Revisiting maverick medical sects: The role of identity in comparing homeopaths and chiropractics

Journal of Social History

Volumn 34, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 569-589

  Brindle, Margaret ^a   Goodrick, Elizabeth ^b  

^a GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0039847250     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2001.0004     Document Type: Review

References (90)

1. As example of historians who have used medicine to explore American social and political thought and movement, see Charles Rosenberg, The Cholera Years, The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866 (Chicago, 1962); W.J. Reader, Professional Men: The Rise of the Professional Classes in Nineteenth Century England (New York, 1966), Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut, 1976); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven, 1971).
2. As example of historians who have used medicine to explore American social and political thought and movement, see Charles Rosenberg, The Cholera Years, The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866 (Chicago, 1962); W.J. Reader, Professional Men: The Rise of the Professional Classes in Nineteenth Century England (New York, 1966), Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut, 1976); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven, 1971).
3. As example of historians who have used medicine to explore American social and political thought and movement, see Charles Rosenberg, The Cholera Years, The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866 (Chicago, 1962); W.J. Reader, Professional Men: The Rise of the Professional Classes in Nineteenth Century England (New York, 1966), Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut, 1976); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven, 1971).
4. As example of historians who have used medicine to explore American social and political thought and movement, see Charles Rosenberg, The Cholera Years, The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866 (Chicago, 1962); W.J. Reader, Professional Men: The Rise of the Professional Classes in Nineteenth Century England (New York, 1966), Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut, 1976); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven, 1971).
5. Professionalization models have been explored by sociologists as well as historians. Most relevant for this discussion are: Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Social Forces 17 (1939): 451-456; Eliot Friedson, The Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (New York, 1970); Richard Shyrock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960); William Rothstein, American Physicians of the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1966); Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1869 (New Haven, Conn., 1968).
6. Professionalization models have been explored by sociologists as well as historians. Most relevant for this discussion are: Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Social Forces 17 (1939): 451-456; Eliot Friedson, The Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (New York, 1970); Richard Shyrock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960); William Rothstein, American Physicians of the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1966); Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1869 (New Haven, Conn., 1968).
7. Professionalization models have been explored by sociologists as well as historians. Most relevant for this discussion are: Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Social Forces 17 (1939): 451-456; Eliot Friedson, The Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (New York, 1970); Richard Shyrock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960); William Rothstein, American Physicians of the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1966); Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1869 (New Haven, Conn., 1968).
8. Professionalization models have been explored by sociologists as well as historians. Most relevant for this discussion are: Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Social Forces 17 (1939): 451-456; Eliot Friedson, The Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (New York, 1970); Richard Shyrock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960); William Rothstein, American Physicians of the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1966); Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1869 (New Haven, Conn., 1968).
9. Professionalization models have been explored by sociologists as well as historians. Most relevant for this discussion are: Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Social Forces 17 (1939): 451-456; Eliot Friedson, The Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (New York, 1970); Richard Shyrock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960); William Rothstein, American Physicians of the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1966); Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1869 (New Haven, Conn., 1968).
10. Margaret Brindle, "Identity Matters: The Social Construction of Identity in the Survival of Maverick Organizations," Symposium chaired and paper presented, Annual Academy of Management Meetings, San Diego, CA, 1998.
11. In 1901, there were an estimated 10,944 homeopaths and 4,752 Eclectics and other sectarians (Journal of the American Medical Association, XXXVII, 1901, p. 838). See Ronald Numbers and Judith Walzer Leavitt, eds. Sickness and Health in America (Madison, 1981). Even as late as 1930, there were 36,000 sectarian physicians in practice, comprising a little more than 1/5 of all physicians (cited in Paul Starr, p. 126 from Lois Reed, The Healing Cults, A Study of Sectarian Medical Practice: Its extent, causes and control [Chicago, 1932], 1-4, 24-26).
12. In 1901, there were an estimated 10,944 homeopaths and 4,752 Eclectics and other sectarians (Journal of the American Medical Association, XXXVII, 1901, p. 838). See Ronald Numbers and Judith Walzer Leavitt, eds. Sickness and Health in America (Madison, 1981). Even as late as 1930, there were 36,000 sectarian physicians in practice, comprising a little more than 1/5 of all physicians (cited in Paul Starr, p. 126 from Lois Reed, The Healing Cults, A Study of Sectarian Medical Practice: Its extent, causes and control [Chicago, 1932], 1-4, 24-26).
