Promises, promises: "Choices for women" in Canadian and American child care policy debates

Feminist Studies

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 119-146

  Teghtsoonian, Katherine ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039019716     PISSN: 00463663     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3178249     Document Type: Review

References (107)

1. Although such discussions do not necessarily exert a direct influence on the shape of legislation, they provide an important context within which prevailing ideological constructions are both legitimated and challenged. See Celeste Michelle Condit, Decoding Abortion Rhetoric: Communicating Social Change (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); Murray Edelman, Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press, 1977).
2. Although such discussions do not necessarily exert a direct influence on the shape of legislation, they provide an important context within which prevailing ideological constructions are both legitimated and challenged. See Celeste Michelle Condit, Decoding Abortion Rhetoric: Communicating Social Change (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); Murray Edelman, Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press, 1977).
3. See, for example, Eileen Boris, "Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985," Signs 13 (autumn 1987): 98-120; Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, Abortion and Woman's Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1984); and Margaret K. Nelson, "A Critical Analysis of the Act for Better Child Care Services, " Women and Politics 12, no. 3 (1992): 1-25. Nelson notes many of the same problems with the use of "choice" in the debates about the ABC Bill as those discussed here.
4. See, for example, Eileen Boris, "Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985," Signs 13 (autumn 1987): 98-120; Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, Abortion and Woman's Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1984); and Margaret K. Nelson, "A Critical Analysis of the Act for Better Child Care Services, " Women and Politics 12, no. 3 (1992): 1-25. Nelson notes many of the same problems with the use of "choice" in the debates about the ABC Bill as those discussed here.
5. See, for example, Eileen Boris, "Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985," Signs 13 (autumn 1987): 98-120; Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, Abortion and Woman's Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1984); and Margaret K. Nelson, "A Critical Analysis of the Act for Better Child Care Services, " Women and Politics 12, no. 3 (1992): 1-25. Nelson notes many of the same problems with the use of "choice" in the debates about the ABC Bill as those discussed here.
6. Zillah R. Eisenstein, The Radical Future of Liberal Feminism (New York: Longman, 1981), 229.
7. It is not just those who can easily be labeled conservative, in a partisan sense, who articulated arguments in these debates which expressed elements of conservative ideology. This suggests the degree to which neoconservatism had become dominant and pervasive in Canada and the United States by the late 1980s.
8. See, for example, Rashmi Luthra, "Toward a Reconceptualization of 'Choice': Challenges by Women at the Margins," Feminist Issues 13 (spring 1993): 41-54; and Petchesky, 1-21.
9. See, for example, Rashmi Luthra, "Toward a Reconceptualization of 'Choice': Challenges by Women at the Margins," Feminist Issues 13 (spring 1993): 41-54; and Petchesky, 1-21.
10. See, for example, Michèle Barrett and Mary McIntosh, The Anti-Social Family, 2d ed. (London: Verso, 1991). Note that white feminists' critiques of the family and women's role as mothers have been challenged by women of color. See, for example, Mary Ellen Turpel, "Patriarchy and Paternalism: The Legacy of the Canadian State for First Nations Women," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 6, no. 1 (1993): 174-92; Kum-Kum Bhavnani and Margaret Coulson, "Transforming Socialist-Feminism: The Challenge of Racism," Feminist Review, no. 23 (summer 1986): 81-92.
11. See, for example, Michèle Barrett and Mary McIntosh, The Anti-Social Family, 2d ed. (London: Verso, 1991). Note that white feminists' critiques of the family and women's role as mothers have been challenged by women of color. See, for example, Mary Ellen Turpel, "Patriarchy and Paternalism: The Legacy of the Canadian State for First Nations Women," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 6, no. 1 (1993): 174-92; Kum-Kum Bhavnani and Margaret Coulson, "Transforming Socialist-Feminism: The Challenge of Racism," Feminist Review, no. 23 (summer 1986): 81-92.
12. See, for example, Michèle Barrett and Mary McIntosh, The Anti-Social Family, 2d ed. (London: Verso, 1991). Note that white feminists' critiques of the family and women's role as mothers have been challenged by women of color. See, for example, Mary Ellen Turpel, "Patriarchy and Paternalism: The Legacy of the Canadian State for First Nations Women," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 6, no. 1 (1993): 174-92; Kum-Kum Bhavnani and Margaret Coulson, "Transforming Socialist-Feminism: The Challenge of Racism," Feminist Review, no. 23 (summer 1986): 81-92.
