In defense of negative campaigning

Political Science Quarterly

Volumn 111, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 437-454

  Mayer, William G ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0039612409     PISSN: 00323195     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2151970     Document Type: Article

References (59)

1. Compare Henry Steele Commager, "Washington Would Have Lost a TV Debate," New York Times Magazine, 30 October 1960, 13; and Kathleen Hall Jamieson and David S. Birdsell, Presidential Debates: The Challenge of Creating an Informed Electorate (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
2. Compare Henry Steele Commager, "Washington Would Have Lost a TV Debate," New York Times Magazine, 30 October 1960, 13; and Kathleen Hall Jamieson and David S. Birdsell, Presidential Debates: The Challenge of Creating an Informed Electorate (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
3. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
4. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
5. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
6. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
7. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
8. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
9. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
10. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
11. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
12. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
13. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
14. Randall Rothenberg, "Politics on TV: Too Fast, Too Loose?" New York Times, 15 July 1990. Over the last few years, there has been a huge outpouring of articles about the growth of negative campaigning, almost all of them highly critical. For a representative sampling, see Tom Wicker, "The Road Not Taken," New York Times, 24 October 1986; John J. Fialka, "Intense Mudslinging in South Dakota Senate Race Provokes Many to Favor Restricting Political Ads," Wall Street Journal, 13 November 1986; John Dillin, "Negative Political Ads Will Be Back in 1988, Says GOP Pollster," Christian Science Monitor, 14 November 1986; Clifford D. May, "Analysts Say Political Mud Can Yield Gold," New York Times, 4 November 1988; Robert Guskind and Jerry Hagstrom, "In the Gutter," National Journal, 5 November 1988, 2782-2790; David S. Broder, "Politicians, Advisers Agonize Over Negative Campaigning," Washington Post, 19 January 1989; Curtis Gans, "How Those Negatives Developed," Washington Post, 12 February 1989; Robin Toner, "90's Politics Seem Rough as Ever Despite Criticism of Negative Ads," New York Times, 9 September 1990; "Getting Down and Dirty," Time, 29 October 1990, 41-42; Randall Rothenberg, "Voters Complain Negative Campaigns Are Driving Them Away," New York Times, 6 November 1990; and Robert Guskind, "Airborne Attacks," National Journal, 31 October 1992, 2477-2482.
15. Walter Shapiro, "Voters vs. the Negative Nineties," Time, 15 October 1990, 98-99.
16. Robert M. O'Neill, "Regulating Speech to Cleanse Political Campaigns," Capital University Law Review 21 (Spring 1992): 575.
17. As quoted in Thomas H. Neale, "Negative Campaigning in National Politics: An Overview," Congressional Research Service, 91-775 GOV, 18 September 1991, 22.
18. Bills designed to limit negative campaigning have been introduced in each of the last six Congresses. For a good summary of these efforts, see Neale, "Negative Campaigning in National Politics," 32-43.
19. "FCC Seeks to Strengthen Rules on Negative Political Advertising," New York Times, 14 June 1991.
20. S. 334, 103rd Cong., 1st sess.
21. The proposal is discussed in Stephen Ansolabehere, Shanto Iyengar, and Nicholas Valentino, "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 1993).
22. The suggestion is attributed to ad maker Bob Squier in Ellen Hume, Campaign Lessons for '92 (Cambridge, MA: John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, 1991), 154, n5.
23. See, for example, Hume, Campaign Lessons for '92; Darrell M. West, Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns, 1952-1992 (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1993); and Ken Bode, "Pull the Plug," Quill 80 (March 1992): 10-14.
24. See, for example, Hume, Campaign Lessons for '92; Darrell M. West, Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns, 1952-1992 (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1993); and Ken Bode, "Pull the Plug," Quill 80 (March 1992): 10-14.
25. See, for example, Hume, Campaign Lessons for '92; Darrell M. West, Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns, 1952-1992 (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1993); and Ken Bode, "Pull the Plug," Quill 80 (March 1992): 10-14.
26. For the exchange in the second debate, see the transcript in New York Times, 16 October 1992. In the 1990 Iowa Senate race, incumbent Tom Harkin challenged his opponent to sign a pledge that "each candidate would talk only about his own accomplishments and ideas." See Newsweek, 24 September 1990, 30. Several other examples of such proposals are given in Michael Pfau and Henry C. Kenski, Attack Politics: Strategy and Defense (New York: Praeger, 1990), chaps. 2 and 3.
27. For the exchange in the second debate, see the transcript in New York Times, 16 October 1992. In the 1990 Iowa Senate race, incumbent Tom Harkin challenged his opponent to sign a pledge that "each candidate would talk only about his own accomplishments and ideas." See Newsweek, 24 September 1990, 30. Several other examples of such proposals are given in Michael Pfau and Henry C. Kenski, Attack Politics: Strategy and Defense (New York: Praeger, 1990), chaps. 2 and 3.
28. For the exchange in the second debate, see the transcript in New York Times, 16 October 1992. In the 1990 Iowa Senate race, incumbent Tom Harkin challenged his opponent to sign a pledge that "each candidate would talk only about his own accomplishments and ideas." See Newsweek, 24 September 1990, 30. Several other examples of such proposals are given in Michael Pfau and Henry C. Kenski, Attack Politics: Strategy and Defense (New York: Praeger, 1990), chaps. 2 and 3.
