Paths to peace in Northern Ireland (II): The peace processes 1973-74 and 1994-96

Democratization

Volumn 4, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 1-25

  Dixon, Paul ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 0039331852     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510349708403523     Document Type: Review

References (114)

1. Much of this section is derived from P. Dixon, 'The British Labour Party and Northern Ireland 1959-74', Ph.D. thesis, University of Bradford, 1993.
2. R. Holland, 'British Colonial Policy in Cyprus', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, VoI.XXI, No.3 (1993), p.158.
3. T.E. Utley, Lessons of Ulster (London: Dent, 1975), p.25.
4. James Callaghan, A House Divided (London: Collins, 1973).
5. Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA, at the height of its success at the Westminster General Election of 1983 only achieved 102,701 votes, 13.4 per cent of the valid poll.
6. B. Rolston, 'The Limits of Trade Unionism', in L. O'Dowd et al., Northern Ireland: Between Civil Rights and Civil War (London: CSE books, 1980).
7. B. Blease, Trade Unions and Community Relations, typescript, 7 Jan. 1970.
8. R. Maudling, Hansard, Vol.823, col.7, 22 Sept. 1971. See also Willie Whitelaw's (Secretary of State for Northern Ireland) praise for the Northern Ireland trade union movement, Hansard, Vol.849, col.648/9, 8 Feb. 1973.
9. R. Maudling, Hansard, Vol.823, col.7, 22 Sept. 1971. See also Willie Whitelaw's (Secretary of State for Northern Ireland) praise for the Northern Ireland trade union movement, Hansard, Vol.849, col.648/9, 8 Feb. 1973.
10. M. Farrell, Northern Ireland: The Orange State (London: Pluto Press, 1980), pp.293-5.
11. W.D. Flackes and S. Elliott, Northern Ireland: A political directory (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1989), p.207.
12. M.L.R. Smith, Fighting For Ireland? (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 125.
13. T.P. Coogan, The Troubles (London: Hutchinson, 1995), pp.164-5.
14. The Guardian, 31 Jan. 1973.
15. The Guardian, 16 Jan. 1973.
16. The Guardian, 31 Jan. 1973.
17. This is a recurrent argument. One speculation is that allowing the people of Northern Ireland to look into the abyss of communal slaughter might provide the incentive necessary for a power-sharing agreement. The evidence presented here from the early seventies would suggest this is implausible. Rather than seeing a resurgence of accommodating parties, the more hardline parties succeeded in consolidating and increasing their support.
18. Hansard, Vol.846 col.57, 13 Nov. 1972.
19. R. Lawrence, S. Elliot and M. Laver, The Northern Ireland General Election of 1973 (London: HMSO, 1975), pp.68 and 85.
20. Labour Weekly, 12 May 1972, Belfast Telegraph, 23 May 1972.
21. Labour Weekly, 12 May 1972, Belfast Telegraph, 23 May 1972.
22. D. Bleakley, Peace In Ulster (Oxford: Mowbrays, 1972), p.131.
23. Ibid p.67. See his Chapter 5 on 'The Silent Majority' which discusses the beneficial influence of the trade union movement and the womens peace organization Women Together.
24. D. Hamill, Pig in the Middle (London: Methuen, 1985), p.106.
25. The Guardian, 31 May 1973.
26. The Guardian, 3 Feb. 1973.
27. Irish Times, 19 March 1973.
28. M. Cunningham, British Government Policy in Northern Ireland 1969-89 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), p.53.
29. Sunday Telegraph, 1 July 1973.
30. J. Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p.82.
31. Sunday Times, 13 Jan. 1974.
32. D. Trimble, 'A Unionist Perspective', in C. Townshend (ed.), Consensus in Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988), p.74.
33. See, for example, P. Bew and G. Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968-93 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), pp.73-5 for a useful, short discussion. Also see G. FitzGerald All in a Life (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan 1991), and B. White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1984), pp.146, 152, 159.