13. Kathleen Gerson's research reveals significant differences in the way in which choices about parenting and employment are structured for women and men. Compare her Hard Choices: How Women Decide about Work, Career, and Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) with her No Man's Land: Men's Changing Commitments to Family and Work (New York: Basic Books, 1993).
14. Kathleen Gerson's research reveals significant differences in the way in which choices about parenting and employment are structured for women and men. Compare her Hard Choices: How Women Decide about Work, Career, and Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) with her No Man's Land: Men's Changing Commitments to Family and Work (New York: Basic Books, 1993).
15. For example, see Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990). For a comparative discussion of the devaluation of mothering and families in the African American, Chinese, and Mexican American communities, see Bonnie Thornton Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief: Racial Ethnic Women and the Maintenance of Families," Journal of Family History 13 (1988): 415-31. For an interesting discussion of the way in which Canadian government policy has reflected a devaluation of the mothering of First Nations women, see Marlee Kline, "Complicating the Ideology of Motherhood: Child Welfare Law and First Nation Women," Queen's Law Journal 18 (summer 1993): 306-42.
16. For example, see Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990). For a comparative discussion of the devaluation of mothering and families in the African American, Chinese, and Mexican American communities, see Bonnie Thornton Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief: Racial Ethnic Women and the Maintenance of Families," Journal of Family History 13 (1988): 415-31. For an interesting discussion of the way in which Canadian government policy has reflected a devaluation of the mothering of First Nations women, see Marlee Kline, "Complicating the Ideology of Motherhood: Child Welfare Law and First Nation Women," Queen's Law Journal 18 (summer 1993): 306-42.
17. For example, see Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990). For a comparative discussion of the devaluation of mothering and families in the African American, Chinese, and Mexican American communities, see Bonnie Thornton Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief: Racial Ethnic Women and the Maintenance of Families," Journal of Family History 13 (1988): 415-31. For an interesting discussion of the way in which Canadian government policy has reflected a devaluation of the mothering of First Nations women, see Marlee Kline, "Complicating the Ideology of Motherhood: Child Welfare Law and First Nation Women," Queen's Law Journal 18 (summer 1993): 306-42.
18. In addition to the sources noted above, see Grace Chang, "Undocumented Latinas: The New 'Employable Mothers,'" in Mothering: Ideology, Experience, and Agency, ed. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Grace Chang, and Linda Rennie Forcey (New York: Routledge, 1994), 259-85; and Sedef Arat-Koc, "Importing Housewives: Non-Citizen Domestic Workers and the Crisis of the Domestic Sphere in Canada," in Through the Kitchen Window: The Politics of Home and Family, 2d ed., ed. Meg Luxton, Harriet Rosenberg, and Sedef Arat-Koc (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1990), 81-103.
19. In addition to the sources noted above, see Grace Chang, "Undocumented Latinas: The New 'Employable Mothers,'" in Mothering: Ideology, Experience, and Agency, ed. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Grace Chang, and Linda Rennie Forcey (New York: Routledge, 1994), 259-85; and Sedef Arat-Koc, "Importing Housewives: Non-Citizen Domestic Workers and the Crisis of the Domestic Sphere in Canada," in Through the Kitchen Window: The Politics of Home and Family, 2d ed., ed. Meg Luxton, Harriet Rosenberg, and Sedef Arat-Koc (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1990), 81-103.
20. Mimi Abramovitz, Regulating the Lives of Women: Social Welfare Policy from Colonial Times to the Present (Boston: South End Press, 1988); Dorothy E. Smith, "Women, Class, and Family," in Women, Class, Family, and the State, ed. Varda Burstyn, Dorothy E. Smith, and Roxanne Ng (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1985), 1-44.
21. Mimi Abramovitz, Regulating the Lives of Women: Social Welfare Policy from Colonial Times to the Present (Boston: South End Press, 1988); Dorothy E. Smith, "Women, Class, and Family," in Women, Class, Family, and the State, ed. Varda Burstyn, Dorothy E. Smith, and Roxanne Ng (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1985), 1-44.
22. My general argument here, as well as some of the Canadian material which follows, is based on my "Work and/or Motherhood: The Ideological Construction of Women's Options in Canadian Child Care Policy Debates," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 8, no. 2 (1995): 1-29.
23. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).
24. Robert T. Kudrle and Theodore R. Marmor, "The Development of Welfare States in North America," in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1981), 81-121; Ernie Lightman, "Support for Social Welfare in Canada and the United States," Canadian Review of Social Policy 28 (winter 1991): 9-27.
25. Robert T. Kudrle and Theodore R. Marmor, "The Development of Welfare States in North America," in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1981), 81-121; Ernie Lightman, "Support for Social Welfare in Canada and the United States," Canadian Review of Social Policy 28 (winter 1991): 9-27.
26. For example, Ramesh Mishra, The Welfare State in Capitalist Society: Policies of Retrenchment and Maintenance in Europe, North America, and Australia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990).
27. Susan D. Phillips, "The Liberals' Mid-Life Crises: Aspirations versus Achievements," in How Ottawa Spends, 1995-96: Mid-Life Crises, ed. Susan D. Phillips (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1995), 1-30.
28. Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987).
29. Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987).
30. The "family caucus" was a group of Conservative MPs committed to defending the "traditional nuclear family" through public policy. See Geoffrey York, "Tory Politicians Form Family Compact," Globe and Mail, 3 June 1992, A1, A4; Lorna Erwin, "What Feminists Should Know about the Pro-Family Movement in Canada: A Report on a Recent Survey of Rank-and-File Members," in Feminist Research: Prospect and Retrospect, ed. Peta Tancred-Sheriff (Kingston and Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), 266-78; Tom Flanagan, Waiting for the Wave: The Reform Party and Preston Manning (Toronto: Stoddart, 1995), 196-200.
31. The "family caucus" was a group of Conservative MPs committed to defending the "traditional nuclear family" through public policy. See Geoffrey York, "Tory Politicians Form Family Compact," Globe and Mail, 3 June 1992, A1, A4; Lorna Erwin, "What Feminists Should Know about the Pro-Family Movement in Canada: A Report on a Recent Survey of Rank-and-File Members," in Feminist Research: Prospect and Retrospect, ed. Peta Tancred-Sheriff (Kingston and Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), 266-78; Tom Flanagan, Waiting for the Wave: The Reform Party and Preston Manning (Toronto: Stoddart, 1995), 196-200.
32. The "family caucus" was a group of Conservative MPs committed to defending the "traditional nuclear family" through public policy. See Geoffrey York, "Tory Politicians Form Family Compact," Globe and Mail, 3 June 1992, A1, A4; Lorna Erwin, "What Feminists Should Know about the Pro-Family Movement in Canada: A Report on a Recent Survey of Rank-and-File Members," in Feminist Research: Prospect and Retrospect, ed. Peta Tancred-Sheriff (Kingston and Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), 266-78; Tom Flanagan, Waiting for the Wave: The Reform Party and Preston Manning (Toronto: Stoddart, 1995), 196-200.
33. Mishra; Stephen McBride and John Shields, Dismantling a Nation: Canada and the New World Order (Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 1993).
34. For comprehensive overviews of these policies, see Report of the Task Force on Child Care (Ottawa: Status of Women Canada, 1986), esp. 165-205; and Cheryl D. Hayes, John L. Palmer, and Martha J. Zaslow, eds., Who Cares for America's Children? Child Care Policy for the 1990s (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1990), esp. 194-226.
35. For comprehensive overviews of these policies, see Report of the Task Force on Child Care (Ottawa: Status of Women Canada, 1986), esp. 165-205; and Cheryl D. Hayes, John L. Palmer, and Martha J. Zaslow, eds., Who Cares for America's Children? Child Care Policy for the 1990s (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1990), esp. 194-226.
36. For a discussion of the content and fate of the National Child Care Strategy, see Susan D. Phillips, "Rock-a-Bye, Brian: The National Strategy on Child Care," in How Ottawa Spends, 1989-90: The Buck Stops Where? ed. Katherine A. Graham (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1989), 165-208.
37. The amount deductible per child under this option was increased from $2,000 to $4,000 (for children under age six, or children of any age with special needs). The previous maximum deduction of $8,000 per family was eliminated.
38. The then-existing Child Tax Credit, payable for all children aged eighteen and younger, was $559 per year and was phased out at higher income levels. See Phillips, "Rock-a-Bye, Brian," in How Ottawa Spends, 1989-90, 175.