29. Not surprisingly, most journalists and political practitioners do not define the term explicitly, but the above definition clearly fits the way that they use the term in their speeches and writings. See any of the articles listed in note 2. Those sources that do offer an explicit definition, however, almost always provide one similar to that proposed above. See, for example, Gina M. Garramone, "Voter Responses to Negative Political Ads," Journalism Quarterly 61 (Summer 1984): 250-59; Morton Sipress, "Wisconsin in 1992: The Impact of Negative Campaigns" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1993); Ansolabehere et al., "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?"; Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics. For a more elaborate attempt to develop a typology of negative ads, which makes the valid point that many so-called positive ads actually include implied references to the opposing candidate, see Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991), chap. 2.
30. Not surprisingly, most journalists and political practitioners do not define the term explicitly, but the above definition clearly fits the way that they use the term in their speeches and writings. See any of the articles listed in note 2. Those sources that do offer an explicit definition, however, almost always provide one similar to that proposed above. See, for example, Gina M. Garramone, "Voter Responses to Negative Political Ads," Journalism Quarterly 61 (Summer 1984): 250-59; Morton Sipress, "Wisconsin in 1992: The Impact of Negative Campaigns" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1993); Ansolabehere et al., "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?"; Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics. For a more elaborate attempt to develop a typology of negative ads, which makes the valid point that many so-called positive ads actually include implied references to the opposing candidate, see Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991), chap. 2.
31. Not surprisingly, most journalists and political practitioners do not define the term explicitly, but the above definition clearly fits the way that they use the term in their speeches and writings. See any of the articles listed in note 2. Those sources that do offer an explicit definition, however, almost always provide one similar to that proposed above. See, for example, Gina M. Garramone, "Voter Responses to Negative Political Ads," Journalism Quarterly 61 (Summer 1984): 250-59; Morton Sipress, "Wisconsin in 1992: The Impact of Negative Campaigns" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1993); Ansolabehere et al., "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?"; Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics. For a more elaborate attempt to develop a typology of negative ads, which makes the valid point that many so-called positive ads actually include implied references to the opposing candidate, see Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991), chap. 2.
32. Not surprisingly, most journalists and political practitioners do not define the term explicitly, but the above definition clearly fits the way that they use the term in their speeches and writings. See any of the articles listed in note 2. Those sources that do offer an explicit definition, however, almost always provide one similar to that proposed above. See, for example, Gina M. Garramone, "Voter Responses to Negative Political Ads," Journalism Quarterly 61 (Summer 1984): 250-59; Morton Sipress, "Wisconsin in 1992: The Impact of Negative Campaigns" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1993); Ansolabehere et al., "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?"; Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics. For a more elaborate attempt to develop a typology of negative ads, which makes the valid point that many so-called positive ads actually include implied references to the opposing candidate, see Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991), chap. 2.
33. Not surprisingly, most journalists and political practitioners do not define the term explicitly, but the above definition clearly fits the way that they use the term in their speeches and writings. See any of the articles listed in note 2. Those sources that do offer an explicit definition, however, almost always provide one similar to that proposed above. See, for example, Gina M. Garramone, "Voter Responses to Negative Political Ads," Journalism Quarterly 61 (Summer 1984): 250-59; Morton Sipress, "Wisconsin in 1992: The Impact of Negative Campaigns" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1993); Ansolabehere et al., "Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?"; Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics. For a more elaborate attempt to develop a typology of negative ads, which makes the valid point that many so-called positive ads actually include implied references to the opposing candidate, see Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Negative Political Advertising: Coming of Age (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991), chap. 2.
34. All of these, I should point out, are positions that have been defended in recent years by serious policy analysts.
35. See the argument of John Stuart Mill that it is not enough to hear unpopular opinions stated by their adversaries; the public "must be able to hear [such arguments] from persons who actually believe them, who defend them in earnest and do their very utmost for them." See Mill, On Liberty [1859] (Indianapolis: Library of Liberal Arts, 1956), 45.
36. Pfau and Kenski, Attack Politics, especially chaps. 5-9.
37. See, among others, David Dery, Problem Definition in Policy Analysis (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); and David A. Rochefort and Roger W. Cobb, "Problem Definition, Agenda Access, and Policy Choice," Policy Studies Journal 21 (Spring 1993): 56-74.
