas filia temporis', in R. Klibansky and H. J. Paton (eds), Philosophy and History (Oxford, 1936), pp. 197-222; F. Simone, 'Veritas filia temporis. A proposito di un testo di Giordano Bruno', Revue de littérature comparée 22 (1948), pp. 508-521; J. A. Van Dorsten, 'Temporis filia veritas: Learning and Religious Peace', in J. van der Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 38-45. 122 Systema, sig. ): (4 r. Cf. Kepler (1993), note 197, pp. 110-111.
264. 'Polybius in Eclogis lib. 13. cap. 3. Equidem existimo, Naturam mortalibus VERITATEM constituisse Deam maximam, maximamque illi vim attribuisse. Nam haec cum ab omnibus oppugnetur, atque adeo omnes nonnumquam verisimiles conjecturae ab Errore stent; ipsa per se nescio quomodo in animos hominum sese insinuat: et modo repente illam suam vim exerit: modo tenebris obtecta longo tempore, ad extremum suapte vi ipsa vincit obtinetque, and de Errore triumphat. Chôris prokrimatos ta panta krinete.' On this motto, see Kepler (1993), p. 35 and p. 135, note 5; F. Saxl, 'Veritas filia temporis', in R. Klibansky and H. J. Paton (eds), Philosophy and History (Oxford, 1936), pp. 197-222; F. Simone, 'Veritas filia temporis. A proposito di un testo di Giordano Bruno', Revue de littérature comparée 22 (1948), pp. 508-521; J. A. Van Dorsten, 'Temporis filia veritas: Learning and Religious Peace', in J. van der Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 38-45. 122 Systema, sig. ): (4 r. Cf. Kepler (1993), note 197, pp. 110-111.
265. 'Polybius in Eclogis lib. 13. cap. 3. Equidem existimo, Naturam mortalibus VERITATEM constituisse Deam maximam, maximamque illi vim attribuisse. Nam haec cum ab omnibus oppugnetur, atque adeo omnes nonnumquam verisimiles conjecturae ab Errore stent; ipsa per se nescio quomodo in animos hominum sese insinuat: et modo repente illam suam vim exerit: modo tenebris obtecta longo tempore, ad extremum suapte vi ipsa vincit obtinetque, and de Errore triumphat. Chôris prokrimatos ta panta krinete.' On this motto, see Kepler (1993), p. 35 and p. 135, note 5; F. Saxl, 'Veritas filia temporis', in R. Klibansky and H. J. Paton (eds), Philosophy and History (Oxford, 1936), pp. 197-222; F. Simone, 'Veritas filia temporis. A proposito di un testo di Giordano Bruno', Revue de littérature comparée 22 (1948), pp. 508-521; J. A. Van Dorsten, 'Temporis filia veritas: Learning and Religious Peace', in J. van der Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 38-45. 122 Systema, sig. ): (4 r. Cf. Kepler (1993), note 197, pp. 110-111.
266. '... hodie per ea, quae seculis omnibus abscondita Magnus Galilaeus, Telescopii, divini Inventi à se perfecti beneficio, in Caelo detexit, argumenta illa Topica, plane facta sunt Apodictica: è Physicis autem objectae nebulae, sudo liquidissimarum rationum jubare dispulsae. Vicit Veritas, et vincet latius, dummodo propitios magis Cleanthes illos habeamus, qui inconsulta pietate decepti, Sacrosanctae Scripturae decreta hoc dogmate convelli falso putant', Systema, sig. ):(4 r. In the Sidereus nuncius, Galileo had already suggested that he might have been divinely inspired, but without developing the theme of the penetralia universi: in the dedication ('ut autem inclito Celsitudinis tuae nomini prae caeteris novos hosce Planetas destinarem, ipsemet Syderum Opifex perspicuis argumentis me admonere visum est'), in the introduction ('... ope Perspicilli a me excogitati divina prius illuminante gratia'), and in the beginning of the account of the observation of the satellites ('cum autem die oclava, nescio quo Fato ductus ...'), E. N. III, pp. 56, 60, 80.
267. Systema, p. 459.
268. Roberthin (1600-1648) had been Bernegger's pupil. He had acquired the Letter to Christina many years before, when he was travelling in Italy as the tutor of a young noble. Protected by Count Adam Schwartzenburg, he was to become, in 1644, First Secretary and Electoral Councillor of Prussia.
269. Nov-antiqua Sanctissimorum Patrum, et Probatorum Theologorum Doctrina, De Sacrae Scripturae Testimoniis, in conclusionibus mere Naturalibus, quae sensata experientia, and necessariis demonstrationibus evinci possunt, ternere non usurpandis.
270. Ed. cit., A2r. Bernegger, in his letter to Roberthin, calls Galileo 'incomparabilis ill[e] Astronomiae restaurat[or]', A4v.
271. His accusers were hypocrites 'ficto et ementito Pietatis et Religionis Zelo amicti', ibid., A3r.
272. Ibid., A3r-v.
273. 'Nam et Publicum bonum erat in oculis, cujus multum interesse duxi, ut sapientissima monita, eximiaque doctrina scripti illius patefaciat omnibus', ibid., A2r. Roberthin evokes Galileo's 'immensa in rem Astronomicam beneficia' which are beyond the reach of human gratitude ('omnem viventium gratiam ... supergressa'), A2v.
274. '... velut alter Prometheus, bacillo hoc optico, Caelorum abditos recessus lustrans, Caelestes ignes, nova inquam sydera, veteribus Astronomis non visa; Galaxiae expeditam rationem ...; Solaris corporis nubeculas, Lunaris scabitiem, et dispersas opacitates ... primus nobis detexit', ibid., A2v.