Second coming: The strategies of the new Christian Right

Political Science Quarterly

Volumn 111, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 271-294

  Rozell, Mark J ^a   Wilcox, Clyde ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0039566106     PISSN: 00323195     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2152322     Document Type: Article

References (74)

1. Jeffrey K. Hadden, Anson Shupe, James Hawdon, and Kenneth Martin, "Why Jerry Falwell Killed the Moral Majority" in Marshall W. Browne and Ray B. Browne, eds., The God Pumpers: Religion in the Electronic Age (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green Popular Press, 1987).
2. Although the coalition of national leaders who helped to form the Moral Majority included Paul Weyrich (a Catholic) and Howard Phillips (who is Jewish), and although Falwell made repeated rhetorical appeals to those outside of his Baptist Bible Fellowship denomination, researchers found that the Moral Majority attracted few Catholics or even mainline Protestants. Robert Liebman found that most state Moral Majority chairs were pastors in the Baptist Bible Fellowship, and surveys of state chapters found them dominated by that denomination and other independent Baptist churches. See Robert Liebman, "Mobilizing the Moral Majority" in R. Liebman and R. Wuthnow, eds., The New Christian Right (New York: Aldine, 1989); Sharon Georgianna, The Moral Majority and Fundamentalism: Plausibility and Dissonance (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon Press, 1989); Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in 20th Century America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992). In Indiana, for example, almost 75 percent of the membership came from small Baptist denominations, and although the chapter was one of the largest in the nation, Georgianna found no Catholics in her survey.
3. Although the coalition of national leaders who helped to form the Moral Majority included Paul Weyrich (a Catholic) and Howard Phillips (who is Jewish), and although Falwell made repeated rhetorical appeals to those outside of his Baptist Bible Fellowship denomination, researchers found that the Moral Majority attracted few Catholics or even mainline Protestants. Robert Liebman found that most state Moral Majority chairs were pastors in the Baptist Bible Fellowship, and surveys of state chapters found them dominated by that denomination and other independent Baptist churches. See Robert Liebman, "Mobilizing the Moral Majority" in R. Liebman and R. Wuthnow, eds., The New Christian Right (New York: Aldine, 1989); Sharon Georgianna, The Moral Majority and Fundamentalism: Plausibility and Dissonance (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon Press, 1989); Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in 20th Century America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992). In Indiana, for example, almost 75 percent of the membership came from small Baptist denominations, and although the chapter was one of the largest in the nation, Georgianna found no Catholics in her survey.
4. Although the coalition of national leaders who helped to form the Moral Majority included Paul Weyrich (a Catholic) and Howard Phillips (who is Jewish), and although Falwell made repeated rhetorical appeals to those outside of his Baptist Bible Fellowship denomination, researchers found that the Moral Majority attracted few Catholics or even mainline Protestants. Robert Liebman found that most state Moral Majority chairs were pastors in the Baptist Bible Fellowship, and surveys of state chapters found them dominated by that denomination and other independent Baptist churches. See Robert Liebman, "Mobilizing the Moral Majority" in R. Liebman and R. Wuthnow, eds., The New Christian Right (New York: Aldine, 1989); Sharon Georgianna, The Moral Majority and Fundamentalism: Plausibility and Dissonance (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon Press, 1989); Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in 20th Century America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992). In Indiana, for example, almost 75 percent of the membership came from small Baptist denominations, and although the chapter was one of the largest in the nation, Georgianna found no Catholics in her survey.
5. Matthew Moen, The Transformation of the Christian Right (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992).
6. Steve Bruce, "The Inevitable Failure of the New Christian Right," Sociology of Religion 55 (Fall 1994): 229-242; Duane Oldfield, "The Christian Right and State Republican Parties" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, 1989).
7. Steve Bruce, "The Inevitable Failure of the New Christian Right," Sociology of Religion 55 (Fall 1994): 229-242; Duane Oldfield, "The Christian Right and State Republican Parties" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, 1989).
8. Matthew Moen, "From Revolution to Evolution: The Changing Nature of the Christian Right," Sociology of Religion 55 (Fall 1994): 345.
9. Ibid., 348-353.
10. Author interview with Ralph Reed, Washington, DC, 29 September 1994.
11. Ibid.
12. For a detailed discussion of stealth candidacies and their justification, see Hubert Morken, "The San Diego Model," (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 1993.)
13. Reed interview.
14. Tyler Whitley, "Religious Right Called Important to Va. GOP," Richmond Times-Dispatch, 10 September 1994.
15. William L. Fisher, Ralph Reed, Jr., and Richard L. Weinhold, Christian Coalition Leadership Manual (Chesapeake, VA: Christian Coalition, 1990), 2.
16. Christian Coalition Congressional Scorecard, 1994 election edition. For Virginia's senators, in 1994 John Warner voted 71 percent of the time for the Christian Coalition position, placing him in the top third of all senators; and Charles Robb voted a mere 7 percent of the time for the group's position.
