The protestant ethic and Rockefeller benevolence: The religious impulse in American philanthropy

Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour

Volumn 27, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 419-452

  Hewa, Soma ^a,b  

^a MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

^b NONE   (Canada)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039978738     PISSN: 00218308     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-5914.00050     Document Type: Review

References (145)

1. For a summary of early criticisms, see John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness (Cambridge, Harvard University Press), 1981, pp. 180-82,
2. For a summary of early criticisms, see John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness (Cambridge, Harvard University Press), 1981, pp. 180-82, and Sarah Abrams, "Brilliance and Bureaucracy: Nursing and the Changes in the Rockefeller Foundation, 1915-1930," Nursing History Review, 1993, 1:119-37. This argument holds very little water when considered against the powerful evidence that shows John D. Rockefeller had been giving since his early teens. The famous "Ledger A" is living testimony to the early habit of Rockefeller's generous giving that rapidly grew along with his wealth. See, John T. Flynn, God's Gold, The Story of Rockefeller and His Time (New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company), 1932, pp. 63-5. One of the earliest Marxist critics of Rockefeller philanthropy in medicine has been E. Richard Brown. His Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1979, paved the way for a generation of Marxist critics of philanthropy, whose writings have appeared as a volume titled, Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad, edited by Robert F. Arnove (Boston, G. K. Hall & Company), 1980.
3. For a summary of early criticisms, see John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness (Cambridge, Harvard University Press), 1981, pp. 180-82, and Sarah Abrams, "Brilliance and Bureaucracy: Nursing and the Changes in the Rockefeller Foundation, 1915-1930," Nursing History Review, 1993, 1:119-37. This argument holds very little water when considered against the powerful evidence that shows John D. Rockefeller had been giving since his early teens. The famous "Ledger A" is living testimony to the early habit of Rockefeller's generous giving that rapidly grew along with his wealth. See, John T. Flynn, God's Gold, The Story of Rockefeller and His Time (New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company), 1932, pp. 63-5. One of the earliest Marxist critics of Rockefeller philanthropy in medicine has been E. Richard Brown. His Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1979, paved the way for a generation of Marxist critics of philanthropy, whose writings have appeared as a volume titled, Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad, edited by Robert F. Arnove (Boston, G. K. Hall & Company), 1980.
4. One of the earliest Marxist critics of Rockefeller philanthropy in medicine has been E. Richard Brown. His Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1979,
5. One of the earliest Marxist critics of Rockefeller philanthropy in medicine has been E. Richard Brown. His Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1979, paved the way for a generation of Marxist critics of philanthropy, whose writings have appeared as a volume titled, Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad, edited by Robert F. Arnove (Boston, G. K. Hall & Company), 1980.
6. Donald Fisher, "The Role of Philanthropic Foundations in the Reproduction and Production of Hegemony: Rockefeller Foundations and the Social Sciences," Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 206-33.
7. Dwight F. Burlingame, "Altruism and Philanthropy: Definitional Issues," Essays on Philanthropy, No. 10 (IU Center on Philanthropy, IUPUI), 1993, p. 1. Robert Bremner, a historian, is one of the few scholars who make in depth analyses of religious motives in the development of American philanthropy. But like most others, he does not distinguish the religious motives involved in charity from those of philanthropy. He sees the transition from charity to philanthropy as a natural outcome of increased wealth. See, Bremner, American Philanthropy (Chicago, University of Chicago), 1988, particularly the first two chapters. Also Bremner, Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers), 1994. Particularly, see chapter 14. One of the most recent studies on the religious beliefs of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his philanthropic work by Albert F. Schenkel does not go even as far as Bremner to examine these specific Protestant doctrines that motivated them in their philanthropic work. Schenkel, The Rich Man and the Kingdom, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Protestant Establishment (Minneapolis, Fortress Press), 1995. John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, in their recent work entitled The Rockefeller Century (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1988, refer to what they called, "the Rockefeller conscience" (p. 9), as the underlying motivational force in their philanthropic effort "for the betterment of others and of society." However, they too make no attempt to trace this conscience to specific religious beliefs of Rockefeller.
