'Britain's Irish question: Britain's European question?' British-Irish relations in the context of European union and the Belfast agreement

Review of International Studies

Volumn 26, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 83-97

  Meehan, Elizabeth ^a  

^a University of Wales   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0039849444     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210500000838     Document Type: Article

References (70)

1. Michael Cox, 'Bringing in the "International": the IRA Ceasefire and the end of the Cold War', International Affairs, 73:4 (1997), pp. 671-93, and his 'Cinderella at the Ball: Explaining the End of the War in Northern Ireland', Millennium, 27:2 (1998), pp. 325-42.
2. Michael Cox, 'Bringing in the "International": the IRA Ceasefire and the end of the Cold War', International Affairs, 73:4 (1997), pp. 671-93, and his 'Cinderella at the Ball: Explaining the End of the War in Northern Ireland', Millennium, 27:2 (1998), pp. 325-42.
3. William Paterson, 'Britain and the EU Revisited: Some Unanswered Questions', Scottish Affairs, 9 (Autumn 1994), pp. 1-12.
4. Paul Hainsworth, 'Northern Ireland: A European Role?, Journal of Common Market Studies, 20:1 (1981), pp. 1-17; Arthur Aughey, Paul Hainsworth and Martin Trimble, Northern Ireland in the European Community (Belfast: Policy Research Institute, 1989). Dennis Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question' in Brian Barton and Patrick J. Roche (eds.), The Northern Ireland Question: Perspectives and Policies (Avebury: Ashgate, 1994), pp. 166-88. The forthcoming thesis of one of my research students, Gavin Adams - whose help I must acknowledge in my own preliminary literature survey - will be one of the first extended accounts of Northern Irish outlooks on the EU. 'The Impact of European Integration on Northern Irish Politics set in a Comparative Perspective with Confessional Parties in the Netherlands'. Ph.D. thesis to be submitted at The Queen's University of Belfast.
5. Paul Hainsworth, 'Northern Ireland: A European Role?, Journal of Common Market Studies, 20:1 (1981), pp. 1-17; Arthur Aughey, Paul Hainsworth and Martin Trimble, Northern Ireland in the European Community (Belfast: Policy Research Institute, 1989). Dennis Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question' in Brian Barton and Patrick J. Roche (eds.), The Northern Ireland Question: Perspectives and Policies (Avebury: Ashgate, 1994), pp. 166-88. The forthcoming thesis of one of my research students, Gavin Adams - whose help I must acknowledge in my own preliminary literature survey - will be one of the first extended accounts of Northern Irish outlooks on the EU. 'The Impact of European Integration on Northern Irish Politics set in a Comparative Perspective with Confessional Parties in the Netherlands'. Ph.D. thesis to be submitted at The Queen's University of Belfast.
6. Paul Hainsworth, 'Northern Ireland: A European Role?, Journal of Common Market Studies, 20:1 (1981), pp. 1-17; Arthur Aughey, Paul Hainsworth and Martin Trimble, Northern Ireland in the European Community (Belfast: Policy Research Institute, 1989). Dennis Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question' in Brian Barton and Patrick J. Roche (eds.), The Northern Ireland Question: Perspectives and Policies (Avebury: Ashgate, 1994), pp. 166-88. The forthcoming thesis of one of my research students, Gavin Adams - whose help I must acknowledge in my own preliminary literature survey - will be one of the first extended accounts of Northern Irish outlooks on the EU. 'The Impact of European Integration on Northern Irish Politics set in a Comparative Perspective with Confessional Parties in the Netherlands'. Ph.D. thesis to be submitted at The Queen's University of Belfast.