34. See, for example, P. Bew and G. Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968-93 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), pp.73-5 for a useful, short discussion. Also see G. FitzGerald All in a Life (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan 1991), and B. White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1984), pp.146, 152, 159.
35. See, for example, P. Bew and G. Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968-93 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), pp.73-5 for a useful, short discussion. Also see G. FitzGerald All in a Life (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan 1991), and B. White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1984), pp.146, 152, 159.
36. Irish Times, 13 Aug. 1974.
37. R. Fisk, The Point of No Return (London: Andre Deutsch, 1975), pp.48, 64.
38. D. Anderson, 14 May Days: The Inside Story of the Loyalist Strike of 1974 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1994), p.32.
39. Ibid., pp.26, 89.
40. Hansard, Vol.874, col.36, 20 May 1974.
41. J. Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1976), pp.150-51. See also Whyte (1990), p.39.
42. J. Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1976), pp.150-51. See also Whyte (1990), p.39.
43. Fisk (1975), p.118.
44. G. FitzGerald; All in a Life (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1991), pp.244-5.
45. S. Nelson, Ulster's Uncertain Defenders (Belfast: Appletree, 1984), Ch.14.
46. D. Anderson, 14 May Days, pp.101-4.
47. P. Dixon, 'Counter-insurgency strategy and the crisis of the British state?', in P. Rich and R. Stubbs (eds.), Counter Insurgent States (London: Macmillan, 1997).
48. Anderson (1994), p.131.
49. Hansard, Vol.874, col.1041, 4 June 1974.
50. Whyte (1990), pp.4-5, 82.
51. For example, Anderson (1994), pp.38, 66-7.
52. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem: Cases, Theories and Solutions', British Journal of Political Science, Vol.5, No.1 (1975); A. Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1977), p.141.
53. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem: Cases, Theories and Solutions', British Journal of Political Science, Vol.5, No.1 (1975); A. Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1977), p.141.
54. Lijphart (1977) op. cit., pp.137 and 141.
55. Lijphart (1977) pp.47, 49.
56. Robin Wilson, 'Asking the Right Question', Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), pp.49-50.
57. Guelke quoted in Wilson (1996), Democratic Dialogue, 3 (1996), op. cit., p.50.
58. The Guardian quoted in Bew and Gillespie (1995), p.138.
59. Irish Times, 26 and 27 Feb. 1986; A. Kenny, The Road to Hillsborough (Oxford: Pergarnon, 1986), p. 122.
60. Irish Times, 26 and 27 Feb. 1986; A. Kenny, The Road to Hillsborough (Oxford: Pergarnon, 1986), p. 122.
61. Irish Times, 27 Feb. 1986.
62. Irish Times, 26 Feb. 1986.
63. Irish Times, 27 Feb. 1986.
64. Irish Times, 27 Feb. 1986, see also A. Aughey, Under Siege (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1989), pp.89-91.
65. Irish Times, 27 Feb. 1986, see also A. Aughey, Under Siege (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1989), pp.89-91.
66. Arthur Aughey (1989), pp.76-7.
67. S. Bruce, God Save Ulster! (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp.143-5.
68. B. O'Leary, The Limits to Coercive Consociationalism', Political Studies, Vol.XXXVII, No.4 (1989), p.578. McGarry and O'Leary later rejected this position, see the exchange in Irish Political Studies, Vol.11 (1996), pp.130-59 between Dixon and J. McGarry and B. O'Leary.
69. B. O'Leary, The Limits to Coercive Consociationalism', Political Studies, Vol.XXXVII, No.4 (1989), p.578. McGarry and O'Leary later rejected this position, see the exchange in Irish Political Studies, Vol.11 (1996), pp.130-59 between Dixon and J. McGarry and B. O'Leary.
70. John Whyte, (1990) p.83; see also poll in Irish Times 19 May 1995.
71. B. O'Leary (1989), p.585, see also p.578.
72. E. Mallie and D. McKittrick, The Fight for Peace (London: Heinemann, 1996), p.319.
73. Ibid., p.319.