13. In 1901, there were an estimated 10,944 homeopaths and 4,752 Eclectics and other sectarians (Journal of the American Medical Association, XXXVII, 1901, p. 838). See Ronald Numbers and Judith Walzer Leavitt, eds. Sickness and Health in America (Madison, 1981). Even as late as 1930, there were 36,000 sectarian physicians in practice, comprising a little more than 1/5 of all physicians (cited in Paul Starr, p. 126 from Lois Reed, The Healing Cults, A Study of Sectarian Medical Practice: Its extent, causes and control [Chicago, 1932], 1-4, 24-26).
14. The extent of homeopathy, chiropractic and other sectarian groups is well-documented via historiography such as Martin Kaufmann, Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall of a Medical Heresy (Baltimore, 1971) as well as in archival records.
15. Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and class in the French revolution (Berkeley, 1984); Clifford Geertz, ed., Myth, symbolism and culture (New York, 1973).
16. Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and class in the French revolution (Berkeley, 1984); Clifford Geertz, ed., Myth, symbolism and culture (New York, 1973).
17. A number of organizational theorists have developed and contributed to the literature on identity. Here, we refer to David Whetten and Paul Godrey, eds., Identity in Organizations: Building theory through conversations (Berkeley, 1998); Stuart Albert and David Whetten, "Organizational Identity," in Research in Organizational Behavior, L.L. Cummings, and B.M. Shaw, eds. (Vol. 7, Greenwich, Conn., 1985); Blake E. Ashforth, and Fred Mael, "Organizational Identity and Strategy as a Context for the Individual," in Advances in Strategic Management, J.A. Baum & J.E. Dutton eds., Vol. 13, (Greenwich, Conn.), 19-64; and Dennis Goia and James Thomas, "Identity, Image, and Issue Interpretation: Sensemaking during Strategic Change in Academia," Administrative Science Quarterly, 41 (1996): 370-403.
18. A number of organizational theorists have developed and contributed to the literature on identity. Here, we refer to David Whetten and Paul Godrey, eds., Identity in Organizations: Building theory through conversations (Berkeley, 1998); Stuart Albert and David Whetten, "Organizational Identity," in Research in Organizational Behavior, L.L. Cummings, and B.M. Shaw, eds. (Vol. 7, Greenwich, Conn., 1985); Blake E. Ashforth, and Fred Mael, "Organizational Identity and Strategy as a Context for the Individual," in Advances in Strategic Management, J.A. Baum & J.E. Dutton eds., Vol. 13, (Greenwich, Conn.), 19-64; and Dennis Goia and James Thomas, "Identity, Image, and Issue Interpretation: Sensemaking during Strategic Change in Academia," Administrative Science Quarterly, 41 (1996): 370-403.
19. A number of organizational theorists have developed and contributed to the literature on identity. Here, we refer to David Whetten and Paul Godrey, eds., Identity in Organizations: Building theory through conversations (Berkeley, 1998); Stuart Albert and David Whetten, "Organizational Identity," in Research in Organizational Behavior, L.L. Cummings, and B.M. Shaw, eds. (Vol. 7, Greenwich, Conn., 1985); Blake E. Ashforth, and Fred Mael, "Organizational Identity and Strategy as a Context for the Individual," in Advances in Strategic Management, J.A. Baum & J.E. Dutton eds., Vol. 13, (Greenwich, Conn.), 19-64; and Dennis Goia and James Thomas, "Identity, Image, and Issue Interpretation: Sensemaking during Strategic Change in Academia," Administrative Science Quarterly, 41 (1996): 370-403.
20. A number of organizational theorists have developed and contributed to the literature on identity. Here, we refer to David Whetten and Paul Godrey, eds., Identity in Organizations: Building theory through conversations (Berkeley, 1998); Stuart Albert and David Whetten, "Organizational Identity," in Research in Organizational Behavior, L.L. Cummings, and B.M. Shaw, eds. (Vol. 7, Greenwich, Conn., 1985); Blake E. Ashforth, and Fred Mael, "Organizational Identity and Strategy as a Context for the Individual," in Advances in Strategic Management, J.A. Baum & J.E. Dutton eds., Vol. 13, (Greenwich, Conn.), 19-64; and Dennis Goia and James Thomas, "Identity, Image, and Issue Interpretation: Sensemaking during Strategic Change in Academia," Administrative Science Quarterly, 41 (1996): 370-403.
21. Goia and Thomas, 1996.
22. Albert and Whetten, 1985.
23. Goia and Thomas, 1996.
24. Rothstein, American Physicians, 1966.
25. Kaufmann, Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall of a Medical Heresy. For a translation of Samuel Hahneman's writing, see Organon of Homoeopathic medicine, 1755-1843 (Allentown, 1836).