39. CAP is a program through which the federal government shares the cost of social welfare programs with provincial governments, including child care subsidies for low-income parents. For a description, see Report of the Task Force on Child Care, 182-88. The current Liberal government plans to replace CAP with the Canada Health and Social Transfer (CHST). Under the CHST, the amount of federal funding available will not be tied to the level of provincial spending on social welfare programs. See James J. Rice, "Redesigning Welfare: The Abandonment of a National Commitment," in Phillips, How Ottawa Spends, 1995-96, 185-207.
40. CAP is a program through which the federal government shares the cost of social welfare programs with provincial governments, including child care subsidies for low-income parents. For a description, see Report of the Task Force on Child Care, 182-88. The current Liberal government plans to replace CAP with the Canada Health and Social Transfer (CHST). Under the CHST, the amount of federal funding available will not be tied to the level of provincial spending on social welfare programs. See James J. Rice, "Redesigning Welfare: The Abandonment of a National Commitment," in Phillips, How Ottawa Spends, 1995-96, 185-207.
41. Funding provisions for subsequent years were left unspecified. The government's original proposal committed up to $3.0 billion for the measures outlined in Bill C-144. This was later increased by $1 billion, as officials reassessed the probable cost of implementation. The cost of the improved tax assistance was estimated at $2.3 billion.
42. In Canada, federal legislation must be approved by both the House of Commons and the (unelected) Senate. Because there were so many aspects of Bill C-144 that child care advocates were unhappy with, its demise was not greatly lamented. See, for example, Canadian Day Care Advocacy Association, "Federal Child Care Strategy: An Ill-Conceived Plan," Vision 6 (December 1987): 1-3.
43. For Perrin Beatty's comments, see Sean Fine, "Yuppies Pose Day-Care Problem, Beatty Says," Globe and Mail, 24 Oct. 1990, A7. For subsequent reports, see Geoffrey York, "Policy on Child Care Expected in Early 1992," and "Ottawa to Spend More on Children," Globe and Mail, 25 Nov. 1991, A5, and 26 Nov. 1991, A6 respectively.
44. For Perrin Beatty's comments, see Sean Fine, "Yuppies Pose Day-Care Problem, Beatty Says," Globe and Mail, 24 Oct. 1990, A7. For subsequent reports, see Geoffrey York, "Policy on Child Care Expected in Early 1992," and "Ottawa to Spend More on Children," Globe and Mail, 25 Nov. 1991, A5, and 26 Nov. 1991, A6 respectively.
45. See Government of Canada, The Child Benefit: A White Paper on Canada's New Integrated Child Tax Benefit (Ottawa, 1992); and see also Geoffrey York, "Day Care Decision Called Shameful," Globe and Mail, 28 Feb. 1992, A5. Space does not permit a discussion of the child benefit package, which eliminated universal family allowance payments in favor of benefits targeted at low-income families with at least one employed adult.
46. See Government of Canada, The Child Benefit: A White Paper on Canada's New Integrated Child Tax Benefit (Ottawa, 1992); and see also Geoffrey York, "Day Care Decision Called Shameful," Globe and Mail, 28 Feb. 1992, A5. Space does not permit a discussion of the child benefit package, which eliminated universal family allowance payments in favor of benefits targeted at low-income families with at least one employed adult.
47. For a description of the House version of the ABC Bill, see U.S. House Committee on Education and Labor, Report: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1988, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 1988, 9-24. The Senate version differed in some details but was broadly similar. See Julie Rovner, "Senate Labor Committee Approved ABC Bill," Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 30 July 1988, 2077. For a discussion of the ABC Bill and related legislation, see Mary Frances Berry, The Politics of Parenthood: Child Care, Women's Rights, and the Myth of the Good Mother (New York: Viking Penguin, 1993), 171-95.
48. For a description of the House version of the ABC Bill, see U.S. House Committee on Education and Labor, Report: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1988, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 1988, 9-24. The Senate version differed in some details but was broadly similar. See Julie Rovner, "Senate Labor Committee Approved ABC Bill," Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 30 July 1988, 2077. For a discussion of the ABC Bill and related legislation, see Mary Frances Berry, The Politics of Parenthood: Child Care, Women's Rights, and the Myth of the Good Mother (New York: Viking Penguin, 1993), 171-95.