8. Dwight F. Burlingame, "Altruism and Philanthropy: Definitional Issues," Essays on Philanthropy, No. 10 (IU Center on Philanthropy, IUPUI), 1993, p. 1. Robert Bremner, a historian, is one of the few scholars who make in depth analyses of religious motives in the development of American philanthropy. But like most others, he does not distinguish the religious motives involved in charity from those of philanthropy. He sees the transition from charity to philanthropy as a natural outcome of increased wealth. See, Bremner, American Philanthropy (Chicago, University of Chicago), 1988, particularly the first two chapters. Also Bremner, Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers), 1994. Particularly, see chapter 14. One of the most recent studies on the religious beliefs of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his philanthropic work by Albert F. Schenkel does not go even as far as Bremner to examine these specific Protestant doctrines that motivated them in their philanthropic work. Schenkel, The Rich Man and the Kingdom, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Protestant Establishment (Minneapolis, Fortress Press), 1995. John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, in their recent work entitled The Rockefeller Century (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1988, refer to what they called, "the Rockefeller conscience" (p. 9), as the underlying motivational force in their philanthropic effort "for the betterment of others and of society." However, they too make no attempt to trace this conscience to specific religious beliefs of Rockefeller.
9. Dwight F. Burlingame, "Altruism and Philanthropy: Definitional Issues," Essays on Philanthropy, No. 10 (IU Center on Philanthropy, IUPUI), 1993, p. 1. Robert Bremner, a historian, is one of the few scholars who make in depth analyses of religious motives in the development of American philanthropy. But like most others, he does not distinguish the religious motives involved in charity from those of philanthropy. He sees the transition from charity to philanthropy as a natural outcome of increased wealth. See, Bremner, American Philanthropy (Chicago, University of Chicago), 1988, particularly the first two chapters. Also Bremner, Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers), 1994. Particularly, see chapter 14. One of the most recent studies on the religious beliefs of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his philanthropic work by Albert F. Schenkel does not go even as far as Bremner to examine these specific Protestant doctrines that motivated them in their philanthropic work. Schenkel, The Rich Man and the Kingdom, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Protestant Establishment (Minneapolis, Fortress Press), 1995. John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, in their recent work entitled The Rockefeller Century (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1988, refer to what they called, "the Rockefeller conscience" (p. 9), as the underlying motivational force in their philanthropic effort "for the betterment of others and of society." However, they too make no attempt to trace this conscience to specific religious beliefs of Rockefeller.
10. Dwight F. Burlingame, "Altruism and Philanthropy: Definitional Issues," Essays on Philanthropy, No. 10 (IU Center on Philanthropy, IUPUI), 1993, p. 1. Robert Bremner, a historian, is one of the few scholars who make in depth analyses of religious motives in the development of American philanthropy. But like most others, he does not distinguish the religious motives involved in charity from those of philanthropy. He sees the transition from charity to philanthropy as a natural outcome of increased wealth. See, Bremner, American Philanthropy (Chicago, University of Chicago), 1988, particularly the first two chapters. Also Bremner, Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers), 1994. Particularly, see chapter 14. One of the most recent studies on the religious beliefs of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his philanthropic work by Albert F. Schenkel does not go even as far as Bremner to examine these specific Protestant doctrines that motivated them in their philanthropic work. Schenkel, The Rich Man and the Kingdom, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Protestant Establishment (Minneapolis, Fortress Press), 1995. John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, in their recent work entitled The Rockefeller Century (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1988, refer to what they called, "the Rockefeller conscience" (p. 9), as the underlying motivational force in their philanthropic effort "for the betterment of others and of society." However, they too make no attempt to trace this conscience to specific religious beliefs of Rockefeller.
11. Dwight F. Burlingame, "Altruism and Philanthropy: Definitional Issues," Essays on Philanthropy, No. 10 (IU Center on Philanthropy, IUPUI), 1993, p. 1. Robert Bremner, a historian, is one of the few scholars who make in depth analyses of religious motives in the development of American philanthropy. But like most others, he does not distinguish the religious motives involved in charity from those of philanthropy. He sees the transition from charity to philanthropy as a natural outcome of increased wealth. See, Bremner, American Philanthropy (Chicago, University of Chicago), 1988, particularly the first two chapters. Also Bremner, Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers), 1994. Particularly, see chapter 14. One of the most recent studies on the religious beliefs of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his philanthropic work by Albert F. Schenkel does not go even as far as Bremner to examine these specific Protestant doctrines that motivated them in their philanthropic work. Schenkel, The Rich Man and the Kingdom, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the Protestant Establishment (Minneapolis, Fortress Press), 1995. John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, in their recent work entitled The Rockefeller Century (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1988, refer to what they called, "the Rockefeller conscience" (p. 9), as the underlying motivational force in their philanthropic effort "for the betterment of others and of society." However, they too make no attempt to trace this conscience to specific religious beliefs of Rockefeller.
