Gender and civic authority: Sexual control in a medieval Italian town

Journal of Social History

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 32-59

  Lansing, Carol ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

^b Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0039415275     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/31.1.33     Document Type: Article

References (173)

1. One recent example is the History of Private Life series published in English translation by Belknap Press.
2. I failed to examine this connection in The Florentine Magnates: Lineage and Faction in a Medieval Commune (Princeton, 1991).
3. See Conan Gallagher, "Concupiscence," The Thomist 30, no. 3 (1966): 228-59.
4. See her December 1985 American Historical Review article, reprinted in Joan Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), ch. 2.
5. See her December 1985 American Historical Review article, reprinted in Joan Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), ch. 2.
6. For bibliography on medieval adultery see note 83 below. A good single source for bibliography on late medieval Italian gender and sexuality, though now dated, is Patricia Simons, Gender and Sexuality in Renaissance and Baroque Italy: A Working Bibliography, Power Institute of Fine Arts Occasional Paper, number 7 (Sydney, Australia, 1988).
7. See the survey in Nicholas Davidson, "Theology, Nature and the Law: Sexual Sin and Sexual Crime in Italy from the Fourteenth to the Seventeeth Century," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and K. J. P. Lowe (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 74-98; Guido Ruggiero, The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1985); Michael Rocke, "Il controllo dell'omosessualità a Firenze nel XV secolo: gli 'Ufficial di notte,'" Quaderni storici 66 (1987), and his Forbidden Friendships (Oxford, 1996).
8. See the survey in Nicholas Davidson, "Theology, Nature and the Law: Sexual Sin and Sexual Crime in Italy from the Fourteenth to the Seventeeth Century," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and K. J. P. Lowe (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 74-98; Guido Ruggiero, The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1985); Michael Rocke, "Il controllo dell'omosessualità a Firenze nel XV secolo: gli 'Ufficial di notte,'" Quaderni storici 66 (1987), and his Forbidden Friendships (Oxford, 1996).
9. See the survey in Nicholas Davidson, "Theology, Nature and the Law: Sexual Sin and Sexual Crime in Italy from the Fourteenth to the Seventeeth Century," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and K. J. P. Lowe (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 74-98; Guido Ruggiero, The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1985); Michael Rocke, "Il controllo dell'omosessualità a Firenze nel XV secolo: gli 'Ufficial di notte,'" Quaderni storici 66 (1987), and his Forbidden Friendships (Oxford, 1996).
10. See the survey in Nicholas Davidson, "Theology, Nature and the Law: Sexual Sin and Sexual Crime in Italy from the Fourteenth to the Seventeeth Century," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and K. J. P. Lowe (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 74-98; Guido Ruggiero, The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1985); Michael Rocke, "Il controllo dell'omosessualità a Firenze nel XV secolo: gli 'Ufficial di notte,'" Quaderni storici 66 (1987), and his Forbidden Friendships (Oxford, 1996).
11. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
12. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
13. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
14. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
15. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
16. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
17. See among many studies Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985); Jacques Rossiaud, "Prostitution, jeunesse et société dans les villes du sud-est au Xve siècle," Annales: ESC 31 (1976): 289-325; "Prostitution, sexualité, société dans les villes française au XVe siècle," Communications: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d'études transdisciplinaires 35 (1982): 68-83; Ruth Karras, "The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 399-433 , printed in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett and Maryanne Kowaleski (1989), and her Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York and Oxford, 1996). Maria Mazzi, Prostitute e lenoni nella Firenze del Quattrocento (Milan, 1991), is the best Italian study.
18. This point is convincing but difficult to document; Karras cites only James Brundage, "Prostitution in the Medieval Canon Law," Signs 1, no. 4 (summer 1976): 825-45, which does not connect the views of the canonists with practice.
19. See Luise White, The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nairobi (Chicago, 1990), p. 11.
20. Canonical definitions of sodomy were not specific to men. However, thirteenth-century Italian statutes clearly target men: the Orvietan statute for example mentioned display of the penis: see Archivio di Stato di Orvieto Statuti 27, 38 verso.
21. A recent conference at San Miniato, for example, examined the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Florentine territorial state in terms of elite networks of clientage.
22. There is a large bibliography on late medieval Italian statebuilding; see for a representative recent collection Origini dello stato: processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed eta moderna, ed. G. Chittolini, A. Molho, P. Schiera (Bologna, 1994). Many of the essays appear in English translation in The Origins of the State in Italy, 1300-1600, Journal of Modern History, vol. 67, Supplement (Dec. 1995).
23. There is a large bibliography on late medieval Italian statebuilding; see for a representative recent collection Origini dello stato: processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed eta moderna, ed. G. Chittolini, A. Molho, P. Schiera (Bologna, 1994). Many of the essays appear in English translation in The Origins of the State in Italy, 1300-1600, Journal of Modern History, vol. 67, Supplement (Dec. 1995).
24. Giorgio Chittolini, "The 'Private,' the 'Public,' the State," The Origins of the State in Italy, p. S40.
25. Diane Hughes, "Sumptuary Legislation and Social Control in the Cities of Renais" sance Italy," Disputes and Settlements: The Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy (Cambridge, 1983).
26. Judith Bennett argued for a return to study of patriarchy and the oppression and subordination of women in "Feminism and History, Gender and History 1, no. 3 (1989). In medieval Italian towns, patriarchy was interwoven with state authority and the two are best studied together.
27. Incredibly, the whole fiscal apparatus of the Florentine state came to be housed in the Dowry Fund. See Anthony Molho, Marriage Alliance in Late Medieval Florence (Cambridge, MA, 1994) and the review by Carol Lansing, American Historical Review, 100, no. 5 (1995): 1547-49.
28. Incredibly, the whole fiscal apparatus of the Florentine state came to be housed in the Dowry Fund. See Anthony Molho, Marriage Alliance in Late Medieval Florence (Cambridge, MA, 1994) and the review by Carol Lansing, American Historical Review, 100, no. 5 (1995): 1547-49.
29. On the continuing legacy of understandings of civic ideology shaped by ideas of the Renaissance; see Edward Muir, "The Italian Renaissance in America," American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (1995): 1095-1118.
30. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
31. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
32. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
33. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
34. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
35. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987); for a controversial critique, Kathleen Biddick, "Genders, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 389-418. See also Judith Bennett's thoughtful general survey of scholarship on medieval women in the same issue. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science and Culture (Cambridge, 1993). For surveys of the field, see Joan Cadden, "Medieval Scientific and Medical Views of Sexuality: Questions of Propriety," Medievalia et Humanistica, n. s. 14 (1986): 157-71; Monica Green, "Female Sexuality in the Medieval West," Trends in History 4, no. 4 (1990): 127-85 and on the related problem of medical texts concerning women, her "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs 14, no. 2 (1989): 457-73.