49. For a description of the House version of the ABC Bill, see U.S. House Committee on Education and Labor, Report: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1988, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 1988, 9-24. The Senate version differed in some details but was broadly similar. See Julie Rovner, "Senate Labor Committee Approved ABC Bill," Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 30 July 1988, 2077. For a discussion of the ABC Bill and related legislation, see Mary Frances Berry, The Politics of Parenthood: Child Care, Women's Rights, and the Myth of the Good Mother (New York: Viking Penguin, 1993), 171-95.
50. For a summary of various tax proposals and an analysis of the benefits they would deliver to different family configurations (varying by parents' employment status and income level), see the Urban Institute's written submission in U.S. Senate Committee on Finance, Hearing: Federal Role in Child Care, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 22 Sept. 1988, 217-26,
51. Or, alternatively, that tax assistance should be extended to all such families with at least one income earner. Some proposals suggested an expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit; others envisioned refundable tax credits, payable to families on a per-child basis. The key difference between these two approaches was that, whereas increases to the EITC would benefit only the working poor, many of the proposals for refundable tax credits also included significant benefits for middle- and high-income families.
52. For an account of developments, see the discussions of child care policy in the annual editions of Congressional Quarterly Almanac (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly).
53. For a description of the legislation approved by Congress, see "Families Gain Help on Child Care," 1990 Congressional Quarterly Almanac (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1991), 547.
54. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18229.
55. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 17 Aug. 1988, 18451.
56. Opposition MPs were less inclined than Conservatives to present full-time parenting as normatively preferable but did argue that it was an option that individuals should be free to choose. Thus, they insisted that the increase in the tax credit proposed by the government was insufficient to permit such a decision for most parents and that generous parental leave benefits were necessary to support full-time parenting. See, for example, the arguments of Margaret Mitchell (New Democratic Party), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18193.
57. Report: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1988, 30.
58. See, for example, Rep. Richard Armey (R-Texas), ibid., 35.
59. U.S. House Committee on Education and Labor, Subcommittee on Human Resources, Hearing: Child Care, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 21 Apr. 1988, 17.
60. U.S. Senate Committee on Finance, Hearings: Child Care Welfare Programs and Tax Credit Proposals, 101st Cong., 1st sess., 18 and 19 Apr. 1989, 37.
61. Such feminists believe that policy supports for women's work as mothers can be developed without capitulating to the political agenda of the Right or departing from a feminist agenda that has the empowerment of all women at its core. See, for example, Wendy Sarvasy, "Reagan and Low-Income Mothers: A Feminist Recasting of the Debate," in Remaking the Welfare State: Retrenchment and Social Policy in America and Europe, ed. Michael K. Brown (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 253-76; Angela R. Miles, "Ideological Hegemony in Political Discourse: Women's Specificity and Equality," in Feminism: From Pressure to Politics, ed. Angela R. Miles and Geraldine Finn (Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1989), 271-85. For critiques of this approach by other feminists see Felicia Kornbluh, "Subversive Potential, Coercive Intent: Women, Work, and Welfare in the Nineties," Social Policy 21 (spring 1991): 23-39; Reva Landau, "On Making 'Choices,'" Feminist Issues 12 (fall 1992): 47-72.
62. Such feminists believe that policy supports for women's work as mothers can be developed without capitulating to the political agenda of the Right or departing from a feminist agenda that has the empowerment of all women at its core. See, for example, Wendy Sarvasy, "Reagan and Low-Income Mothers: A Feminist Recasting of the Debate," in Remaking the Welfare State: Retrenchment and Social Policy in America and Europe, ed. Michael K. Brown (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 253-76; Angela R. Miles, "Ideological Hegemony in Political Discourse: Women's Specificity and Equality," in Feminism: From Pressure to Politics, ed. Angela R. Miles and Geraldine Finn (Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1989), 271-85. For critiques of this approach by other feminists see Felicia Kornbluh, "Subversive Potential, Coercive Intent: Women, Work, and Welfare in the Nineties," Social Policy 21 (spring 1991): 23-39; Reva Landau, "On Making 'Choices,'" Feminist Issues 12 (fall 1992): 47-72.