74. K. Boyle and T. Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London: Penguin, 1994), p.217. See also P. Bew et al., Northern Ireland 1921-94 (London: Serif, 1995) p.221 for a sceptical view of the SDLP's room for manoeuvre due to the republican threat.
75. K. Boyle and T. Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London: Penguin, 1994), p.217. See also P. Bew et al., Northern Ireland 1921-94 (London: Serif, 1995) p.221 for a sceptical view of the SDLP's room for manoeuvre due to the republican threat.
76. The Observer, 3 Oct. 1993.
77. B. Rowan, Behind the Lines: The Story of the IRA and Loyalist Ceasefires (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1995). pp.84, 85.
78. S. Breen, 'IRA's Last Waltz', Fortnight, Oct. 1996.
79. D. Bleakley letter to New Statesman and Society, Sept. 1995.
80. M. O'Doherty, 'Back to the bomb', New Statesman and Society, 16 Feb. 1996.
81. McKittrick is probably the best journalist writing about Northern Ireland. See his superb collected journalism: Despatches from Belfast (Belfast: Blackstaff 1989); Endgame (Belfast: Blackstaff 1994) and The Nervous Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff 1996).
82. McKittrick is probably the best journalist writing about Northern Ireland. See his superb collected journalism: Despatches from Belfast (Belfast: Blackstaff 1989); Endgame (Belfast: Blackstaff 1994) and The Nervous Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff 1996).
83. McKittrick is probably the best journalist writing about Northern Ireland. See his superb collected journalism: Despatches from Belfast (Belfast: Blackstaff 1989); Endgame (Belfast: Blackstaff 1994) and The Nervous Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff 1996).
84. McKittrick (1996), p.84.
85. Ibid., pp.38-41, 74, 76, 79.
86. D. McKittrick (1996), pp.73/4; see also pp.79, 82, 83
87. J. Darby Northern Ireland: Managing Difference (London: Minority Rights Group 1995), p.25.
88. Ibid., p.33.
89. R. Wilson, 'Listen to the people', Fortnight, March 1995.
90. Ibid.
91. Irish Times, 10 July 1989.
92. The Observer, 13 Nov. 1988.
93. The Guardian, 4 Nov. 1993. For further evidence of Major's civil society approach see D. McKittrick, The Nervous Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff,1996).
94. The Guardian, 4 Nov. 1993. For further evidence of Major's civil society approach see D. McKittrick, The Nervous Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff,1996).
95. The Guardian, 4 Nov. 1993.
96. The Guardian, 3 June 1996.
97. Unless of course there is no intention of fulfilling the promise and this was just a cynical gesture aimed at securing a loyalist ceasefire.
98. See Boyle and Hadden (1994, op. cit., p.223).
99. See J. Darby (1995).
100. S. Elliot, 'New Visions, or Old Hat?' Fortnight, Jan. 1996.
101. Lijphart (1977), op. cit., pp.136-7.
102. John Whyte (1990), p.82. Walker Connor has argued: 'In all cases for which there are attitudinal data, members of ethnonational groups overwhelmingly reject the use of violence carried out in the name of the national group. However, a large percentage, including many who do not favour separation, empathise with those engaged in violence and place the blame for the violence upon others.
103. Sydney Elliott, 'Finding Out What The People Really Think', Parliamentary Brief (March 1995), pp.5-6.
104. The Independent, 1 June 1996.
105. 'Editorial', Fortnight, Sept. 1996.
106. The Independent, 16 July 1996.
107. Edward Mortimer, 'As Separate as Ever', Financial Times, 17 July 1996.
108. Simon Jenkins, in 'Zulu lessons for Ulster', The Independent, 17 July 1996 argues for the restoration of local democracy in Northern Ireland and abandons hope of a power-sharing executive.
109. The Independent, 16 July 1996.
110. Irish Times, 22 Oct. 1996.
111. The Economist, 21 Sept. 1996.
112. B. O'Leary,' War About Talks About War', LSE Magazine, Summer 1996.
113. P. Dixon (1995), Dixon (1996) pp.132-3 on the relationship between unionist constitutional insecurity and political violence in Northern Ireland.
114. R. Taylor, op. cit., p.166.