The consequences of the Nicaraguan revolution for political tolerance: Explaining differences among the mass public, catholic priests, and secular elites

Comparative Politics

Volumn 30, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 335-353

  Stein, Andrew J ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039466245     PISSN: 00104159     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/421990     Document Type: Review

References (65)

1. Samuel Stouffer, Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1992).
2. James W. Prothro and Charles M. Grigg, "Fundamental Principles of Democracy," Journal of Politics (1960), 276-94; V. O. Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1961); Herbert McClosky, "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics," American Political Science Review, 58 (June 1964), 361-82.
3. James W. Prothro and Charles M. Grigg, "Fundamental Principles of Democracy," Journal of Politics (1960), 276-94; V. O. Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1961); Herbert McClosky, "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics," American Political Science Review, 58 (June 1964), 361-82.
4. James W. Prothro and Charles M. Grigg, "Fundamental Principles of Democracy," Journal of Politics (1960), 276-94; V. O. Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1961); Herbert McClosky, "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics," American Political Science Review, 58 (June 1964), 361-82.
5. For the United States see Stouffer; Herbert McClosky and Ada Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic Books, 1983); John L. Sullivan, James Piereson, and George E. Marcus, Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For Latin America, see Mitchell A. Seligson, "Elites in Central America and Democratic Theory: Survey Data from Costa Rica and El Salvador," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Atlanta, 1994;
6. For the United States see Stouffer; Herbert McClosky and Ada Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic Books, 1983); John L. Sullivan, James Piereson, and George E. Marcus, Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For Latin America, see Mitchell A. Seligson, "Elites in Central America and Democratic Theory: Survey Data from Costa Rica and El Salvador," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Atlanta, 1994;
7. For the United States see Stouffer; Herbert McClosky and Ada Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic Books, 1983); John L. Sullivan, James Piereson, and George E. Marcus, Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For Latin America, see Mitchell A. Seligson, "Elites in Central America and Democratic Theory: Survey Data from Costa Rica and El Salvador," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Atlanta, 1994;
8. For the United States see Stouffer; Herbert McClosky and Ada Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Basic Books, 1983); John L. Sullivan, James Piereson, and George E. Marcus, Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For Latin America, see Mitchell A. Seligson, "Elites in Central America and Democratic Theory: Survey Data from Costa Rica and El Salvador," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Atlanta, 1994;
9. Orlando J. Pérez, "Elites, Power and Ideology: The Struggle for Democracy in Panama" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1996).
10. See James Gibson, "Alternative Measures of Political Tolerance: Must Tolerance Be 'Least-Liked'?," American Journal of Political Science, 36 (May 1992), 560-77.
11. Robert Dahl, Polyarchy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), pp. 115-20.
12. For background, see John A. Peeler, "Elites and Democracy in Central America," in Mitchell A. Seligson and John A. Booth, eds., Elections and Democracy in Central America, Revisited (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 249-54.
13. Some scholars have argued that low levels of development and economic growth exacerbate elite disunity and make it harder for fragmented elites to control their followers. This characterization is quite accurate for Nicaragua in the period 1990-96. See Michael Burton, Richard Gunther, and John Higley, "Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe: An Overview," in John Higley and Richard Gunther, eds., Elites and_Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 335-37.
14. Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Thomas W. Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). Booth, p. 181, estimates that 40,000-50,000 people died during the insurrection against Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Official government statistics from the Sandinista period (figures for 1980-1988) indicate a total of 29,270 dead and 20,000 wounded in the Contra war. See Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, Nicaragua: 10 Años en Cifras (Managua: INEC, 1989), p. 57, Table v.1.
15. Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Thomas W. Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). Booth, p. 181, estimates that 40,000-50,000 people died during the insurrection against Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Official government statistics from the Sandinista period (figures for 1980-1988) indicate a total of 29,270 dead and 20,000 wounded in the Contra war. See Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, Nicaragua: 10 Años en Cifras (Managua: INEC, 1989), p. 57, Table v.1.
16. Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Thomas W. Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). Booth, p. 181, estimates that 40,000-50,000 people died during the insurrection against Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Official government statistics from the Sandinista period (figures for 1980-1988) indicate a total of 29,270 dead and 20,000 wounded in the Contra war. See Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, Nicaragua: 10Años en Cifras (Managua: INEC, 1989), p. 57, Table v.1.
17. Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Thomas W. Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). Booth, p. 181, estimates that 40,000-50,000 people died during the insurrection against Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Official government statistics from the Sandinista period (figures for 1980-1988) indicate a total of 29,270 dead and 20,000 wounded in the Contra war. See Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, Nicaragua: 10 Años en Cifras (Managua: INEC, 1989), p. 57, Table v.1.
18. José Luis Velasquez, "Bases fundamentales en un regimen constitucional en Nicaragua," in INESP, Democratización y constitucionalidad en Nicaragua (Managua: INESP, 1993), p. 24.
19. It is especially important that this elite commitment to civil liberties be normative and consistent over time, not utilitarian or conditional on their own political fortunes. Previous studies of Nicaragua have shown that tolerance for dissent is contingent upon whether one's party is in government or in opposition. Mitchell A. Seligson and John A. Booth, "Political Culture and Regime Type: Evidence from Costa Rica and Nicaragua," Journal of Politics (August 1993), 788-90.
20. John A. Booth, "Toward Democracy in Nicaragua? Elites, Political Culture and the 1990 Election," paper presented at Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1991; John A. Booth, "A Framework for Analysis," and "Elections and the Prospects for Democracy in Central America," in Seligson and Booth, eds., pp. 14-16, 280-82.
21. John A. Booth, "Toward Democracy in Nicaragua? Elites, Political Culture and the 1990 Election," paper presented at Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1991; John A. Booth, "A Framework for Analysis," and "Elections and the Prospects for Democracy in Central America," in Seligson and Booth, eds., pp. 14-16, 280-82.
22. See Andrew J. Stein, "The Church," in Thomas W. Walker, ed., Nicaragua without Illusions (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1997).
23. Robert D. Putnam, The Comparative Study of Elites (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1976), pp. 5-19.
24. Robert D. Putnam, The Comparative Study of Elites (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1976), pp. 5-19.
25. A recent study of the majority of party elites in Nicaragua also showed that alliances among parties were shaped by formative cleavage-creating events of the 1970s and 1980s under Somoza and the FSLN. Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "Nicaragua's Fractionalized Party System of the 1990s," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1995, pp. 2-6; see also Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "The Other Parties," in Walker, ed., Nicaragua without Illusions. 16. Philip J Williams, The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), p. 77, makes reference to the results of a survey of 220 priests conducted in 1982-1983.
26. A recent study of the majority of party elites in Nicaragua also showed that alliances among parties were shaped by formative cleavage-creating events of the 1970s and 1980s under Somoza and the FSLN. Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "Nicaragua's Fractionalized Party System of the 1990s," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1995, pp. 2-6; see also Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "The Other Parties," in Walker, ed., Nicaragua without Illusions. 16. Philip J Williams, The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), p. 77, makes reference to the results of a survey of 220 priests conducted in 1982-1983.
27. A recent study of the majority of party elites in Nicaragua also showed that alliances among parties were shaped by formative cleavage-creating events of the 1970s and 1980s under Somoza and the FSLN. Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "Nicaragua's Fractionalized Party System of the 1990s," paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1995, pp. 2-6; see also Kenneth M. Coleman and Douglas Stuart, "The Other Parties," in Walker, ed., Nicaragua without Illusions. 16. Philip J Williams, The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), p. 77, makes reference to the results of a survey of 220 priests conducted in 1982-1983.