7. Paul Hainsworth, 'Northern Ireland: A European Role?, Journal of Common Market Studies, 20:1 (1981), pp. 1-17; Arthur Aughey, Paul Hainsworth and Martin Trimble, Northern Ireland in the European Community (Belfast: Policy Research Institute, 1989). Dennis Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question' in Brian Barton and Patrick J. Roche (eds.), The Northern Ireland Question: Perspectives and Policies (Avebury: Ashgate, 1994), pp. 166-88. The forthcoming thesis of one of my research students, Gavin Adams - whose help I must acknowledge in my own preliminary literature survey - will be one of the first extended accounts of Northern Irish outlooks on the EU. 'The Impact of European Integration on Northern Irish Politics set in a Comparative Perspective with Confessional Parties in the Netherlands'. Ph.D. thesis to be submitted at The Queen's University of Belfast.
8. It should be noted that, since the delivery of the lecture, two relevant books have appeared: Etain Tannam, Cross-Border Cooperation in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999); and William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (Harlow: Addison Wesley Longman), in which there are several relevant chapters. At the time of the lecture, it was necessary to rely on Paul Gillespie, with Garret FitzGerald and Ronan Fanning, Britain's European Question: The Issues for Ireland (Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1996).
9. It should be noted that, since the delivery of the lecture, two relevant books have appeared: Etain Tannam, Cross-Border Cooperation in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999); and William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (Harlow: Addison Wesley Longman), in which there are several relevant chapters. At the time of the lecture, it was necessary to rely on Paul Gillespie, with Garret FitzGerald and Ronan Fanning, Britain's European Question: The Issues for Ireland (Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1996).
10. It should be noted that, since the delivery of the lecture, two relevant books have appeared: Etain Tannam, Cross-Border Cooperation in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999); and William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (Harlow: Addison Wesley Longman), in which there are several relevant chapters. At the time of the lecture, it was necessary to rely on Paul Gillespie, with Garret FitzGerald and Ronan Fanning, Britain's European Question: The Issues for Ireland (Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1996).
11. Etain Tannam, 'The European Union and Business Cross-Border Cooperation: The Case of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland', Irish Political Studies, 11 (1996), pp. 103-129.
12. Edward Moxon-Browne, Nation, Class and Creed in Northern Ireland (Aldershot: Gower, 1983), esp. pp. 154-66.
13. Paul Arthur and Keith Jeffrey, Northern Ireland since 1968, 2nd edn. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), esp. pp. 94-97.
14. Tannam, 1996, 'The European Unon and Business Cross-Border Cooperation'. It should be noted that her later work (see fn. 4) shows this to be the case in the business sector and amongst people living in border areas but not in the agricultural sector, local government or central departments outside the Northern Ireland Office and the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs.
15. Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Paul Teague, Between War and Peace: The Political Future of Northern Ireland (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1997), esp. p. 199.
16. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland: the Choice (London: Penguin, 1994), esp. pp. 153-74.
17. Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question'. The reference to Tannam is explained at fn. 7.
18. John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), esp. pp. 279-82, 302-6.
19. Adrian Guelke, Northern Ireland: The International Perspective (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1988), esp. pp. 135-53.
20. Cox, 'Bringing in the International', 1997, pp. 689-92.
21. Kennedy, 'The European Union and the Northern Ireland Question', p. 187.
22. In doing so, I provide some clothing for similar but skeletal propositions by Harald Olav Skar and Bjorn Lydersen (eds.), Northern Ireland: A Crucial Test for a Europe of Peaceful Regions? (Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 1993).
23. The following cover a range of views: Alan S. Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation-State (London: Routledge, 1992); Michael Newman, Democracy, Sovereignty and the European Union (London: Hurst and Co., 1996); Christopher Pierson, The Modern State (London: Routledge, 1996).
24. The following cover a range of views: Alan S. Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation-State (London: Routledge, 1992); Michael Newman, Democracy, Sovereignty and the European Union (London: Hurst and Co., 1996); Christopher Pierson, The Modern State (London: Routledge, 1996).
25. The following cover a range of views: Alan S. Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation-State (London: Routledge, 1992); Michael Newman, Democracy, Sovereignty and the European Union (London: Hurst and Co., 1996); Christopher Pierson, The Modern State (London: Routledge, 1996).