26. Kaufmann, Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall of a Medical Heresy. For a translation of Samuel Hahneman's writing, see Organon of Homoeopathic medicine, 1755-1843 (Allentown, 1836).
27. The History of Medicine Library Collection, Homeopathy Archives, Bethesda Maryland.
28. AMA records, 1871.
29. Paul Starr, The Transformation of American Medicine (New York, 1982): 85.
30. AMA records, 1860-1880.
31. J.M. Toner, "Statistics of Regular Medical Associations and Hospitals of the United States," Transactions of the American Medical Association 24 (1893): 285-333, and E. H.L. Corwin, The American Hospital (New York, 1946), p. 8 as cited in Charles Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York, 1987); also, David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise (Cambridge, 1986).
32. J.M. Toner, "Statistics of Regular Medical Associations and Hospitals of the United States," Transactions of the American Medical Association 24 (1893): 285-333, and E. H.L. Corwin, The American Hospital (New York, 1946), p. 8 as cited in Charles Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York, 1987); also, David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise (Cambridge, 1986).
33. J.M. Toner, "Statistics of Regular Medical Associations and Hospitals of the United States," Transactions of the American Medical Association 24 (1893): 285-333, and E. H.L. Corwin, The American Hospital (New York, 1946), p. 8 as cited in Charles Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York, 1987); also, David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise (Cambridge, 1986).
34. J.M. Toner, "Statistics of Regular Medical Associations and Hospitals of the United States," Transactions of the American Medical Association 24 (1893): 285-333, and E. H.L. Corwin, The American Hospital (New York, 1946), p. 8 as cited in Charles Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York, 1987); also, David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise (Cambridge, 1986).
35. A.M.A. membership, 1900. Journal of the AMA, XLIII (October 15, 1904): 1158-59 details the discussion among the A.M.A. delegates reversing their stand and permitting homeopaths to join the A.M.A.
36. Kett, 1968, pp. 185-186.
37. Harris L. Coulter, "External factors in the Decline of the new school," in Divided Legacy: A history of the Schism in Medical Thought, Volume III, Science and Ethics in American Medicine 1800-1914 (Washington, 1973), p. 450.
38. Coulter, 1973. p. 147.
39. Coulter, p. 451. As Coulter describes, it was a process of closure, rather than immediate takeover. "First, their basic science courses passed into allopathic hands, then these professors put pressure on the more homeopathic departments of medicine and pharmacology. The latter courses were either watered down, then either converted into allopathic courses or made elective."
40. Ronald Numbers, "The Fall and Rise of the American Medical Profession," in The Professions in American History, Nathan O. Hatch, ed. (Notre Dame, 1988): 185-196.
41. Minutes of the Homeopathic Society Annual Meetings: Derived from a cross section of every two years: 1900, 1904, 1906, 1908, 1910, 1912, 1914, 1916, 1918. The discussion and debate surfaced in recorded discussions and speeches throughout these years.
42. Coulter, 1973.
43. Homeopathic minutes, 1910.
44. Dr. F. Bailey, 1906
45. Homeopathic minutes, 1908
46. Hahnemann Monthly XXXIX, (August, 1904): 611. Also, see Hahnemann Monthly XL, (October, 1905): 773-775. The homeopaths were not anxious to join the allopaths with their offer of inclusion, expressing concern that homeopathy be accepted as medicine, and the need to maintain separation.
47. Hahnemann Monthly XXXIX, (August, 1904): 611. Also, see Hahnemann Monthly XL, (October, 1905): 773-775. The homeopaths were not anxious to join the allopaths with their offer of inclusion, expressing concern that homeopathy be accepted as medicine, and the need to maintain separation.
48. Philadelphia Medical Society 1904. Hahnemann Monthly, XXXIX (August, 1904).
49. Sixtieth Session, Homeopathic Society, p. 60-61.
50. Homeopathic Annual Meeting, 1908. Hahnemann Monthly, XLI (November, 1907), 855-61.
51. Journal of the American Institute of Homeopathy, III (Nov. 1910): 257.
52. Journal of the Institute of Homeopathy (Nov. 1910): 257.
53. Of the four schools remaining, Boston University, the University of Michigan, The New York Homeopathic Medical College, and Philadelphia's Hahnemann Medical College, the latter lost 33% of its student body from 1908-1917; Boston University enrollment decreased by 40%, Michigan lost 42% and the only homeopathic school to gain students was New York Homeopathic which gained 113% (History of the Reorganization of the Boston University School of Medicine [Boston, 1918], pp. 1-2 and Journal of the A.I.H., XV [September, 1922]: 251-53). Chicago Record-Herald, May 12, 1911, p. 9. At Cook County Hospital in Chicago, an arrangement was in place whereby the homeopaths treated 1/5 of the patients admitted, about 1,200-1,500 per year at the turn of the century. When compared to allopathic physicians, the homeopaths reported about a 7% mortality, compared to about 8% mortality for the allopaths (Cook County Hospital, Annual Report, 1900, Chicago, Ill,).