36. For a clear analysis of the methodological approaches underlying study of the history of women and the history of gender, see Louise Newman, "Critical Theory and the History of Women: What's at Stake in Deconstructing Women's History," Journal of Women's History 2, no. 3 (winter, 1991): 58-68. For a discussion of the limits of analysis of the construction of gender in terms of Foucauldian discourse and the need "to bridge the gap between discourse, social formation and the individual sexed subject," see Lyndall Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London and New York, 1994), esp. pp. 13-18.
37. For a clear analysis of the methodological approaches underlying study of the history of women and the history of gender, see Louise Newman, "Critical Theory and the History of Women: What's at Stake in Deconstructing Women's History," Journal of Women's History 2, no. 3 (winter, 1991): 58-68. For a discussion of the limits of analysis of the construction of gender in terms of Foucauldian discourse and the need "to bridge the gap between discourse, social formation and the individual sexed subject," see Lyndall Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London and New York, 1994), esp. pp. 13-18.
38. Monica Green in 1990 asked whether current methods for studying female sexuality were useful "only for constructing a history of how female sexuality was viewed by men, not how it was experienced by women." This article is an effort to find connections between them. See Monica Green, "Female Sexuality," p. 158.
39. Lynn Laufenberg's Cornell University dissertation on the enforcement of sumptuary laws in fourteenth-century Florence will be a welcome addition. On judicial procedures, see the many articles of Andrea Zorzi, including "The Judicial System in Florence in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries," Crime, Society and the Law, pp. 40-58; "Giustizia criminale e criminalita' nell'Italia del tardo medioevo: studi e prospettive di ricerca," Società e storia 46 (1989): 942-7.
40. Lynn Laufenberg's Cornell University dissertation on the enforcement of sumptuary laws in fourteenth-century Florence will be a welcome addition. On judicial procedures, see the many articles of Andrea Zorzi, including "The Judicial System in Florence in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries," Crime, Society and the Law, pp. 40-58; "Giustizia criminale e criminalita' nell'Italia del tardo medioevo: studi e prospettive di ricerca," Società e storia 46 (1989): 942-7.
41. Nicholas Davidson, "Sexual Sin," is a useful recent survey.
42. Daniel Waley, Medieval Orvieto (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 2-3. The curia spent a total of 7 years and 9 1/2 months in Orvieto during the thirteenth century. See Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità della curia romana nel secolo XIII. Riflessi locali," Società e istituzioni dell'Italia comunale: L'esempio di Perugia (secoli XII-XIV) vol. I (Perugia, 1989): 155-278. Urban IV was in residence 1262-64; Clement IV in 1266; Gregory X in 1272and 1273; Martin IV from 1281-84; Nicholas IV, 1290 and 1291; Boniface VIII, 1297.
43. Daniel Waley, Medieval Orvieto (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 2-3. The curia spent a total of 7 years and 9 1/2 months in Orvieto during the thirteenth century. See Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità della curia romana nel secolo XIII. Riflessi locali," Società e istituzioni dell'Italia comunale: L'esempio di Perugia (secoli XII-XIV) vol. I (Perugia, 1989): 155-278. Urban IV was in residence 1262-64; Clement IV in 1266; Gregory X in 1272and 1273; Martin IV from 1281-84; Nicholas IV, 1290 and 1291; Boniface VIII, 1297.
44. A number of popes were elected to high civic office and served by proxy. Martin IV was elected podestà in 1284, but refused the office; Nicholas IV held both offices in 1290-91. See Waley, p. 48, 59. Boniface VII was elected capitano del popolo in 1297 and 1302; see Archivio di Stato di Orvieto Riformagioni vol. 72, 18 verso-20 recto, 76 recto. All subsequent archival citations are to the Archivio di Stato di Orvieto unless otherwise noted.
45. As Lucio Riccetti has pointed out, we need precise studies of the transmission of legal and institutional ideas from one town to the next, often by travelling podestà and their staffs.
46. This figure is derived from Elisabeth Carpentier's study of the 1292 tax records, which list the heads of households wealthy enough to own land. She puts the urban population somewhere between 14,000 and 17,000. In my view the high end of her estimate is more credible. E. Carpentier, Orvieto à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1986), ch. 2.
47. Two examples among many: two women condemned for an assault who are termed Margarita and Benvenuta fornarie, Giudiziario Registro I, 380 verso, and market women who were forever calling each other whores, like Maria pomarola, at 165 verso 391 verso.
48. See the discussion of fourteenth-century Florence in Alessandro Stella, La révolte des Ciompi (Paris, 1993), ch. 6, esp. pp. 179-83; Isabelle Chabod, "Widowhood and Poverty in Late Medieval Florence," Continuity and Change 3 (1988): 291-311.
49. See the discussion of fourteenth-century Florence in Alessandro Stella, La révolte des Ciompi (Paris, 1993), ch. 6, esp. pp. 179-83; Isabelle Chabod, "Widowhood and Poverty in Late Medieval Florence," Continuity and Change 3 (1988): 291-311.
50. For women in Bologna who admitted that a few men they termed dominos (lords) came to them for "services," Archivio di Stato di Bologna, Curia del Podestà, Libri Inquisitionum et testium, Busta 10, filza 5 (inquisitiones), 4 verso. Thirteenth-century Orvietan authorities pursued not prostitutes but pimps and landlords who rented to prostitutes; women working without pimps do not appear in the judicial records. Two Orvietan sentences for fornication and adultery depict informal prostitution controlled by male pimps, in at least one case the women's husband. It may be that the husband's real interest was avoidance of a legal charge of pandering, as prescribed in the lex Julia for cuckolds who failed to charge their wives with adultery. See Giudiziario Busta I, fasc. 6, 31 verso; fasc. 10.
51. See Sharon Farmer, "Matter Out of Place: Elite Perceptions of Single Women in Thirteenth-Century Paris," in the forthcoming Single Women in the European Past, ed. Judith Bennett.
52. See Carpentier, pp. 222-223. The percentage of female-headed households in the countryside was similar.
53. This category was defined as those who had no land, house profession or office and who did not possess 100 florins. In 1352, 10.2% of Florentine households were headed by women and owned only 5.5% of Florentine wealth; by 1404 the proportion of female-headed households climbed to 17.4% and became even poorer, with only 6.2% of Florentine wealth. See Stella, p. 188.