26. Cox, 1997.
27. Gillespie, Britain's European Question.
28. Adams, 'The Impact of European Integration'.
29. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland.
30. Adams, 'The Impact of European Integration'.
31. Paul Bew and Elizabeth Meehan, 'Regions and Borders: Controversies in Northern Ireland about the European Union', Journal of European Public Policy 1:1 (1994), pp. 95-113.
32. Cox, 'Bringing in the International', 1997.
33. Richard Kearney (ed.) Across the Frontiers (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988); Richard Kearney and Robin Wilson, 'Northern Ireland's Future as a European Region', Submission to the Opsahl Commission, summarized in A. Pollak (ed.) A Citizens' Enquiry: The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: The Lilliput Press and Initiative 1992, 1993), esp. pp. 206-9. These are analysed by James Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics: New Medieval and Postmodern Territonalities?', Environment and Planning, D: Society and Space, 14 (1996), pp. 133-53, esp. pp. 137-8, from where are also taken the John Hume and Bernadette McAlisky quotations used in this paragraph.
34. Richard Kearney (ed.) Across the Frontiers (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988); Richard Kearney and Robin Wilson, 'Northern Ireland's Future as a European Region', Submission to the Opsahl Commission, summarized in A. Pollak (ed.) A Citizens' Enquiry: The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: The Lilliput Press and Initiative 1992, 1993), esp. pp. 206-9. These are analysed by James Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics: New Medieval and Postmodern Territonalities?', Environment and Planning, D: Society and Space, 14 (1996), pp. 133-53, esp. pp. 137-8, from where are also taken the John Hume and Bernadette McAlisky quotations used in this paragraph.
35. Richard Kearney (ed.) Across the Frontiers (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988); Richard Kearney and Robin Wilson, 'Northern Ireland's Future as a European Region', Submission to the Opsahl Commission, summarized in A. Pollak (ed.) A Citizens' Enquiry: The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: The Lilliput Press and Initiative 1992, 1993), esp. pp. 206-9. These are analysed by James Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics: New Medieval and Postmodern Territonalities?', Environment and Planning, D: Society and Space, 14 (1996), pp. 133-53, esp. pp. 137-8, from where are also taken the John Hume and Bernadette McAlisky quotations used in this paragraph.
36. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
37. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
38. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
39. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
40. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
41. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
42. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
43. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
44. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
45. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
46. The Agreement (Belfast: Northern Ireland Office). It has no other formal name; sometimes it is called The Belfast Agreement, The Good Friday Agreement or The Stormont Agreement. It comprises the following: 'Declaration of Support' - of the negotiating parties, p. 1; 'Constitutional Issues', including British-Irish Agreement to recognise the legitimacy of freely chosen choice with respect to the status of Northern Ireland; that, until the people choose otherwise, Northern Ireland remains part of the UK; that should that preference change, both governments will legislate accordingly; that whatever choice is made, governmental power will be exercised with impartiality; that Northern Irish people may choose to be accepted as British or Irish or both; that, accordingly the two governments have undertaken to amend legislation and, in the Irish case, to put amendments to the Constitution to a referendum and consequences, pp. 2-3; Strand One, 'Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland', pp. 5-10; Strand Two, 'North/South Ministerial Council', pp. 11-13; Strand Three, 'British-Irish Council', pp 14-16; 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity'[including usual matters under such a heading and reconciliation, victims, minorities and Irish language], pp. 16-20: 'Decommissioning', pp. 20-1; 'Security', pp. 21; 'Policing and Justice', pp. 22-6; 'Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland' [giving effect to all the preceding], pp. 27-9.
47. Adams, 'The Impact of European Integration'.
48. Bew and Meehan, 'Regions and Borders'.
49. Ibid.
50. Women and Citizenship in Northern Ireland; Power, Participation and Choice. (Belfast: Women's Education and Resources Centre and Equal Opportunities Commission). No named author; written by a research group.