28. There are more than 300 priests in Nicaragua, including parish priests, other assistant priests who also work in pastoral programs, and clergy involved in the administration of the dioceses and instruction in the seminaries and schools. I made the strategic choice to interview only parish priests and to the extent possible also speak with assistant priests in the parishes. Based on the diocesan directories, I attempted to interview all 203 priests active in the eight dioceses and 197 parishes of the country during 1993-1994 field work. Nationally, more than two-thirds were interviewed. This level of response prevailed in five of the eight dioceses, with the response rate in two of the three most important dioceses, Managua and Granada, more than 80 percent. On the other extreme, in the dioceses of Estelí, Jinotega, and Matagalpa, the response rate was much lower. Not all batteries of questions could be covered with all clergy who consented to an interview. The results on priests' political tolerance were taken from a subsample of priests who were able to answer these items at the end of the questionnaire. The general characteristics of this random subsample conform closely to those of the entire sample. There is no substantial basis for questioning the generalization of the patterns found in the sixty-five cases where priests responded to tolerance items (45.7 percent of the total) in comparison to the entire 142 cases of all priests interviewed. In June-August 1991 I conducted a mass survey (N=704) with the assistance of the Centro de Estudios Internacionales (CEI) and student interviewers from the Escuela de Sociología at the Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) in Managua. The areas sampled included Managua, León, Granada, and Masaya. In all four cases we designed a stratified sample based on "upper, middle, and working class, and squatter" categories based on available SES data and housing conditions/social services available in each neighborhood. I made use of the demographic data and SES indicators from the population division of the census bureau, the Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos (INEC), as well as figures from the Consejo Supremo Electoral (CSE) voter registration lists of 1990. This survey formed part of a broader, six nation study, the University of Pittsburgh Central American Public Opinion Project.
29. For more on the elite surveys, see Mitchell A. Seligson, "Political Culture in Nicaragua: Transitions, 1991-1995," unpublished ms., University of Pittsburgh, 1995, pp. 9-10. Each elite group comprised at least 100 interviews.
30. John L. Sullivan, Pat Walsh, Michal Shamir, David G. Barnum, and James L. Gibson, "Why Politicians Are More Tolerant: Selective Recruitment and Socialization among Political Elites in Britain, Israel, New Zealand and the United States," British Journal of Political Science, 23 (1993), 52-54.
31. Ibid., p. 52; Roberta S. Sigel, "Conclusions," in Roberta S. Sigel, ed., Political Learning in Adulthood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 458-59.
32. Ibid., p. 52; Roberta S. Sigel, "Conclusions," in Roberta S. Sigel, ed., Political Learning in Adulthood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 458-59.
33. For further discussion, see Andrew J. Stein, "The Prophetic Mission, the Catholic Church and Politics: Nicaragua in the Context of Central America" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1995), pp. 96-103. For differences in political views between the secular and regular clergy, see Brian H. Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 247-58; 267-80; Paul Tortolani, "Political Participation of Native and Foreign Catholic Clergy in Guatemala," Journal of Church and State (1973), 407-18.
34. For further discussion, see Andrew J. Stein, "The Prophetic Mission, the Catholic Church and Politics: Nicaragua in the Context of Central America" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1995), pp. 96-103. For differences in political views between the secular and regular clergy, see Brian H. Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 247-58; 267-80; Paul Tortolani, "Political Participation of Native and Foreign Catholic Clergy in Guatemala," Journal of Church and State (1973), 407-18.
35. For further discussion, see Andrew J. Stein, "The Prophetic Mission, the Catholic Church and Politics: Nicaragua in the Context of Central America" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1995), pp. 96-103. For differences in political views between the secular and regular clergy, see Brian H. Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 247-58; 267-80; Paul Tortolani, "Political Participation of Native and Foreign Catholic Clergy in Guatemala," Journal of Church and State (1973), 407-18.
36. Michael X. Delli Carpini, "Age and History: Generations and Sociopolitical Change," in Sigel, ed., pp. 24, 11-22. Also, Roderic Ai Camp, Political Recruitment across Two Centuries: Mexico, 1884-1991 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), pp.48-58, 65-66. Camp states that Mexican political elites' direct personal experiences and the nature of their education were two keys in patterns of their socialization. See also Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords: Religion and Politics in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 26-31, 154-99; Eduardo Sota García, "La visión socio-política de los párrocos en el Estado de México" (M.A. thesis, Ibero-American University, Mexico City, 1993), pp. 193-205;
37. Michael X. Delli Carpini, "Age and History: Generations and Sociopolitical Change," in Sigel, ed., pp. 24, 11-22. Also, Roderic Ai Camp, Political Recruitment across Two Centuries: Mexico, 1884-1991 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), pp.48-58, 65-66. Camp states that Mexican political elites' direct personal experiences and the nature of their education were two keys in patterns of their socialization. See also Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords: Religion and Politics in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 26-31, 154-99; Eduardo Sota García, "La visión socio-política de los párrocos en el Estado de México" (M.A. thesis, Ibero-American University, Mexico City, 1993), pp. 193-205;
38. Michael X. Delli Carpini, "Age and History: Generations and Sociopolitical Change," in Sigel, ed., pp. 24, 11-22. Also, Roderic Ai Camp, Political Recruitment across Two Centuries: Mexico, 1884-1991 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), pp.48-58, 65-66. Camp states that Mexican political elites' direct personal experiences and the nature of their education were two keys in patterns of their socialization. See also Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords: Religion and Politics in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 26-31, 154-99; Eduardo Sota García, "La visión socio-política de los párrocos en el Estado de México" (M.A. thesis, Ibero-American University, Mexico City, 1993), pp. 193-205;
39. Michael X. Delli Carpini, "Age and History: Generations and Sociopolitical Change," in Sigel, ed., pp. 24, 11-22. Also, Roderic Ai Camp, Political Recruitment across Two Centuries: Mexico, 1884-1991 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), pp.48-58, 65-66. Camp states that Mexican political elites' direct personal experiences and the nature of their education were two keys in patterns of their socialization. See also Roderic Ai Camp, Crossing Swords: Religion and Politics in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 26-31, 154-99; Eduardo Sota García, "La visión socio-política de los párrocos en el Estado de México" (M.A. thesis, Ibero-American University, Mexico City, 1993), pp. 193-205;