12. Barry D. Karl and Stanley N. Katz, "Foundations and Ruling Class Elites," Daedalus, Winter, 1987, p. 5.
13. Ibid., p. 36.
14. Max Weber, The Critique of Stammler. Translated by Guy Oakes (New York, Free Press), 1977, pp. 64-5.
15. Max Weber, Gesammelte Aufsatze zur Wissenschaftslehre (Hrsg.) V. Johannes Winckelmann (Tubingen, J.C.B. Mohr), 1951, pp. 64-6.
16. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Translated by Talcott Parsons (New York, Scribner's Sons), 1958, p. 183.
17. Ibid., p. 183.
18. Ibid., p. 97.
19. Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Translated by H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mills (New York, Oxford University Press), 1946, p. 268.
20. Ibid., p. 26.
21. Ibid., p. 268.
22. Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (New York, Free Press), 1937, p. 513.
23. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 18.
24. Ibid., pp. 57-8.
25. Ibid., p. 26.
26. Ibid., p. 37. It should be noted that in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber used the term "Puritanism," to describe all "ascetic" Protestant religious movements. He argued that, "When we use the expression [Puritanism] it is always in the sense which it took on in the popular speech of the seventeenth century, to mean the ascetically inclined religious movements in Holland and England without distinction of Church organization or dogma, thus including Independents, Congregationalists, Baptists, Mennonites, and Quakers." See Ibid., pp. 95-6. Particularly, note number 2 of chapter IV, p. 217. In this work, I remain consistent with Weber's usage of the term.
27. Ibid., p. 37. It should be noted that in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber used the term "Puritanism," to describe all "ascetic" Protestant religious movements. He argued that, "When we use the expression [Puritanism] it is always in the sense which it took on in the popular speech of the seventeenth century, to mean the ascetically inclined religious movements in Holland and England without distinction of Church organization or dogma, thus including Independents, Congregationalists, Baptists, Mennonites, and Quakers." See Ibid., pp. 95-6. Particularly, note number 2 of chapter IV, p. 217. In this work, I remain consistent with Weber's usage of the term.
28. Ibid., p. 37. It should be noted that in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber used the term "Puritanism," to describe all "ascetic" Protestant religious movements. He argued that, "When we use the expression [Puritanism] it is always in the sense which it took on in the popular speech of the seventeenth century, to mean the ascetically inclined religious movements in Holland and England without distinction of Church organization or dogma, thus including Independents, Congregationalists, Baptists, Mennonites, and Quakers." See Ibid., pp. 95-6. Particularly, note number 2 of chapter IV, p. 217. In this work, I remain consistent with Weber's usage of the term.
29. Ibid., p. 96. For this very reason, Weber suggests that it is appropriate for us to "completely ignore both the dogmatic foundations and the ethical theory and confine our attention to the moral practice so far as it can be determined." Ibid., p. 97. Hence, for the purpose of this study, I treated Protestantism as a single formative ethical movement that had far reaching influence on everyday conduct. This is consistent with Weber's methodological approach to the study of religion. He argued that it is impossible to study the influence of religion on practical life by observing "what was theoretically and officially taught." Rather, one must examine the influence of those psychological sanctions which were largely "derived" from the peculiarities of those religious ideas behind them. For this reason, Weber suggested that religious ideas must be treated only as "ideal types." Ibid., p. 98.
30. Ibid., p. 96. For this very reason, Weber suggests that it is appropriate for us to "completely ignore both the dogmatic foundations and the ethical theory and confine our attention to the moral practice so far as it can be determined." Ibid., p. 97. Hence, for the purpose of this study, I treated Protestantism as a single formative ethical movement that had far reaching influence on everyday conduct. This is consistent with Weber's methodological approach to the study of religion. He argued that it is impossible to study the influence of religion on practical life by observing "what was theoretically and officially taught." Rather, one must examine the influence of those psychological sanctions which were largely "derived" from the peculiarities of those religious ideas behind them. For this reason, Weber suggested that religious ideas must be treated only as "ideal types." Ibid., p. 98.