54. See Dennis Romano, "Gender and the Urban Geography of Renaissance Venice," Jounal of Social History 23 (1989): 339-53.
55. See on elite views of single women Farmer, "Matter Out of Place."
56. The significance of this change, especially outside the major commercial centers, has been one of the key problems in medieval Italian urban history. For a very useful survey of the scholarship on smaller towns to the south of the heavily studied Veneto and Tuscany, see Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur, Comuni e signorie in Umbria, Marche e Lazio (Torino, 1987).
57. Phillip Jones made this case in the classic "Communes and Despots: The City-State in Late Medieval Italy," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5, no. 15 (1965): 71-96; for a convincing example, Sarah Blanshei, "Criminal Law and Politics in Medieval Bologna," Criminal Justice History 2 (1981): 1-30 . On Orvietan judicial procedure, see Francesca Cardarello, "Problemi di diritto penale ad Orvieto nel tardo medioevo," Tesi di laurea, Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza," Facoltà di Giurisprudenza, 1990-91. For a similar system in Perugia, see Clara Cutini, "Giudici e giustizia a Perugia nel secolo XIII," Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria, vol. 83 (1987): 67-110.
58. Phillip Jones made this case in the classic "Communes and Despots: The City-State in Late Medieval Italy," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5, no. 15 (1965): 71-96; for a convincing example, Sarah Blanshei, "Criminal Law and Politics in Medieval Bologna," Criminal Justice History 2 (1981): 1-30 . On Orvietan judicial procedure, see Francesca Cardarello, "Problemi di diritto penale ad Orvieto nel tardo medioevo," Tesi di laurea, Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza," Facoltà di Giurisprudenza, 1990-91. For a similar system in Perugia, see Clara Cutini, "Giudici e giustizia a Perugia nel secolo XIII," Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria, vol. 83 (1987): 67-110.
59. Phillip Jones made this case in the classic "Communes and Despots: The City-State in Late Medieval Italy," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5, no. 15 (1965): 71-96; for a convincing example, Sarah Blanshei, "Criminal Law and Politics in Medieval Bologna," Criminal Justice History 2 (1981): 1-30 . On Orvietan judicial procedure, see Francesca Cardarello, "Problemi di diritto penale ad Orvieto nel tardo medioevo," Tesi di laurea, Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza," Facoltà di Giurisprudenza, 1990-91. For a similar system in Perugia, see Clara Cutini, "Giudici e giustizia a Perugia nel secolo XIII," Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria, vol. 83 (1987): 67-110.
60. Phillip Jones made this case in the classic "Communes and Despots: The City-State in Late Medieval Italy," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5, no. 15 (1965): 71-96; for a convincing example, Sarah Blanshei, "Criminal Law and Politics in Medieval Bologna," Criminal Justice History 2 (1981): 1-30 . On Orvietan judicial procedure, see Francesca Cardarello, "Problemi di diritto penale ad Orvieto nel tardo medioevo," Tesi di laurea, Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza," Facoltà di Giurisprudenza, 1990-91. For a similar system in Perugia, see Clara Cutini, "Giudici e giustizia a Perugia nel secolo XIII," Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria, vol. 83 (1987): 67-110.
61. See Simon Roberts, Order and Dispute: An Introduction to Legal Anthropology (Harmondsworth, 1979), esp. pp. 115-53.
62. In 1295 guardians were explicitly appointed by the Capitano del Popolo and the city's executives, by then guild consuls termed the Seven. See Giudiziario Busta II, fasc. 8.
63. For an important study of the relationship between public works and the idea of the medieval city, located in Orvieto, see Lucio Riccetti, La città costruita: Lavori pubblici e immagine in Orvieto medievale (Florence, 1992).
64. For discussion of the problem of the degree of violence in a late medieval Italian town, see Dean and Lowe, introduction.
65. The formation of popular associations was in part a response to this problem; guildsmen created neighborhood militias to respond to noble violence. See the Orvietan Carta del Popolo of 1325, 121; Codice diplomatico della città di Orvieto, ed. L. Fumi (1884) (hereafter CD), p. 810. On the problems of police power and social control, see Andrea Zorzi, "Controle social, ordre public et répression judiciaire à Florence à l'époque communale: éléments et problèmes," Annales: ESC 45 (1990): 1169-1188, and the pathbreaking article by William Bowsky, "The Medieval Commune and Internal Violence: Police Power and Public Safety in Siena, 1287-1355," American Historical Review 73 (1967): 1-17.
66. The formation of popular associations was in part a response to this problem; guildsmen created neighborhood militias to respond to noble violence. See the Orvietan Carta del Popolo of 1325, 121; Codice diplomatico della città di Orvieto, ed. L. Fumi (1884) (hereafter CD), p. 810. On the problems of police power and social control, see Andrea Zorzi, "Controle social, ordre public et répression judiciaire à Florence à l'époque communale: éléments et problèmes," Annales: ESC 45 (1990): 1169-1188, and the pathbreaking article by William Bowsky, "The Medieval Commune and Internal Violence: Police Power and Public Safety in Siena, 1287-1355," American Historical Review 73 (1967): 1-17.
67. The formation of popular associations was in part a response to this problem; guildsmen created neighborhood militias to respond to noble violence. See the Orvietan Carta del Popolo of 1325, 121; Codice diplomatico della città di Orvieto, ed. L. Fumi (1884) (hereafter CD), p. 810. On the problems of police power and social control, see Andrea Zorzi, "Controle social, ordre public et répression judiciaire à Florence à l'époque communale: éléments et problèmes," Annales: ESC 45 (1990): 1169-1188, and the pathbreaking article by William Bowsky, "The Medieval Commune and Internal Violence: Police Power and Public Safety in Siena, 1287-1355," American Historical Review 73 (1967): 1-17.
68. The formation of popular associations was in part a response to this problem; guildsmen created neighborhood militias to respond to noble violence. See the Orvietan Carta del Popolo of 1325, 121; Codice diplomatico della città di Orvieto, ed. L. Fumi (1884) (hereafter CD), p. 810. On the problems of police power and social control, see Andrea Zorzi, "Controle social, ordre public et répression judiciaire à Florence à l'époque communale: éléments et problèmes," Annales: ESC 45 (1990): 1169-1188, and the pathbreaking article by William Bowsky, "The Medieval Commune and Internal Violence: Police Power and Public Safety in Siena, 1287-1355," American Historical Review 73 (1967): 1-17.