38. See, among others, David Dery, Problem Definition in Policy Analysis (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); and David A. Rochefort and Roger W. Cobb, "Problem Definition, Agenda Access, and Policy Choice," Policy Studies Journal 21 (Spring 1993): 56-74.
39. Though no one I am aware of actually defines negative campaigning this way, a number of sources have suggested the need to distinguish between issue-based and personal attacks. See, for example, Donald L. Rheem, "'Negative' to Negative Ads," Christian Science Monitor, 22 March 1988; and May, "Analysts Say."
40. Though no one I am aware of actually defines negative campaigning this way, a number of sources have suggested the need to distinguish between issue-based and personal attacks. See, for example, Donald L. Rheem, "'Negative' to Negative Ads," Christian Science Monitor, 22 March 1988; and May, "Analysts Say."
41. See Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter (New York: Wiley, 1960), esp. 54-59; David P. Glass, "Evaluating Presidential Candidates: Who Focuses on Their Personal Attributes?" Public Opinion Quarterly 49 (Winter 1985): 517-34; and Arthur H. Miller, Martin P. Wattenberg, and Oksana Malanchuk, "Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates," American Political Science Review 80 (June 1986): 521-40.
42. See Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter (New York: Wiley, 1960), esp. 54-59; David P. Glass, "Evaluating Presidential Candidates: Who Focuses on Their Personal Attributes?" Public Opinion Quarterly 49 (Winter 1985): 517-34; and Arthur H. Miller, Martin P. Wattenberg, and Oksana Malanchuk, "Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates," American Political Science Review 80 (June 1986): 521-40.
43. See Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter (New York: Wiley, 1960), esp. 54-59; David P. Glass, "Evaluating Presidential Candidates: Who Focuses on Their Personal Attributes?" Public Opinion Quarterly 49 (Winter 1985): 517-34; and Arthur H. Miller, Martin P. Wattenberg, and Oksana Malanchuk, "Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates," American Political Science Review 80 (June 1986): 521-40.
44. For a more extended discussion of some criteria that might guide media coverage of "character" issues, see Larry J. Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (New York: Free Press, 1991), especially chap. 8.
45. Stephen Ansolabehere, Roy Behr, and Shanto Iyengar, The Media Game (New York: Macmillan, 1993), 57-58.
46. See, among others, Thomas Patterson and Robert McClure, The Unseeing Eye (New York: Putnam, 1976); and West, Air Wars, chap. 3.
47. See, among others, Thomas Patterson and Robert McClure, The Unseeing Eye (New York: Putnam, 1976); and West, Air Wars, chap. 3.
48. Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, Over the Wire and On TV (New York: Sage, 1983), 46.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. It is worth noting that the First Amendment not only guarantees "freedom of speech," but also the right "to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." Given the origins of the American Revolution, I think it no accident that this last proviso is phrased in terms of negative grievances, rather than positive improvements. Anyone who doubts this should try rereading the Declaration of Independence, which is little more than a catalogue of negatively-phrased "injuries and usurpations" committed by the British government, with remarkably little discussion of what remedies a new government might provide.
52. New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 US 254 (1964) at 270. (Emphasis added.)
53. See Thomas E. Mann, Unsafe at Any Margin: Interpreting Congressional Elections (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978), chap. 4; and Gary C. Jacobson, Money in Congressional Elections (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980).
54. See Thomas E. Mann, Unsafe at Any Margin: Interpreting Congressional Elections (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978), chap. 4; and Gary C. Jacobson, Money in Congressional Elections (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980).
55. The most vivid demonstration of the voters' regard for experience in congressional elections is, of course, the fact that about 95 percent of incumbents get reelected every two years. On the regard for experience in presidential elections, see Campbell et al., American Voter, 54-58; and Steven J. Rosenstone, Forecasting Presidential Elections (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 58-63, 86-87.
56. The most vivid demonstration of the voters' regard for experience in congressional elections is, of course, the fact that about 95 percent of incumbents get reelected every two years. On the regard for experience in presidential elections, see Campbell et al., American Voter, 54-58; and Steven J. Rosenstone, Forecasting Presidential Elections (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 58-63, 86-87.
57. The analysis discussed here may be found in Gary C. Jacobson, The Politics of Congressional Elections, 2d ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1987), 81-83 and 134-36.
58. Another way to demonstrate this point is to examine the percentage of the electorate that is able to assign the candidates a position on the seven-point issue scales in the American National Election Study (ANES) surveys. The 1980 survey, for example, had nine such scales; in all nine cases, a larger number of respondents were able to provide a rating for Jimmy Carter, the incumbent president, than for Ronald Reagan, even though the latter had an unusually well-defined ideological profile for a challenger. Similarly, the 1984 ANES sample showed a higher number of "don't know" responses for Walter Mondale's issue positions than for President Reagan's on all eleven of the scales used. In 1988, when George Bush was not the incumbent but was closely associated with the incumbent administration, the vice president's issue positions were known to more Americans in nine of nine cases.
59. See, for example, their comments on the matter in the second debate in New York Times, 16 October 1992.