51. Interview with Commission Official.
52. Anderson, The Shifting Stage of Politics'.
53. James Corrigan, 'Cross-Border Programmes', in Mary Browne and Dennis Kennedy (eds.), Northern Ireland and the European Union: Discussion Papers on the Intergovernmental Conference and other European Issues (Belfast: Institute of European Studies, The Queen's University of Belfast, 1996), pp. 35-6.
54. Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics'.
55. Respondent to Opsahl Commission; see Pollak (ed.), A Citizen's Enquiry, fn. 24, p. 75.
56. Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace.
57. Tannam, 'The European Union and Business Cross-Border Cooperation' deals with this from the standpoint of an observer. But politicians, themselves, also use these categories and theories. See Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', pp. 136-7, on how they have done so in the past and Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 192-5, on the present.
58. Tannam, 'The European Union and Business Cross-Border Cooperation' deals with this from the standpoint of an observer. But politicians, themselves, also use these categories and theories. See Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', pp. 136-7, on how they have done so in the past and Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 192-5, on the present.
59. Tannam, 'The European Union and Business Cross-Border Cooperation' deals with this from the standpoint of an observer. But politicians, themselves, also use these categories and theories. See Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', pp. 136-7, on how they have done so in the past and Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 192-5, on the present.
60. Richard Kearney and Simon Partridge [and with them elsewhere, Robin Wilson], 'Nordic-Style Institutions Recommended for Irish-British Islands', Eagle Street, Newsletter of the Finnish Institute in London, Issue 7, January 1998, no page number.
61. Jason Lane, 'Policing the Irish Border 1992-1997: A History of Co-operation within the Legacy of Mistrust'. Ph.D. thesis submitted at The Queen's University of Belfast, 1999. Paper with the above title presented at the European Social Science History Conference, Amsterdam, March 1998.
62. Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace.
63. Edward Hallett Carr, Nationalism and After (London: Macmillan, 1945), pp. 39, 67. He is also used with some reference to Ireland by Vincent Geoghegan, 'Socialism and National Identities', Irish Political Studies, 9 (1994), pp. 61-80, esp. p. 73.
64. Edward Hallett Carr, Nationalism and After (London: Macmillan, 1945), pp. 39, 67. He is also used with some reference to Ireland by Vincent Geoghegan, 'Socialism and National Identities', Irish Political Studies, 9 (1994), pp. 61-80, esp. p. 73.
65. Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 198-9, on irredentism and triumphalism. Cox, 1997, and Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', on new republicanism and postmodern nationalism. New unionism has a particularly inclusive version - more so than the references to it in my text - which has been elaborated by Norman Porter, Rethinking Unionism: An Alternative Vision for Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1996).
66. Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 198-9, on irredentism and triumphalism. Cox, 1997, and Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', on new republicanism and postmodern nationalism. New unionism has a particularly inclusive version - more so than the references to it in my text - which has been elaborated by Norman Porter, Rethinking Unionism: An Alternative Vision for Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1996).
67. Bew, Patterson and Teague, Between War and Peace, pp. 198-9, on irredentism and triumphalism. Cox, 1997, and Anderson, 'The Shifting Stage of Politics', on new republicanism and postmodern nationalism. New unionism has a particularly inclusive version - more so than the references to it in my text - which has been elaborated by Norman Porter, Rethinking Unionism: An Alternative Vision for Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1996).
68. Laurence Martin, 'Dismantling Deterrence?' E. H. Carr Memorial Lecture no. 7, 1990, Reprinted in Review of International Relations, 17 (1991), pp. 215-24, see p. 219.
69. Edward Hallett Carr, 1917: Before and After (London: Macmillan, 1969), pp. 170, 176.
70. Padraig O'Malley, author of The Uncivil Wars: Ireland Today (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1983), who used the phrase to illustrate his thesis in a lecture at The Queen's University of Belfast.