69. The podestà did manage to confiscate some Filippeschi property but apparently did not enforce the exiles; Riccetti in his research on the Filippeschi for the Dizionario biografico degli italiani found evidence of Guidarello di Alessandro in Orvieto during the period in which he was supposed to be exiled to Jerusalem. Guidiziario Busta I, fasc. 3, 2 recto-verso lists the men fined for nonattendance, first 20 Filippeschi kinsmen fined 31 libra and then 22 men from Fabro, fined 18 libra, though there is no evidence that they paid. Fasc. 5, 1 recto is the public reconciliation. See CD nos. 503-12. There is a brief account in Waley, ch.8.
70. See for one example among many of ministrales (neighborhood representatives) stonewalling questioning about crime in their parishes, Archivio di Stato di Bologna Curia del Podestà, Libri Inquisitionum et Testium, Busta 8, filza 16, dated from 1286.
71. Florence at the end of the thirteenth century had forty or fifty policemen, in a town of roughly 100,000. See Zorzi, "The Judicial System," p. 49. The number for Orvieto is unknown, though the 1325 Carta del Popolo required the Seven to have 20 retainers, including a cook, a porter and police: Carta del Popolo, 5; CD, p. 742.
72. Florence at the end of the thirteenth century had forty or fifty policemen, in a town of roughly 100,000. See Zorzi, "The Judicial System," p. 49. The number for Orvieto is unknown, though the 1325 Carta del Popolo required the Seven to have 20 retainers, including a cook, a porter and police: Carta del Popolo, 5; CD, p. 742.
73. The deliberations of the Seven survive sporadically in the volumes of the Riformagioni. Fragmentary statutes survive before the 1324 revised version of the Carta del popolo, in CD, pp. 733-816. None contains provisions on adultery. For a discussion of the unedited statutes and a text from 1313-15, see Laura Andreani, "Un frammento di statuto del comune di Orvieto (1313-15). Note a margine," Bollettino istituto storico artistico orvietano 42 (1986-87): 123-72. Dott. Andreani very generously showed me some of the unpublished copies of statutes.
74. The deliberations of the Seven survive sporadically in the volumes of the Riformagioni. Fragmentary statutes survive before the 1324 revised version of the Carta del popolo, in CD, pp. 733-816. None contains provisions on adultery. For a discussion of the unedited statutes and a text from 1313-15, see Laura Andreani, "Un frammento di statuto del comune di Orvieto (1313-15). Note a margine," Bollettino istituto storico artistico orvietano 42 (1986-87): 123-72. Dott. Andreani very generously showed me some of the unpublished copies of statutes.
75. The deliberations of the Seven survive sporadically in the volumes of the Riformagioni. Fragmentary statutes survive before the 1324 revised version of the Carta del popolo, in CD, pp. 733-816. None contains provisions on adultery. For a discussion of the unedited statutes and a text from 1313-15, see Laura Andreani, "Un frammento di statuto del comune di Orvieto (1313-15). Note a margine," Bollettino istituto storico artistico orvietano 42 (1986-87): 123-72. Dott. Andreani very generously showed me some of the unpublished copies of statutes.
76. The literature on the restriction of the magnates was surveyed in an important article by George Dameron," Revisiting the Italian Magnates: Church Property, Social Conflict and Legitimization in the Thirteenth-Century Commune," Viator 23 (1992): 169-87. The Orvetian laws reastraining the nobility were relatively late, dating from 1306-9; see Waley, ch. 11.
77. Giudiziario, Busta II, fasc. 9, 7 verso. See the discussion in Riccetti, pp. 194-95n.
78. The sentence was read on 16 February 1295. The victim's father, a master barber, was named as a guild consul on 24 August 1295. On 27 August, the council passed a statute "super vitio soddomie et contra culpabiles in ipso vitio." See Riformagioni, 69, 28 recto and 30 verso; he is identified clearly as a barber on 91 verso.
79. Statuti 27, 38 verso.
80. Statuti 26a, 21 recto-verso. The law was actually relatively mild for the period; other towns prescribed not only torture but death by burning. See for the Perugian statute John P. Grundman, The Popolo at Perugia 1139-1309 (Perugia, 1992), appendix 4, p. 438; Grundman cites Archivio di Stato di Perugia, Statuti Book IV, rubric 144a (323); ASP, Statuti, no. 12, part 2, fol. 45.
81. Statuti di Bologna dell'anno 1288, ed. Gina Fasoli and Pietro Sella, Studi e Testi 73 (Vatican City, 1937), book IV rubric 30, nos. 30-31;
82. vol. I, pp. 195-96.
83. By the sixteenth century the Orvietan statute also prescribed that sodomites be burned alived: Statutorum Civitatis Urbisveteris (Rome, 1951), book 3, rubric 27, pp. 174-75.
84. In 1291 seven men and one woman were banned from the town as pimps, and an Orvietan who had rented to them was fined. If captured, they were to be beaten. Giudiziario Busta II, fasc. 3, 16 recto; there is another copy at fasc. 4, 17 recto.
85. Statuti 27, 33 recto.
86. The most evocative account of the papal curia in the period is still that of Robert Brentano, Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1968: revised edition 1988). Charles of Anjou was resident in 1268, returned during the residence of Gregory X in 1272-73 and again during the long stay of Martin IV in 1281-84. See Waley, p. 48.
87. For a list of officials paid by the Camera Apostolica on a 1299 visit to Anagni, and the rationale for this overall estimate of the size of the papal entourage, see Paravicini Bagliani, 181-85.
88. Statuti 26c, 14 verso. This probably dates from 1315.
89. Riformagioni 77, 113 recto. See Riccetti, La città costruita, p. 187.
90. For the butcher shops under the palace, see Giudiziario Registre 1, 557 recto, a complaint by the custodem macelli comunis, dated 1288; see also Riccetti, La città costruita, p. 119n.
91. By the time the law was copied in the statutes, between 1313-15, the emphasis had shifted: women of bone fame et conditionis were not to be made to go to the palazzo because of a judicial case, but could be questioned at home. Statuti 27, 33 recto.
92. See Roger Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life (London and New York, 1989), esp. ch 9. There is extensive bibliography, notably Nicole Loraux, The Children of Athena: Athenian Ideas about Citizenship and the Division Between the Sexes, trans. Caroline Levine (Princeton, 1993).
93. See Roger Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life (London and New York, 1989), esp. ch 9. There is extensive bibliography, notably Nicole Loraux, The Children of Athena: Athenian Ideas about Citizenship and the Division Between the Sexes, trans. Caroline Levine (Princeton, 1993).