31. Ibid., p. 96. For this very reason, Weber suggests that it is appropriate for us to "completely ignore both the dogmatic foundations and the ethical theory and confine our attention to the moral practice so far as it can be determined." Ibid., p. 97. Hence, for the purpose of this study, I treated Protestantism as a single formative ethical movement that had far reaching influence on everyday conduct. This is consistent with Weber's methodological approach to the study of religion. He argued that it is impossible to study the influence of religion on practical life by observing "what was theoretically and officially taught." Rather, one must examine the influence of those psychological sanctions which were largely "derived" from the peculiarities of those religious ideas behind them. For this reason, Weber suggested that religious ideas must be treated only as "ideal types." Ibid., p. 98.
32. Ibid., pp. 155-9. Also see Wolfgang Schluchter, Rationalism, Religion, and Domination: A Weberian Perspective. Translated by Neil Solomon (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1988, pp. 315-91.
33. Ibid., pp. 155-9. Also see Wolfgang Schluchter, Rationalism, Religion, and Domination: A Weberian Perspective. Translated by Neil Solomon (Berkeley, University of California Press), 1988, pp. 315-91.
34. Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber, An Intellectual Portrait (New York, A Doubleday Anchor Book), 1960, p. 63.
35. Weber, op. cit., (1958), pp. 182-3.
36. Ibid., p. 183.
37. Ibid., p. 182.
38. For an interesting analysis of the conflict between "reason" and "faith" in modern social and political context, see Martin Albrow, Max Weber's Construction of Social Theory (London, Macmillan), 1990, particularly pp. 29-94. Some other recent interpretations of Weber's theory of rationalization have suggested that the process of rationalization does not necessarily lead to an "iron cage," as predicted by Weber. Instead, it will offer alternative directions for unfolding developments in modern civilizations. See Johannes Weiss, "On the irreversibility of western rationalization and Max Weber's alleged fatalism." In Scott Lash and Sam Whimster eds., Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity (London, Allen and Unwin), 1987, pp. 154-63.
39. For an interesting analysis of the conflict between "reason" and "faith" in modern social and political context, see Martin Albrow, Max Weber's Construction of Social Theory (London, Macmillan), 1990, particularly pp. 29-94. Some other recent interpretations of Weber's theory of rationalization have suggested that the process of rationalization does not necessarily lead to an "iron cage," as predicted by Weber. Instead, it will offer alternative directions for unfolding developments in modern civilizations. See Johannes Weiss, "On the irreversibility of western rationalization and Max Weber's alleged fatalism." In Scott Lash and Sam Whimster eds., Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity (London, Allen and Unwin), 1987, pp. 154-63.
40. To understand this specific doctrinal foundation, one must examine the Baptist belief of "continual revelation." The gift of salvation, according to Baptists, was offered to everyone, and it sufficed to wait for the spirit, and not to resist its coming by sinful attachment to the world. Hence, they "rejected all idolatry of the flesh, as a detraction from the reverence due to God alone." Ibid., p. 146. Baptists believe that what God had revealed to the prophets and apostles was not all that He could and would reveal. In all wordly activity of the true believer, the Holy Spirit speaks directly. Without this inner light of continual revelation of the Spirit, "the natural man, even the man guided by natural reason, remained purely a creature of the flesh, whose godlessness was condemned by the Baptists." Ibid., p. 147. The implication of this particular belief for the work of benevolence was overwhelming, as it demanded the individual to "overcome everything impulsive and irrational, the passions and subjective interests." This was one of the most powerful ethical requirements within Protestantism against brotherly love.
41. To understand this specific doctrinal foundation, one must examine the Baptist belief of "continual revelation." The gift of salvation, according to Baptists, was offered to everyone, and it sufficed to wait for the spirit, and not to resist its coming by sinful attachment to the world. Hence, they "rejected all idolatry of the flesh, as a detraction from the reverence due to God alone." Ibid., p. 146. Baptists believe that what God had revealed to the prophets and apostles was not all that He could and would reveal. In all wordly activity of the true believer, the Holy Spirit speaks directly. Without this inner light of continual revelation of the Spirit, "the natural man, even the man guided by natural reason, remained purely a creature of the flesh, whose godlessness was condemned by the Baptists." Ibid., p. 147. The implication of this particular belief for the work of benevolence was overwhelming, as it demanded the individual to "overcome everything impulsive and irrational, the passions and subjective interests." This was one of the most powerful ethical requirements within Protestantism against brotherly love.