40. Smith, pp. 111-14, 231-34.
41. Further research on this issue is needed. An important study that demonstrates the impact of Vatican II reforms on seminary curriculum and clerical training for the generation of priests in the 1960s is Joseph M. White, The Diocesan Seminary in the United States (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1989), pp. 405-30.
42. The author is grateful to Mitchell Seligson and John Booth for permission to use these items. The identical questions were asked in the two separate Nicaraguan samples. The first index was based on the following four questions, each of which was scored 1-10. (1) There are people who only say bad things about the Nicaraguan form of government. How strongly do you approve or disapprove of the right to vote for these people? Please read the number (1-10) to me. (2) Thinking still about those people who only say bad things about the Nicaraguan form of government, how strongly do you approve or disapprove of these people being permitted to organize peaceful demonstrations with the purpose of expressing their points of view? (3) How strongly do you approve or disapprove of people who only say bad things about the Nicaraguan form of government being permitted to run for public office? (4) Thinking still about those people who only say bad things about the Nicaraguan form of government, how strongly do you approve or disapprove of their appearing on television to make a speech? The Opposition to the Suppression of Democratic Liberties (OSDL) scale is from John A. Booth and Mitchell A. Seligson, "The Political Culture of Authoritarianism in Mexico: A Reevaluation," Latin American Research Review, 19 (1984), 106-24. This second scale, scored 1-10, is made up of answers to the three following questions. (1) If a law were passed that prohibited public demonstrations, how strongly would you approve or disapprove of it? (2) How strongly would you approve or disapprove if all meetings of any group that criticizes the Nicaraguan political system were prohibited? (3) How strongly would you approve or disapprove if on the radio, on television, and in the newspapers there were censorship of all public statements that criticized the Nicaraguan political system?
43. In Nicaragua, recent surveys have shown that merely 8-9 percent of the public has had some college or has completed university studies.
44. Sullivan et al., "Why Politicians Are More Tolerant," pp. 52, 68-69. In their four nation study, they found such background factors to be a less complete explanation of higher tolerance than adult socialization.
45. See Peter McDonough, Power and Ideology in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), pp. 58-74, 94-98. Most of the bishops in Mexico are also from modest social backgrounds and predominantly from rural areas. See Camp, Crossing Swords, pp. 188-97.
46. See Peter McDonough, Power and Ideology in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), pp. 58-74, 94-98. Most of the bishops in Mexico are also from modest social backgrounds and predominantly from rural areas. See Camp, Crossing Swords, pp. 188-97.
47. The logic for dividing the generations of priests is as follows. Since the key explanatory power of political generational analysis is shared environmental conditions and formative experience rather than chronological age, not all of the cohorts cover the same number of years. Cohort 1 (1932-1948) was the most traditionally trained group; cohort 2 (1949-1961) experienced the Cold War and the rise of missionary priests sent to Latin America; cohort 3 (1962-1979) experienced Vatican II and the local internal church reforms begun at Medellín, in addition to having lived through the fight against Somoza; cohort 4 (1980-1989) was defined by the FSLN years of conflict with the church and the Contra war, yet there were priests in this group old enough to have had preseminary experiences under Somoza and the revolution; cohort 5 (1990-1993) was the group that came of age at a time of the smallest foreign missionary presence in decades and in a context of hierarchical reassertion of control in pastoral work and theological training.