94. See the discussion in P. Agaesse and A. Solignac, notes to La Genèse au sens littéral en douze livres, Oeuvres de Saint Augustin, Bibliothèque augustinienne, vol. 49 (Paris, 1972): 555-59.
95. See Pierre Payer, The Bridling of Desire (Toronto, 1993) p. 43. He cites Lombard Sent. 2.24.12.5 (1.459-60); Ordinary Gloss on Gen. 2:25. See R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago, 1991), ch.1. On the history of Christian understandings of sexual desire see Eric Fuchs, Sexual Desire and Love (Cambridge, 1983).
96. See Pierre Payer, The Bridling of Desire (Toronto, 1993) p. 43. He cites Lombard Sent. 2.24.12.5 (1.459-60); Ordinary Gloss on Gen. 2:25. See R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago, 1991), ch.1. On the history of Christian understandings of sexual desire see Eric Fuchs, Sexual Desire and Love (Cambridge, 1983).
97. See Pierre Payer, The Bridling of Desire (Toronto, 1993) p. 43. He cites Lombard Sent. 2.24.12.5 (1.459-60); Ordinary Gloss on Gen. 2:25. See R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago, 1991), ch.1. On the history of Christian understandings of sexual desire see Eric Fuchs, Sexual Desire and Love (Cambridge, 1983).
98. See Pierre Payer, The Bridling of Desire (Toronto, 1993) p. 43. He cites Lombard Sent. 2.24.12.5 (1.459-60); Ordinary Gloss on Gen. 2:25. See R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago, 1991), ch.1. On the history of Christian understandings of sexual desire see Eric Fuchs, Sexual Desire and Love (Cambridge, 1983).
99. For a precise recent discussion, see J. Van Oort, "Augustine on Sexual Concupiscence and Original Sin," Studia Patristica vol. 22 (Leuven, 1989): 382-86.
100. For a careful recent analysis of understandings of concupiscence in the debate between Augustine and Julian, see John Rist, Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptised (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 321-27. Thanks to Ed English who brought this study to my attention.
101. Odon Lottin, "Les théories sur le péché originel de saint Anselme a Saint Thomas D'Aquin," Psychologie et morale aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles vol. 4 (Louvain, 1954). See Payer, ch. 2.
102. Anselm of Canterbury, "De Conceptu Virginali et de Originali Peccato," in vol. 2 of his Opera Omnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt (Edinburgh, 1946), chs. 1-3, pp. 140-43. A recent analysis of pre-scholastic understandings of concupiscence is John W. Baldwin, The Language of Sex: Five Voices from Northern France around 1200 (Chicago, 1994), ch. 4 .
103. Anselm of Canterbury, "De Conceptu Virginali et de Originali Peccato," in vol. 2 of his Opera Omnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt (Edinburgh, 1946), chs. 1-3, pp. 140-43. A recent analysis of pre-scholastic understandings of concupiscence is John W. Baldwin, The Language of Sex: Five Voices from Northern France around 1200 (Chicago, 1994), ch. 4 .
104. See Alexander of Hales, Summa Theoiogica (Quaracchi, 1930), book 2, part 2, question 2, treatise 3, question 2 (220-26).
105. See Thomas Aquinas, Quoestiones Disputatae de Malo, Opera Omnia, vol. 22 (Rome, 1982), question 4, article 2; Summa Theologiae, 1a.2ae. 82, 3. On Thomas' analysis of concupiscence as the material rather than formal cause of original sin, see Conan Gallagher, "Concupiscence," pp. 228-59.
106. See Thomas Aquinas, Quoestiones Disputatae de Malo, Opera Omnia, vol. 22 (Rome, 1982), question 4, article 2; Summa Theologiae, 1a.2ae. 82, 3. On Thomas' analysis of concupiscence as the material rather than formal cause of original sin, see Conan Gallagher, "Concupiscence," pp. 228-59.
107. See Thomas Aquinas, Quoestiones Disputatae de Malo, Opera Omnia, vol. 22 (Rome, 1982), question 4, article 2; Summa Theologiae, 1a.2ae. 82, 3. On Thomas' analysis of concupiscence as the material rather than formal cause of original sin, see Conan Gallagher, "Concupiscence," pp. 228-59.
108. See Paul Gehl, "Preachers, Teachers and Translators: The Social Meaning of Language Study in Trecento Tuscany," Viator 25 (1994): 289-323, and his A Moral Art: Grammar, Society and Culture in Trecento Florence (Ithaca, NY: 1993).
109. See Paul Gehl, "Preachers, Teachers and Translators: The Social Meaning of Language Study in Trecento Tuscany," Viator 25 (1994): 289-323, and his A Moral Art: Grammar, Society and Culture in Trecento Florence (Ithaca, NY: 1993).
110. See James M. Powell, Albertanus of Brescia: The Pursuit of Happiness in the Early Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1992), ch. 4. Interestingly, Albertanus represented not only the objects of desire but wise counsel as women.
111. On preaching see D. L. D'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985). For a flawed but useful study of the social context of Dominican and Franciscan preaching in Florence, see Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence (Athens, GA 1989); see also Carlo Delcorno, Giordano da Pisa e l'antica predicazione volgare (Florence, 1975). On the development of a lay intellectual elite, see the summary article by Franco Cardini, "Intellectuals and Culture in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Italy," City and Countryside in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and Chris Wickham (London, 1990), pp. 13-30.
112. On preaching see D. L. D'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985). For a flawed but useful study of the social context of Dominican and Franciscan preaching in Florence, see Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence (Athens, GA 1989); see also Carlo Delcorno, Giordano da Pisa e l'antica predicazione volgare (Florence, 1975). On the development of a lay intellectual elite, see the summary article by Franco Cardini, "Intellectuals and Culture in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Italy," City and Countryside in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and Chris Wickham (London, 1990), pp. 13-30.
113. On preaching see D. L. D'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985). For a flawed but useful study of the social context of Dominican and Franciscan preaching in Florence, see Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence (Athens, GA 1989); see also Carlo Delcorno, Giordano da Pisa e l'antica predicazione volgare (Florence, 1975). On the development of a lay intellectual elite, see the summary article by Franco Cardini, "Intellectuals and Culture in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Italy," City and Countryside in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and Chris Wickham (London, 1990), pp. 13-30.
114. On preaching see D. L. D'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985). For a flawed but useful study of the social context of Dominican and Franciscan preaching in Florence, see Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence (Athens, GA 1989); see also Carlo Delcorno, Giordano da Pisa e l'antica predicazione volgare (Florence, 1975). On the development of a lay intellectual elite, see the summary article by Franco Cardini, "Intellectuals and Culture in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Italy," City and Countryside in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy, ed. Trevor Dean and Chris Wickham (London, 1990), pp. 13-30.