17. Author interview with Walter Barbee, Springfield, VA, 16 September 1994.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Citizenship '94 Voter's Guides. The documentation is based on past voting records and public statements. Critics maintained that the survey questions are biased and the documentation often inaccurate or incomplete.
21. Family Foundation letter to members, 25 September 1993, 4. Copy obtained by author.
22. Barbee interview.
23. Ibid.
24. Family Foundation letter, 5. (Emphasis in original.)
25. Ibid., 2-3. (Emphasis in original.)
26. Ibid., 2, 5.
27. Barbee interview.
28. Author interview with Beth LaRock (by telephone), 22 December 1994.
29. Author interview with Jack Knapp, Richmond, VA, 9 December 1993.
30. Ed Briggs, "After 16 Years, Fundamentalists Still Together," Richmond Times-Dispatch, 18 September 1993.
31. Author interview with Anne Kincaid, Richmond VA, 17 November 1993.
32. Ibid.
33. Mike Allen, "An 'Unscary Mike' Offered to Voters," Richmond Times-Dispatch, 29 August 1993.
34. Author interview with Michael Farris, Purcellville, VA, 12 August 1994.
35. Kincaid interview.
36. Taylor, "Christian Coalition Revamping Image," Richmond Times-Dispatch, 7 December 1992.
37. Quoted in Jan Vertefeuille, "Religious Right Sets Sights on Virginia GOP," Lynchburg News & Daily Advance, 23 March 1993.
38. Taylor, "Christian Coalition Revamping Image."
39. Author interview with Bobbie Kilberg, McLean, VA, 15 February 1994.
40. Virginia Family Council, Report Card for Virginia Legislators (1993), 2; The Christian Coalition Congressional Scorecard (1994) rates legislators according to their votes on "family" issues, including the president's economic stimulus program and his budget plan, government debt, social security tax increases, and term limits.
41. Virginia Family Council, Report Card for Virginia Legislators (1993), 2; The Christian Coalition Congressional Scorecard (1994) rates legislators according to their votes on "family" issues, including the president's economic stimulus program and his budget plan, government debt, social security tax increases, and term limits.
42. See Bill Geroux, "Virginia Beach Vote Holy War of Sorts," Richmond Times-Dispatch, 1 May 1994.
43. Christian Coalition, "How to Win With Life," State Legislative Policy and Campaign Institute (Chesapeake, VA: The Christian Coalition, 1993), 110.
44. Ibid., 111.
45. Ibid., 112.
46. Robert G. Marshall, Pro-Life Precinct Power (Stafford, VA: American Life League, 1990), 25.
47. Elizabeth Adell Cook, Ted G. Jelen, and Clyde Wilcox, Between Two Absolutes: Public Opinion and the Politics of Abortion, (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992).
48. Anonymous interview.
49. Author interview with Bruce Hildebrand, McLean, VA, 15 February 1994.
50. Christian Coalition, State Legislative Policy and Campaign Institute, 55.
51. Ibid., 56.
52. Ralph Reed, "What do Christian Conservatives Really Want?" (paper presented at Colloquium on the Religious New Right and the 1992 Campaign, Ethics and Public Policy Center, Washington, DC, 1993).
53. Clyde Wilcox, Ted G. Jelen, and Sharon Linzey, "Reluctant Warriors: Premillenialism and Politics in the Moral Majority," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30 (March 1991): 245-258.
54. For a general discussion, see Cook et al., Between Two Absolutes. For a discussion of the 1989 Virginia lieutenant governors race, see Elizabeth Adell Cook, Frederick Hartwig, and Clyde Wilcox, "The Abortion Issue Down Ticket: The Virginia Lieutenant Governor's Race of 1989," Women & Politics 12 (No. 4, 1993): 5-18. For a discussion of the 1989 gubernatorial election in Virginia and the 1990 elections in other states, see Cook, Jelen, and Wilcox, "Issue Voting in Gubernatorial Elections: Abortion and Post-Webster Politics," Journal of Politics 56 (February 1994): 187-199.
55. For a general discussion, see Cook et al., Between Two Absolutes. For a discussion of the 1989 Virginia lieutenant governors race, see Elizabeth Adell Cook, Frederick Hartwig, and Clyde Wilcox, "The Abortion Issue Down Ticket: The Virginia Lieutenant Governor's Race of 1989," Women & Politics 12 (No. 4, 1993): 5-18. For a discussion of the 1989 gubernatorial election in Virginia and the 1990 elections in other states, see Cook, Jelen, and Wilcox, "Issue Voting in Gubernatorial Elections: Abortion and Post-Webster Politics," Journal of Politics 56 (February 1994): 187-199.
56. For a general discussion, see Cook et al., Between Two Absolutes. For a discussion of the 1989 Virginia lieutenant governors race, see Elizabeth Adell Cook, Frederick Hartwig, and Clyde Wilcox, "The Abortion Issue Down Ticket: The Virginia Lieutenant Governor's Race of 1989," Women & Politics 12 (No. 4, 1993): 5-18. For a discussion of the 1989 gubernatorial election in Virginia and the 1990 elections in other states, see Cook, Jelen, and Wilcox, "Issue Voting in Gubernatorial Elections: Abortion and Post-Webster Politics," Journal of Politics 56 (February 1994): 187-199.
57. Transcript of ABC Nightline, "God and the Grassroots," 4 November 1993.
58. Reed interview.
59. Ibid.
60. Marshall, Pro-life Precinct Power, 1-4.
61. Fisher, Reed, and Weinhold, Christian Coalition Manual, 8.
62. Ibid., 11.
63. Anonymous interview.
64. Roland Gunn interview with Walt Barbee, Springfield, VA, 28 November 1993.
65. Anonymous interview.
66. Anonymous interview.
67. Marshall, Pro-Life Precinct Power, 2.
68. Virginia Democratic Caucus, Field Director's Manual, Richmond, VA, 6 May 1993.
69. Author interview with Kevin Mack (by telephone), 4 January 1994.
70. Anonymous interview.
71. Stone interview.
72. Polls showed that the Iran-contra scandal was central to voters in evaluating North but that a sizable minority of voters also objected to North's ties with the Christian Right.
73. Steve Bruce, "The Inevitable Failure of the New Christian Right," Sociology of Religion 55 (Fall 1994): 229-242.
74. For a discussion of the Christian Right in state Republican parties across the nation, see Mark J. Rozell and Clyde Wilcox, eds., God at the Grass Roots: The Christian Right in the 1994 Elections (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1995).