42. Parsons, op. cit., p. 528.
43. Weber provides an interesting example to highlight the extent to which charitable works were used to display both the glory of God and to repudiate all human feelings: "[T]o mention a remnant of that atmosphere, in the field of charity of the Reformed Church, which in certain respect is justly famous, the Amsterdam orphans, with (in the twentieth century!) their coats and trousers divided vertically into a black and a red, or a red and a green half, a sort of fool's costume, and brought in parade formation to church, formed, for the feelings of the past, a highly uplifting spectacle." Weber, op. cit. (1958), p. 226, no. 34.
44. John Stephen Flynn, The Influence of Puritanism on the Political and Religious Thought of the English (New York, Kennikat Press), 1920, p. 138. Also Weber, op. cit., (1958), pp. 155-6.
45. John Stephen Flynn, The Influence of Puritanism on the Political and Religious Thought of the English (New York, Kennikat Press), 1920, p. 138. Also Weber, op. cit., (1958), pp. 155-6.
46. Richard Baxter, Christian Directory (London), Vol. 1, 1825, p. 253. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 224, no. 30.
47. Richard Baxter, Christian Directory (London), Vol. 1, 1825, p. 253. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 224, no. 30.
48. To put this particular Puritan ethic in the words of a well-known American philanthropist, Andrew Carnegie, the purpose of philanthropy is "to stimulate the best and most aspiring of the poor . . . to further efforts for their own improvement." Carnegie, "Wealth," The North American Review, 148, 1889, pp. 653-54. Similarly, John D. Rockefeller argued that "The best philanthropy is constantly in search of the finalities - a search for cause, and attempt to cure evils at their source." Rockefeller, Random Reminiscences of Men and Events (New York, Sleepy Hollow Press and Rockefeller Archive Center), 1984, p. 112.
49. To put this particular Puritan ethic in the words of a well-known American philanthropist, Andrew Carnegie, the purpose of philanthropy is "to stimulate the best and most aspiring of the poor . . . to further efforts for their own improvement." Carnegie, "Wealth," The North American Review, 148, 1889, pp. 653-54. Similarly, John D. Rockefeller argued that "The best philanthropy is constantly in search of the finalities - a search for cause, and attempt to cure evils at their source." Rockefeller, Random Reminiscences of Men and Events (New York, Sleepy Hollow Press and Rockefeller Archive Center), 1984, p. 112.
50. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 226, n. 34.
51. Ibid., p. 176-7.
52. Max Weber, Sociology of Religion. Translated by Ephraim Fishoff (Boston, Beacon Press), 1963, pp. 220-1.
53. Ibid., p. 221.
54. Ibid., p. 221.
55. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 225, no. 33.
56. Baxter, op. cit., p. 456.
57. Ibid., p. 322.
58. Weber suggests that Puritans believed that the duty to love one's neighbor is satisfied by fulfilling God's commandment to increase His glory. Missionary works in the vast land of China were seen as a means to increase God's glory. Although the end purpose of these missionary works was not the salvation of those millions of Chinese, which was an affair of God alone and could not be influenced by the missionary work, it was intended only to enhance God's glory. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 225, no. 34.
59. Merle Curti has made a valuable contribution in exploring the link between missionary impulse and American philanthropy overseas. He wrote, "The major impulse in nineteenth-century philanthropies beyond the seas flowed from the evangelical missionary movement. This was the only cause to inspire constant, sustained giving for a single purpose and to become world-wide in scope before the end of the century." Curti, American Philanthropy Abroad: A History (New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press), 1963, p. 138. John D. Rockefeller's years of support for Baptist missionary organizations overseas eventually gave way to organized philanthropy at the turn of century. The China Medical Board and International Sanitary Commission were thoroughly imbued with the missionary zeal of Rockefeller and his close advisors. See, Frederick T. Gates, Chapters in My Life (New York, Free Press), 1977.
60. Merle Curti has made a valuable contribution in exploring the link between missionary impulse and American philanthropy overseas. He wrote, "The major impulse in nineteenth-century philanthropies beyond the seas flowed from the evangelical missionary movement. This was the only cause to inspire constant, sustained giving for a single purpose and to become world-wide in scope before the end of the century." Curti, American Philanthropy Abroad: A History (New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press), 1963, p. 138. John D. Rockefeller's years of support for Baptist missionary organizations overseas eventually gave way to organized philanthropy at the turn of century. The China Medical Board and International Sanitary Commission were thoroughly imbued with the missionary zeal of Rockefeller and his close advisors. See, Frederick T. Gates, Chapters in My Life (New York, Free Press), 1977.
61. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 148.
62. This injunction was taken literally by John D. Rockefeller when he stated: "The good Lord gave me my money and how could I withhold it from the University of Chicago?" Quoted in Flynn, op. cit., p. 306.
63. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 170.
64. Karl and Katz, op. cit., p. 21.
65. Undoubtedly, it was this sense of burden that was described by Andrew Carnegie when he suggested that "The man who dies rich dies disgraced. . . . The day is not far distant when the man who dies leaving behind him millions of available wealth, which was free for him to administer during life, will pass away unwept, unhonored and unsung." Andrew Carnegie, "Wealth," North American Review, June 1889, p. 664. Gates made similar remarks when he wrote Rockefeller in 1905 urging him to create a series of philanthropic foundations endowed with large sums of money. See, Rockefeller Archive Center (hereafter RA), Gates Collection, Letter from Gates to Rockefeller, June 30, 1905. Box 2, Folder 48.
66. Undoubtedly, it was this sense of burden that was described by Andrew Carnegie when he suggested that "The man who dies rich dies disgraced. . . . The day is not far distant when the man who dies leaving behind him millions of available wealth, which was free for him to administer during life, will pass away unwept, unhonored and unsung." Andrew Carnegie, "Wealth," North American Review, June 1889, p. 664. Gates made similar remarks when he wrote Rockefeller in 1905 urging him to create a series of philanthropic foundations endowed with large sums of money. See, Rockefeller Archive Center (hereafter RA), Gates Collection, Letter from Gates to Rockefeller, June 30, 1905. Box 2, Folder 48.
67. Allan Nevins, John D. Rockefeller, The Heroic Age of American Enterprise (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons), 1940, p. 9.
68. Ibid., p. 19.
69. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 42.
70. Flynn, op. cit., p. 42.
71. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 48.
72. Flynn, op. cit., p. 42.
73. RA, Gates Collection, The Secret of Mr. Rockefeller's Character and Success. Box 2, Folder 47, p. 15.
74. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 49.
75. Quoted in Flynn, op. cit., pp. 57-8.
76. Weber, op. cit., (1958), pp. 21-2.
77. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 40.
78. Flynn, op. cit., p. 65.
79. Nevins, op. cit., p. 121.
80. Ibid., p. 121.
81. Ibid., p. 120.
82. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 44.
83. Nevins, op. cit., p. 129.
84. Ibid., p. 127.
85. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 46.
86. Nevins, op. cit., p. 128.
87. For a comprehensive analysis of the history of commercial and social development of Cleveland see, The Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, edited by David D. Van Tassel and John J. Grabowski (Bloomington and Indianapolis, Indiana University Press), 1987, pp. xvii-xxix. Quoted from p. xx. I wish to thank Darwin Stapleton, Director of the Rockefeller Archive Center, New York, for assisting me with some 7materials on the history of Cleveland.
88. Quoted in Flynn, op. cit., p. 75.
89. Jules Abels, The Rockefeller Billions (New York, The Macmillan), 1965, p. 34.
90. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 49.
91. Quoted in Abels, op. cit., p. 36.
92. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 62.
93. Ibid., p. 63.
94. RA, Gates Collection, The Secret of Mr. Rockefeller's Character and Success. Box 2, Folder 47. p. 12.
95. Weber, op. cit., (1958), p. 162.
96. RA, Gates Papers, The Secret of Mr. Rockefeller's Character and Success. Box 2, Folder 47. p. 13.
97. Kenneth Rose, Why Chicago and Not Cleveland? The Religious Imperative Behind John D. Rockefeller's Early Philanthropy, 1855-1900. Unpublished Paper, 1995, p. 2.
98. Quoted in Rose, op. cit., p. 3.
99. Ibid., pp. 5-7.
100. Gates, op. cit., p. 91.
101. Rockefeller, op. cit., p. 104.
102. Robert K. Merton, Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth Century England (New York, Harper and Row), 1970.
103. Baxter, op. cit., p. 86.
104. Merton, op. cit., p. 69.
105. Baxter, op. cit., p. 375.
106. Steven C. Wheatley, The Politics of Philanthropy (Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin Press), 1988, p. 4.
107. RA, Educational Interests, University of Chicago, Letter from H.L. Morehouse to John D. Rockefeller. Aug. 1st, 1888, Box. 100.