115. On Aquinas in Orvieto, see James A. Weisheipl, Friar Thomas d'Aquino: His Life, Thought and Work (New York, 1974), pp. 147-63.
116. See Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Conventi Soppressi D.1.937, 341 verso-343 recto (Schneyer # 937). Fra Remigio cited book 9 of the City of God.
117. The Chronicle of Salimbene de Adam, trans. Joseph L. Baird, Giuseppe Baglivi and John Robert Kane, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, vol. 40 (Binghamton, NY, 1986), pp. 160-61, 443.
118. Dante, Paradiso, canto xv.
119. Riccobaldo, Compendium of the Historie, quoted by Charles Davis, "Il Buon Tempo Antico," Florentine Studies ed. N. Rubinstein (London, 1968), pp. 65-67.
120. Riccobaldo, Compendium of the Historie, quoted by Charles Davis, "Il Buon Tempo Antico," Florentine Studies ed. N. Rubinstein (London, 1968), pp. 65-67.
121. See Augustine Thompson, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford, 1992), esp. p. 183; André Vauchez, "Une campagne de pacification en Lombardie autour de 1233: L'action politique des ordres mendiants d'apres la réforme des statuts communaux et les accords de paix,́ Ecole Française de Rome: Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 78 (1966): 519-49.
122. See Augustine Thompson, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford, 1992), esp. p. 183; André Vauchez, "Une campagne de pacification en Lombardie autour de 1233: L'action politique des ordres mendiants d'apres la réforme des statuts communaux et les accords de paix,́ Ecole Française de Rome: Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 78 (1966): 519-49.
123. There has been debate over whether sumptuary laws expressed concerns about social issues or luxury spending, sparked in part by Diane Hughes, "Sumptuary Legislation and Social Control. See Catherine Kovesi Killerby, "Practical Problems in the Enforcement of Italian Sumptuary Law, 1200-1500," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, pp. 99-120. Killerby emphasizes luxury consumption. It seems to me that the Orvietan laws brought together anxieties about social disorder and about spending.
124. There has been debate over whether sumptuary laws expressed concerns about social issues or luxury spending, sparked in part by Diane Hughes, "Sumptuary Legislation and Social Control. See Catherine Kovesi Killerby, "Practical Problems in the Enforcement of Italian Sumptuary Law, 1200-1500," Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, pp. 99-120. Killerby emphasizes luxury consumption. It seems to me that the Orvietan laws brought together anxieties about social disorder and about spending.
125. "Item stantiamus et ordinamus pro evidenti et manifeste utilitate comunis Urbisveteris et singularum personarum dicte terre ne pro fatuitatibus mulierum ex nimio amore accensi homines destruantur et confundantur, quod omnes et singule mulieres sint et esse debeant contente pannis earum quibuscumque et quiscumque habebunt et habere voluerint. Ita tamen quod nulla mulier habeat vel hebere possit suos pannos cum fresciaturis ve appettosaturis de auro vel argento sive pernis nec etiam coronas de auro vel argento vel pernis portare posse ... " Riformagioni 77, 173 verso.
126. See Randolph Starn and Loren Partridge, Arts of Power: Three Halls of State in Italy, 1300-1600 (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, 1992), pp. 9-80. I differ with their identification of the figure of Tyranny as the devil.
127. Chiara Frugoni identifies Tyranny as the whore of Babylon in Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti (Scala, 1988) pp. 63-64. See Nicolai Rubinstein, "Political Ideas in Sienese Art: The Frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21, nos. 3-4 (July-Dec. 1958): 179-207. Rubinstein argued for the influence of the Aristotelian theory of justice as interpreted by contemporary scholastics, with Augustinian overtones, influenced by Fra Remigio de'Girolami's De bono comuni.
128. Chiara Frugoni identifies Tyranny as the whore of Babylon in Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti (Scala, 1988) pp. 63-64. See Nicolai Rubinstein, "Political Ideas in Sienese Art: The Frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21, nos. 3-4 (July-Dec. 1958): 179-207. Rubinstein argued for the influence of the Aristotelian theory of justice as interpreted by contemporary scholastics, with Augustinian overtones, influenced by Fra Remigio de'Girolami's De bono comuni.
129. Canon and civil law were closely interwoven, as ideas and practices were exchanged between them. Men were trained in both traditions; exchanges of personnel between civil and ecclesiastical hierarchies were common. See the general discussion of the interplay of canon and civil law in Brian Tierney, Religion, Law and the Growth of Constitutional Thought, 1150-1650 (1982), ch 2; Manlio Bellomo, Società e istituzioni in Italia dal medioevo agli inizi dell'età moderna (3rd. edition, Catania, 1982) . Bellomo's general textbook on the Ius comune has been translated as The Common Legal Past of Europe, 1000-1800, trans. Lydia Cochrane (Washington. D.C., 1995).
130. Canon and civil law were closely interwoven, as ideas and practices were exchanged between them. Men were trained in both traditions; exchanges of personnel between civil and ecclesiastical hierarchies were common. See the general discussion of the interplay of canon and civil law in Brian Tierney, Religion, Law and the Growth of Constitutional Thought, 1150-1650 (1982), ch 2; Manlio Bellomo, Società e istituzioni in Italia dal medioevo agli inizi dell'età moderna (3rd. edition, Catania, 1982) . Bellomo's general textbook on the Ius comune has been translated as The Common Legal Past of Europe, 1000-1800, trans. Lydia Cochrane (Washington. D.C., 1995).
131. Canon and civil law were closely interwoven, as ideas and practices were exchanged between them. Men were trained in both traditions; exchanges of
132. See James Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, 1987), p. 319. He considers that "municipalities were beginning to assert their own rights to deal with fornication and adultery cases during 1234-1348," p. 482. The published studies I have seen from the continent largely describe adultery cases from fourteenth-century ecclesiastical sources: Jean-Philippe Lévy, "L'officialité de Paris et les questions familiales à la fin du XIe siècle," Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Pans 1965): 1265-94; Jean-Luc Dufresne, "Les comportements amoureux d'après le registre de l'oficialité de Cerisy," Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1973 (Paris, 1976): 131-56. See also Jacques Chiffoleau, Les justices du pape: Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d'Avignon au quatorzième siécle (Paris, 1984), ch. 8. English leyrwite cases survive from the thirteenth century: see for a recent discussion and bibliography E. D. Jones, "The Medieval Leyrwite; A Historical Note on Female Fornification," English Historical Review 107 (Oct. 1992:) 945-53.