48. Sullivan et al., Political Tolerance and American Democracy, pp. 134-35.
49. Sullivan et al., "Why Politicians Are More Tolerant," pp. 53, 69-73.
50. The data in this figure present partial confirmation of Hypothesis 3, that the generation ordained between Vatican II and the Sandinista revolution would be more tolerant than the two younger cohorts of mostly native-born priests, now the majority in the parishes. Yet the pattern shows that, contrary to expectations, the 1949-1961 cohort demonstrates a higher tolerance level than cohort 3. However, any interpretation of the high level of tolerance in the 1949-1961 cohort and the low level in the 1932-1948 cohort must be conditioned by the extremely small number of cases (7 and 1, respectively) and by the fact that almost half of cohort 2 consists of foreign regular priests, most of whom are American Capuchins who often showed total approval with the tolerance items, responding with 10, the highest level.
51. Williams, pp. 48-52; Michael Dodson and Laura N. O'Shaugḣnessy, Nicaragua 's Other Revolution: Religious Faith and Political Struggle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), pp. 116-39.
52. Williams, pp. 48-52; Michael Dodson and Laura N. O'Shaugḣnessy, Nicaragua 's Other Revolution: Religious Faith and Political Struggle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), pp. 116-39.
53. Margaret E. Crahan, "Religion and Politics in Revolutionary Nicaragua," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, eds., The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1989), pp. 41-44.
54. Author's correspondence with Capuchin priests who served in Bluefields diocese of Nicaragua, November 1994.
55. For a detailed discussion of the church-state conflict in the 1980s, see Williams, pp. 83-95; Dodson and O'Shaughnessy, pp. 165-90.
56. For a detailed discussion of the church-state conflict in the 1980s, see Williams, pp. 83-95; Dodson and O'Shaughnessy, pp. 165-90.
57. Stein, "The Prophetic Mission," pp. 49-57.
58. Andrew J. Stein, "The Impact of Religion on Mass Political Tolerance in Central America: Affiliation, Beliefs and Practices in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala," unpublished manuscript, February 1997, p. 22.
59. Due to the fact that the 1994 elite groups survey used a semantic differential for response categories, regression analysis of data from the Gallup poll was not possible. The variation among the oldest three age groups for journalists and police and military officers has to be given less weight due to the small number of cases per category.
60. Paul M. Sniderman, Joseph F. Fletcher, Peter H. Russell, Philip Tetlock, and Brian J. Gaines, "The Fallacy of Democratic Elitism: Elite Competition and Commitment to Civil Liberties," British Journal of Political Science, 21 (1991), 349-70, found sharp differences in levels of support for civil liberties among politicians depending on political party and unpopular group considered.
61. McDonough; Herbert McClosky and John Zaller, The American Ethos (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press/Twentieth Century Fund, 1984), pp. 242-45.
62. McDonough; Herbert McClosky and John Zaller, The American Ethos (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press/Twentieth Century Fund, 1984), pp. 242-45.
63. The cohort differences that have been found in this analysis also hold across a series of attitudes on political protest (which was supported most of all by cohort 3), views on violence, social change, and preferred pastoral movements in their parishes. See Stein, "The Prophetic Mission."
64. For a discussion of the political and institutional crises that have characterized democratization in Nicaragua, see Philip J. Williams, "Dual Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Popular and Electoral Democracy in Nicaragua," Comparative Politics, 26 (January 1994), 169-85; and Shelley A. McConnell, "Democracy in the Balance: Evolving Relationships between the Branches of State in Nicaragua since 1990," paper presented at Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1995.
65. For a discussion of the political and institutional crises that have characterized democratization in Nicaragua, see Philip J. Williams, "Dual Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Popular and Electoral Democracy in Nicaragua," Comparative Politics, 26 (January 1994), 169-85; and Shelley A. McConnell, "Democracy in the Balance: Evolving Relationships between the Branches of State in Nicaragua since 1990," paper presented at Latin American Studies Association meeting, Washington, D.C., 1995.