108. RA, Educational Interest, University of Chicago, Letter from H.L. Morehouse to John D. Rockefeller. Aug. 9th, 1888. Box. 100.
109. RA, Educational Interest, University of Chicago, Letter from John D. Rockefeller to Frederick T. Gates, May 15th, 1889. Box 100.
110. Nevins, op. cit., p. 210.
111. Ibid., p. 211.
112. Gates, op. cit., p. 159.
113. Ibid., p. 163.
114. Ibid., p. 286.
115. Ibid., pp. 185-6.
116. Ibid., p. 162.
117. Ibid., p. 163.
118. Ibid., p. 277.
119. John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness (Cambridge, Harvard University Press), 1981, p. 66.
120. Gates, op. cit., pp. 161-2.
121. Nevins, op. cit., p. 294.
122. Gates, op. cit., p. 162.
123. Nevins, op. cit., pp. 294-5.
124. RA, Gates Collection, Letter from Star J. Murphy to Frederick T. Gates Regarding Some Gifts Mrs Rockefeller Desired to Make, June 19, 1912. Box 2, File 47. Her plan included the following list of gifts: Euclid Avenue Baptist Church, Cleveland, Ohio: $100,000; Plymouth Congregational Church, Cleveland, Ohio: $10,000; The Baptist Home for the Aged, Cleveland, Ohio: $5,000; The Baptist Home for the Aged, New York City: $5,000; Women's Baptist Home Missionary Society: $100,000; Women's Baptist Foreign Missionary Society: $100,000. He did not oppose the gifts for the two Baptist Homes for the Aged because "the amounts are not large." RA, Gates Collection. Letter from Gates to Rockefeller Sr., In Opposition to Church Endowments, June 22, 1912. Box 2, File 47.
125. RA, Gates Collection, Letter from Star J. Murphy to Frederick T. Gates Regarding Some Gifts Mrs Rockefeller Desired to Make, June 19, 1912. Box 2, File 47. Her plan included the following list of gifts: Euclid Avenue Baptist Church, Cleveland, Ohio: $100,000; Plymouth Congregational Church, Cleveland, Ohio: $10,000; The Baptist Home for the Aged, Cleveland, Ohio: $5,000; The Baptist Home for the Aged, New York City: $5,000; Women's Baptist Home Missionary Society: $100,000; Women's Baptist Foreign Missionary Society: $100,000. He did not oppose the gifts for the two Baptist Homes for the Aged because "the amounts are not large." RA, Gates Collection. Letter from Gates to Rockefeller Sr., In Opposition to Church Endowments, June 22, 1912. Box 2, File 47.
126. Ibid., p. 2.
127. A perfect example of Gates' social thinking, which he applied to Rockefeller philanthropy. Gates' views were shared by many of his contemporary liberal capitalists, who advocated philanthropy. He despised labor unions, government regulations, and believed in the innate superiority of the Anglo-Saxon people. Ibid., p. 1.
128. Gates, op. cit., p. 160.
129. Ibid., p. 206.
130. Ibid., pp. 205-6.
131. Weber, op. cit., (1958), pp. 148-9.
132. RA, Gates Collection, Address to Honor the Memory of Frederick Taylor Gates, May 15th, 1929, p. 14. Box 3, File 62.
133. RA, Educational Interest, University of Chicago, Letter from Frederick T. Gates to Thomas W. Goodspeed, January 12th, 1898. Box 105.
134. Gates, op. cit., p. 180.
135. Ibid., p. 181.
136. Ibid., p. 181.
137. Ibid., p. 186.
138. RA, Gates Collection, In Opposition to Endowment of Economic Research, p. 1. 1914. Box 2, File 24.
139. Ibid., p. 6.
140. RA, Gates Collection, Letter from Gates to Rockefeller Jr., May 7, 1924. Box 3, File 59.
141. Gates, op. cit., p. 186.
142. Gates, op. cit., p. 287.
143. Quoted in Flynn, op. cit., p. 307.
144. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests (Boston, Beacon Press), 1971, p. 193. For analysis of this particular relationship in the context of health and health care, see Soma Hewa and Robert W. Hetherington, "The Rationalization of Illness and the Illness of Rationalization," International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 143-53.
145. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests (Boston, Beacon Press), 1971, p. 193. For analysis of this particular relationship in the context of health and health care, see Soma Hewa and Robert W. Hetherington, "The Rationalization of Illness and the Illness of Rationalization," International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 143-53.