133. See James Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, 1987), p. 319. He considers that "municipalities were beginning to assert their own rights to deal with fornication and adultery cases during 1234-1348," p. 482. The published studies I have seen from the continent largely describe adultery cases from fourteenth-century ecclesiastical sources: Jean-Philippe Lévy, "L'officialité de Paris et les questions familiales à la fin du XIe siècle," Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Pans 1965): 1265-94; Jean-Luc Dufresne, "Les comportements amoureux d'après le registre de l'oficialité de Cerisy," Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1973 (Paris, 1976): 131-56. See also Jacques Chiffoleau, Les justices du pape: Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d'Avignon au quatorzième siécle (Paris, 1984), ch. 8. English leyrwite cases survive from the thirteenth century: see for a recent discussion and bibliography E. D. Jones, "The Medieval Leyrwite; A Historical Note on Female Fornification," English Historical Review 107 (Oct. 1992:) 945-53.
134. See James Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, 1987), p. 319. He considers that "municipalities were beginning to assert their own rights to deal with fornication and adultery cases during 1234-1348," p. 482. The published studies I have seen from the continent largely describe adultery cases from fourteenth-century ecclesiastical sources: Jean-Philippe Lévy, "L'officialité de Paris et les questions familiales à la fin du XIe siècle," Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Pans 1965): 1265-94; Jean-Luc Dufresne, "Les comportements amoureux d'après le registre de l'oficialité de Cerisy," Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1973 (Paris, 1976): 131-56. See also Jacques Chiffoleau, Les justices du pape: Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d'Avignon au quatorzième siécle (Paris, 1984), ch. 8. English leyrwite cases survive from the thirteenth century: see for a recent discussion and bibliography E. D. Jones, "The Medieval Leyrwite; A Historical Note on Female Fornification," English Historical Review 107 (Oct. 1992:) 945-53.
135. See James Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, 1987), p. 319. He considers that "municipalities were beginning to assert their own rights to deal with fornication and adultery cases during 1234-1348," p. 482. The published studies I have seen from the continent largely describe adultery cases from fourteenth-century ecclesiastical sources: Jean-Philippe Lévy, "L'officialité de Paris et les questions familiales à la fin du XIe siècle," Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Pans 1965): 1265-94; Jean-Luc Dufresne, "Les comportements amoureux d'après le registre de l'oficialité de Cerisy," Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1973 (Paris, 1976): 131-56. See also Jacques Chiffoleau, Les justices du pape: Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d'Avignon au quatorzième siécle (Paris, 1984), ch. 8. English leyrwite cases survive from the thirteenth century: see for a recent discussion and bibliography E. D. Jones, "The Medieval Leyrwite; A Historical Note on Female Fornification," English Historical Review 107 (Oct. 1992:) 945-53.
136. See James Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, 1987), p. 319. He considers that "municipalities were beginning to assert their own rights to deal with fornication and adultery cases during 1234-1348," p. 482. The published studies I have seen from the continent largely describe adultery cases from fourteenth-century ecclesiastical sources: Jean-Philippe Lévy, "L'officialité de Paris et les questions familiales à la fin du XIe siècle," Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Pans 1965): 1265-94; Jean-Luc Dufresne, "Les comportements amoureux d'après le registre de l'oficialité de Cerisy," Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1973 (Paris, 1976): 131-56. See also Jacques Chiffoleau, Les justices du pape: Délinquance et criminalité dans la région d'Avignon au quatorzième siécle (Paris, 1984), ch. 8. English leyrwite cases survive from the thirteenth century: see for a recent discussion and bibliography E. D. Jones, "The Medieval Leyrwite; A Historical Note on Female Fornification," English Historical Review 107 (Oct. 1992:) 945-53.
137. Amy Richlin, "Sources on Adultery at Rome," Women's Studies 8 (1981): 225-50; J. A. C. Thomas, "Lex Julia De Adulteriis Coercendis," Etudes offertes à Jean Macqueron (Aix-en-Provence, 1970), pp. 637-44; M. Andréev, "Divorce et Adultère dans le Droit Romain Classique," Revue historique de droit francais et étranger, series 4, 35 (1957): 1-32.
138. Amy Richlin, "Sources on Adultery at Rome," Women's Studies 8 (1981): 225-50; J. A. C. Thomas, "Lex Julia De Adulteriis Coercendis," Etudes offertes à Jean Macqueron (Aix-en-Provence, 1970), pp. 637-44; M. Andréev, "Divorce et Adultère dans le Droit Romain Classique," Revue historique de droit francais et étranger, series 4, 35 (1957): 1-32.
139. Amy Richlin, "Sources on Adultery at Rome," Women's Studies 8 (1981): 225-50; J. A. C. Thomas, "Lex Julia De Adulteriis Coercendis," Etudes offertes à Jean Macqueron (Aix-en-Provence, 1970), pp. 637-44; M. Andréev, "Divorce et Adultère dans le Droit Romain Classique," Revue historique de droit francais et étranger, series 4, 35 (1957): 1-32.
140. Richlin points out that the quaestio perpetua probably faded rapidly, and was replaced by a process of cognitio under the urban prefect.
141. Catherine Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 1993), later commentary.
142. Digest 48.5 and Codex 9.9 include portions of the lex Julia along with excerpted later commentary.
143. Annik Porteau-Bitker in "Criminalité et délinquance féminines dans le droit pénal des XIIIe et XIVe siècles," Revue historique de droit francais et étranger, series 4, 58 (1980): 13-57, examines late medieval French adultery laws, pp. 39-43. The French laws were close in spirit to the lex Julia, punishing female adulterers and males only as their accomplices. Husbands were given the power to inflict physical punishment on adulterous wives, including incarceration.
144. This misspelling of stuprum suggests perhaps that the word was unfamiliar to the notary. Statuti di Bologna, book 4, rubric 30; vol. I, p. 195. In Bologna the monetary fine tor adultery differed by rank: knights and the powerful paid 500 Bolognese libra, foot soldiers 300. A woman who committed adultery in Bologna was to lose 100 libra from her dowry, or, failing that an amount to be decided by the podestà based on her condition and dowry; if she was banned she lost the dowry altogether. The statute carefully divided the dowry between the commune and legitimate heirs, or the husband in the absence of heirs. There is a large lacuna in the text; another extant version includes the provision that a man convicted of forcible adultery was to suffer a corporal punishment greater than a beating, to be decided by the podestà.