54. Of the four schools remaining, Boston University, the University of Michigan, The New York Homeopathic Medical College, and Philadelphia's Hahnemann Medical College, the latter lost 33% of its student body from 1908-1917; Boston University enrollment decreased by 40%, Michigan lost 42% and the only homeopathic school to gain students was New York Homeopathic which gained 113% (History of the Reorganization of the Boston University School of Medicine [Boston, 1918], pp. 1-2 and Journal of the A.I.H., XV [September, 1922]: 251-53). Chicago Record-Herald, May 12, 1911, p. 9. At Cook County Hospital in Chicago, an arrangement was in place whereby the homeopaths treated 1/5 of the patients admitted, about 1,200-1,500 per year at the turn of the century. When compared to allopathic physicians, the homeopaths reported about a 7% mortality, compared to about 8% mortality for the allopaths (Cook County Hospital, Annual Report, 1900, Chicago, Ill,).
55. Of the four schools remaining, Boston University, the University of Michigan, The New York Homeopathic Medical College, and Philadelphia's Hahnemann Medical College, the latter lost 33% of its student body from 1908-1917; Boston University enrollment decreased by 40%, Michigan lost 42% and the only homeopathic school to gain students was New York Homeopathic which gained 113% (History of the Reorganization of the Boston University School of Medicine [Boston, 1918], pp. 1-2 and Journal of the A.I.H., XV [September, 1922]: 251-53). Chicago Record-Herald, May 12, 1911, p. 9. At Cook County Hospital in Chicago, an arrangement was in place whereby the homeopaths treated 1/5 of the patients admitted, about 1,200-1,500 per year at the turn of the century. When compared to allopathic physicians, the homeopaths reported about a 7% mortality, compared to about 8% mortality for the allopaths (Cook County Hospital, Annual Report, 1900, Chicago, Ill,).
56. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, 1929, 1932, from The Pennsylvania Room Archives of The Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, PA.
57. Margaret Brindle, "Regardless of Ability to Pay: A Hundred Year History of Indigent Care in Pittsburgh Hospitals," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Carnegie Mellon University, 1992, taken from Hospital internal financial records as recorded in Annual Reports and compiled in The Archives of Industrial Society, Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, PA.
58. "Homeopathic Hospital, Occupying 3 Sites in 58 Years, Again Needs Larger Quarters," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, February 28, 1928.
59. "Homeopathic Hospital is Renamed Shadyside," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, May 2, 1938. For a discussion of the internal struggles among the homeopathic physicians as they faced external and internal pressures at the Hahnemann Homeopathic Hospital, see, Naomi Rogers, An Alternative Path: The making and remaking of the Hahnemann Medical College and Hospital of Philadelphia (New Brunswick, 1998).
60. "Homeopathic Hospital is Renamed Shadyside," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, May 2, 1938. For a discussion of the internal struggles among the homeopathic physicians as they faced external and internal pressures at the Hahnemann Homeopathic Hospital, see, Naomi Rogers, An Alternative Path: The making and remaking of the Hahnemann Medical College and Hospital of Philadelphia (New Brunswick, 1998).
61. Ibid. Note, the change in name was part of a larger movement within homeopathy as expressed by many homeopathic physicians. In 1924, for example, the editor of the Homeopathic Recorder, Dr. Rudolph F. Rabe, proposed that the name homeopathy be abandoned, claiming that the name homeopath had been a handicap (Homeopathic Recorder XXXIX [March, 1924]: 97-105 and 333). And, as even a more fundamental homeopath, Dr. Stuart Close asserted, "the name homeopathy is practically dead, buried and forgotten by the general public. Therefore, the work should continue under some other name ..." Stuart Close, March 30, 1927, Archives of the Homeopathic Foundation. On February 16, 1936, more than half the alumni of the The New York Homeopathic Medical College voted to rename the school, taking out the homeopathic reference Journal of the A.I.H., XXXIX (April, 1936): 251-52.
