Opposition in Italy

Government and Opposition

Volumn 32, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 647-656

  Pizzorno, Alessandro ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039329278     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00451.x     Document Type: Article

References (9)

1. Dahl himself is aware of that: 'the solution I have chosen is a deliberate oversimplification', Robert A. Dahl, Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1966, p. 341.
2. cf. G. Sartori, 'European Parties: The Case of Polarized Pluralism', in P. La Palombara and M. Weiner (eds), Political Parties and Political Development, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1966; and 'Il pluralismo polarizzato: critiche e repliche', in Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, Vol. 12, No. 1, 1982.
3. cf. G. Sartori, 'European Parties: The Case of Polarized Pluralism', in P. La Palombara and M. Weiner (eds), Political Parties and Political Development, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1966; and 'Il pluralismo polarizzato: critiche e repliche', in Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, Vol. 12, No. 1, 1982.
4. cf. A. Predieri, 'Mediazione e indirizzo nel parlamento italiano', Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 1975, pp. 407-43. A. Predieri and F. Cazzola, 'Consenso e opposizione nel parlamento italiano', Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1972, pp. 71-96, have calculated that for each of the first five legislatures of the Republic the average of the PCI voting with the majority went from a minimum of 62 per cent (in the first legislature) to a maximum of 88 per cent (in the third). Predictably, it was higher for laws having narrower scope (those which were in the interest of groups, categories or localities), and lower for laws of national interest.
5. cf. A. Predieri, 'Mediazione e indirizzo nel parlamento italiano', Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 1975, pp. 407-43. A. Predieri and F. Cazzola, 'Consenso e opposizione nel parlamento italiano', Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1972, pp. 71-96, have calculated that for each of the first five legislatures of the Republic the average of the PCI voting with the majority went from a minimum of 62 per cent (in the first legislature) to a maximum of 88 per cent (in the third). Predictably, it was higher for laws having narrower scope (those which were in the interest of groups, categories or localities), and lower for laws of national interest.
6. cf. A. Bagnasco, Re Italie, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1997 and C. Trigilia, Grandi Partiti e piccole Imprese, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1986.
7. cf. A. Bagnasco, Re Italie, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1997 and C. Trigilia, Grandi Partiti e piccole Imprese, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1986.
8. A recent interview given by the then Minister of the Interior (and of Police), Taviani, relates the pressures by the American Ambassador Luce to induce the government to outlaw the PCI, given new evidence of their being financed by the USSR. Taviani objected that such a measure would have caused enormous and unnecessary trouble and the proposal was not pursued. As for the evidence of Soviet funds, Taviani commented that the government already knew everything about that, and the PCI, on its side, knew everything about Italian public industry financing the DC, and it was more convenient to everybody not to raise scandals at all. (M. Caprara, Lavoro riservato, Milan, Feltrinelli, 1997, pp. 136 ff.)
9. cf. Paolo Bellucci, 'Classi, identità politiche e interessi', in Corbetta et al., A Demanda Risponde, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1997, pp. 261-316.