145. The verb used in the sentences is not to fornicate but rather to know carnally, cognoscere carnaliter. I have assumed that when there is no further modifier (as for example "with force" or "against her will") that carnal knowledge mean fornication. The term raptum was also used; see Giudiziario Busta I, fasc. 6, 40 verso. On terms for illicit sexuality, see Ruth Karras, "Latin Vocabulary of Illicit Sex in English Ecclesiastical Courts," Journal of Medieval Latin, 2 (1992): 1-17.
146. The court's working distinctions among adultery, rape and fornication were blurry. There were men sentenced for carnal knowledge with force. Sometimes fornification and adultery were interchangeable, as when a married woman was accused of adultery, and her male partner of fornificaton. The line between rape and abduction versus adultery and flight also was not always clear. Men were accused of committing adultery with women against their will; prostitution was termed adultery. One example is Giudiziario Registro I, 83 recto, 192 verso.
147. A simple count of the overall number of sentences in these registers would be misleading; because sentences were pronounced several times before a final ban, the same case often appears several times.
148. See Giudiziario Busta I, fasc, 6, 32 verso, fasc, 10; Busta II, fasc. 9, 60 verso; Registro I, 29 verso. An inquisitio was often in response to an individual's petition.
149. In nine cases male adulterers were accused; in one case both adulterers were accused; in one case a male pimp was accused; and in two cases female adulterers were accused.
150. The husband was named Venturello, and his father was living. Flora's sentence is Giudiziario Registro I, 16 recto; Hugonello's is 153 verso.
151. Giudiziario Registro I, 53 verso. Both were contumacious. Busta I, fasc. 7, 7 recto (dated 1279) regards a man accused by a husband of adultery with his wife in his house; fragmentary marginalia suggest a dowry instrument was produced by the accused, though whose marriage was being proving is unclear.
152. Giudiziario Busta II, fasc. 4, 17 verso. The accused was fined for the insult but absolved of adultery.
153. Giudiziario Registro I, 192 verso.
154. Giudiziario Registro I, 29 verso.
155. "Unde cum talia facere et comitere sit res turpis mali exempli comitere adulterium cum alienis uxoribus, et propter hoc velle cecidere viros eorum.... " The case is Archivio di Stato di Bologna Comune, Curia del Podestà, Accusationes 5b, register 15, 12 recto-verso. Tegna was imprisoned; Floriana, also accused by her husband, was contumacious; her ban is register 19, 6 verso.
156. Giudiziario Busta I, fasc. 6, 40 verso; Busta II, fasc. 1, 3 verso; fasc. 4, 4 recto, 6 recto, 11 verso; fasc. 9, 60 verso; Registro I, 6 recto, 189 verso, 192 verso, 519 recto, 521 recto, 639 verso.
157. Giudiziario Busta II, fasc. 9, 60 verso (1295).
158. The most important and influential work is that of Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, including studies of lower status women associated with elites, like wetnurses and domestics; see the essays collected in La maison et le nom: Stratégies et rituels dans l'Italie de la Renaissance (Paris, 1990); some appear in English translation in her Women, Family and Ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, 1985).
159. The most important and influential work is that of Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, including studies of lower status women associated with elites, like wetnurses and domestics; see the essays collected in La maison et le nom: Stratégies et rituels dans l'Italie de la Renaissance (Paris, 1990); some appear in English translation in her Women, Family and Ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, 1985).
160. Gratian, Decretum, Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed. A. Friedberg, vol. 1 (Graz, 1955), part 2, causa 32, question 5.
161. Decretum, 2.32.5.13, 14.
162. The term used is invadiare, which seems to have meant to exchange vows and enter into marriage. A 1212 episcopal marriage case mentions invadiationes: Archivio Vescovile di Orvieto, Codice B, 112 verso-113 recto.
163. Giudiziario I, 189 verso. "Quia Laurenzius filius Francisci Barthonis Crassi de Villeplacta denuntiatus et accusatus extitit coram nobis a Morbiduccia filia quondam Petri Bonomi de Castro Orbetano quia anno preterito et de mense octobris dictus Laurentius subduxit eam et decepit et extraxit eam de domo fratris dicte Morbiduccie in qua ipsa habitabat, posita in dicto castro et eam duxit apud castrum plebis dicendo eidem quod volebat eam in uxorem et eam invadiaret et eam cognovit carnaliter nec eam invadiavit immo eam subduxit et decepit."
164. This may have been at her brother's instigation, although the sentence does not mention him playing any role in the proceeding.
165. For a study of the recourse of abused wives to civic courts in seventeenth-century Venice, see Joanne Ferraro, "The Power to Decide: Battered Wives in Early Modern Venice," Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 3 (1995): 492-512.
166. The concubines of two local priests were termed amasiis in 1234; see Archivio Vescovile di Orvieto codex B, 138 recto. Giudiziario Registro I contains a number of examples, including Passqua concubina Flederikelli at 74 recto and Lippa concubina at 288 verso. A Jacopo was accused of striking a woman described as Bella eius concubina, 45 verso. Women were also termed the bagassa of so-and-so, like Feminella bagassa Gemmi Giraldi, 165 recto.
167. Giudiziario Registre I, 521 recto.
168. This concern was also expressed in efforts to control the speech of poor women. Insult and blasphemy cases very often involved women: see for example ASO Giudiziario hxgravator II, 4 verso; Registre I, 15 recto, 231 recto, 254 recto, 275 recto for blasphemy cases; for examples of verbal defamation, Registre I 15 verso, 28 recto, 28 verso 53 recto, 82 verso, 83 recto, 118 recto, 131 verso, 167 recto, 198 verso, 200 verso 275 verso. Karras mentions a connection between prostitutes and scolds in fifteenth-century England: "Regulation of brothels," p. 423.
169. In the thirteenth century, love potions were not exclusively feminine: for a male doctor accused of love magic by three angry husbands, see Archivio di Stato di Bologna, Curia del Podestà, Accusationes 5a, 55 verso-56 verso. On Renaissance love magic see Guido Ruggiero, Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage and Power at the End of the Renaissance (Oxford, 1993).
170. Giudiziario Busta II, fasc. 8, 6 recto.
171. Lyndall Roper argues that the violent masculine culture of drinking and fighting was integral to male identity in sixteenth-century towns because men fought in the militia. See her "Blood and Codpieces: Masculinity in the Early Modern German Town," pp. 107-24.
172. The two men let off in 1303 were named Casella and Furafarina (perhaps "Flour-stealer"); see Riformagioni 73, 29 verso-30 recto.
173. Riformagioni 75, 42 recto.