62. Ibid. Note, the change in name was part of a larger movement within homeopathy as expressed by many homeopathic physicians. In 1924, for example, the editor of the Homeopathic Recorder, Dr. Rudolph F. Rabe, proposed that the name homeopathy be abandoned, claiming that the name homeopath had been a handicap (Homeopathic Recorder XXXIX [March, 1924]: 97-105 and 333). And, as even a more fundamental homeopath, Dr. Stuart Close asserted, "the name homeopathy is practically dead, buried and forgotten by the general public. Therefore, the work should continue under some other name ..." Stuart Close, March 30, 1927, Archives of the Homeopathic Foundation. On February 16, 1936, more than half the alumni of the The New York Homeopathic Medical College voted to rename the school, taking out the homeopathic reference Journal of the A.I.H., XXXIX (April, 1936): 251-52.
63. Homeopathic Recorder, XXV (November, 1910). This discussion details an ongoing debate among the homeopathic physicians over teaching, in part a reflection of the Flexner report and internal debate among the homeopaths about the degree of adaptation they should take toward the newly raised allopathic standards of education "... too much time is spent teaching anatomy, physiology, surgery and other required subjects while neglecting the study of materia medica, which should take precedence in the training of a homeopath."
64. B. Chemouny, Homéo: L'infirmière et l'homéopathie (Paris, 1993).
65. For the most comprehensive review of chiropractic from a medical sociology perspective, see, Walter Wardwell, "Limited and Marginal Practitioners," in Handbook of Medical Sociology, Howard E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder eds. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979), 230-250. Also, Wardwell, "Chiropractors: Challengers of Medical Domination," in Research in the Sociology of Health Care, Vol 2, J.A. Roth, ed. (Greenwich, 1981): 207-250; and Wardell, Chiropractic: History and Evolution of a profession (St. Louis, 1992).
66. For the most comprehensive review of chiropractic from a medical sociology perspective, see, Walter Wardwell, "Limited and Marginal Practitioners," in Handbook of Medical Sociology, Howard E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder eds. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979), 230-250. Also, Wardwell, "Chiropractors: Challengers of Medical Domination," in Research in the Sociology of Health Care, Vol 2, J.A. Roth, ed. (Greenwich, 1981): 207-250; and Wardell, Chiropractic: History and Evolution of a profession (St. Louis, 1992).
67. For the most comprehensive review of chiropractic from a medical sociology perspective, see, Walter Wardwell, "Limited and Marginal Practitioners," in Handbook of Medical Sociology, Howard E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder eds. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979), 230-250. Also, Wardwell, "Chiropractors: Challengers of Medical Domination," in Research in the Sociology of Health Care, Vol 2, J.A. Roth, ed. (Greenwich, 1981): 207-250; and Wardell, Chiropractic: History and Evolution of a profession (St. Louis, 1992).
68. Wardell, 1981.
69. Susan L. Smith-Cunnien, A Profession of One's Own (Lanham, MD, 1998).
70. Data from the Bureau of Health Professionals
71. See Abraham Flexner, Medical Education in the United States and Canada (New York, 1910).
72. Stuart Moore, Chiropractic in America: The Chill of the Law (Baltimore, 1993).
73. Chittenden Turner, The Rise of Chiropractic (Los Angeles, 1931).
74. Moore, 1993.
75. Moore, 1993.
76. Moore, 1993, p. 235.
77. Moore, 1993.
78. Minutes, Hearing in Albany, New York, 1926.
79. Report on Licensure, AMA 71st Session, New Orleans, April 26-30, 1926.
80. Turner, 1931.
81. The U.S. Census records of 1930 and 1940 document the number of registered practitioners of chiropractic. Louis Reed, The Healing Cults, A study of Sectarian Medical Practice: Its extent, causes, and control (Chicago, 1932).
82. Wardell, 1992, p. 89.
83. Starr, pp. 106-107.
84. Wardell, 1992.
85. Phyliss L. Lin, The Chiropractor, Chiropractic, and Process: A Study of the Sociology of an Occupation, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, 1972.
86. C.W. Weint, Medicine and Chiropractic (New York, 1958); issued by the Institute of Chiropractic.
87. Samuel Homola, Bonesetting, Chiropractic, and Cultism (Panama City, FL, 1963).
88. B.J. Palmer, as cited in Wardell, 1981, p. 261 from B.J. Palmer, "Shall Chiropractic Survive?" Davenport, IA, Palmer School of Chiropractic Records, 1958.
89. Chiropractic Archives, 1958. James B. Cowie and Julian Roebuck, An ethnography of a chiropractic clinic: Definition of a deviant situation, (New York, 1975).
90. Gary L. Albrecht and Judith A. Levy, "The Professionalization of Osteopathy: Adaptation in the Medical Marketplace," In Research in the Sociology of Health Care, Volume 2 (Westpont, Conn., 1992), pp. 161-206.