63. Such feminists believe that policy supports for women's work as mothers can be developed without capitulating to the political agenda of the Right or departing from a feminist agenda that has the empowerment of all women at its core. See, for example, Wendy Sarvasy, "Reagan and Low-Income Mothers: A Feminist Recasting of the Debate," in Remaking the Welfare State: Retrenchment and Social Policy in America and Europe, ed. Michael K. Brown (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 253-76; Angela R. Miles, "Ideological Hegemony in Political Discourse: Women's Specificity and Equality," in Feminism: From Pressure to Politics, ed. Angela R. Miles and Geraldine Finn (Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1989), 271-85. For critiques of this approach by other feminists see Felicia Kornbluh, "Subversive Potential, Coercive Intent: Women, Work, and Welfare in the Nineties," Social Policy 21 (spring 1991): 23-39; Reva Landau, "On Making 'Choices,'" Feminist Issues 12 (fall 1992): 47-72.
64. Such feminists believe that policy supports for women's work as mothers can be developed without capitulating to the political agenda of the Right or departing from a feminist agenda that has the empowerment of all women at its core. See, for example, Wendy Sarvasy, "Reagan and Low-Income Mothers: A Feminist Recasting of the Debate," in Remaking the Welfare State: Retrenchment and Social Policy in America and Europe, ed. Michael K. Brown (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 253-76; Angela R. Miles, "Ideological Hegemony in Political Discourse: Women's Specificity and Equality," in Feminism: From Pressure to Politics, ed. Angela R. Miles and Geraldine Finn (Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1989), 271-85. For critiques of this approach by other feminists see Felicia Kornbluh, "Subversive Potential, Coercive Intent: Women, Work, and Welfare in the Nineties," Social Policy 21 (spring 1991): 23-39; Reva Landau, "On Making 'Choices,'" Feminist Issues 12 (fall 1992): 47-72.
65. U.S. Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources, Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs, and Alcoholism, Hearings: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1987, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 15 Mar. and 28 June 1988, 371. Mattox made specific reference to Betty Friedan.
66. Ibid.
67. Jim Edwards (Conservative), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 10 Mar. 1992, 7912.
68. See, for example, Mary Collins (Conservative), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 4 Dec. 1987, 11488 and Lucie Pépin (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18189. The statement by Kepley, above, provides an American example.
69. See, for example, Mary Collins (Conservative), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 4 Dec. 1987, 11488 and Lucie Pépin (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18189. The statement by Kepley, above, provides an American example.
70. See Susan Rae Peterson, "Against 'Parenting,'" in Mothering: Essays in Feminist Theory, ed. Joyce Trebilcot (Savage, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1983), 62-69. Susan Okin terms this practice "false gender neutrality." See Justice, Gender and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989), 10-13, for her critique of it.
71. See Susan Rae Peterson, "Against 'Parenting,'" in Mothering: Essays in Feminist Theory, ed. Joyce Trebilcot (Savage, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1983), 62-69. Susan Okin terms this practice "false gender neutrality." See Justice, Gender and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989), 10-13, for her critique of it.
72. Shirley Martin (Conservative), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18221. For an American example, see the passage cited in note 36.
73. Hearings: Child Care Welfare Programs, 27.
74. See, for example, Nancy Chodorow, The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). Note that some feminists disagree with such analyses, arguing that a strategy of encouraging male participation in child rearing is of little use to lesbian parents, single mothers, and women with misgivings about men's capacity to care adequately for children. See, for example, Miriam M. Johnson, Strong Mothers, Weak Wives: The Search for Gender Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).
75. See, for example, Nancy Chodorow, The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). Note that some feminists disagree with such analyses, arguing that a strategy of encouraging male participation in child rearing is of little use to lesbian parents, single mothers, and women with misgivings about men's capacity to care adequately for children. See, for example, Miriam M. Johnson, Strong Mothers, Weak Wives: The Search for Gender Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).
76. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 Sept. 1988, 19345.
77. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 11 Aug. 1988, 18252.
78. See, for example, Marion Dewar, Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 Sept. 1988, 19349; and Margaret Mitchell, Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 20 Sept. 1988, 19452.
79. See, for example, Marion Dewar, Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 Sept. 1988, 19349; and Margaret Mitchell, Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 20 Sept. 1988, 19452.
80. Hearing: Child Care, 203-4, 215. Karl Zinsmeister (214) also characterized extra-familial care as "a necessary evil" and argued that, "owing to its inherent and intractable disadvantages, public policies ought to avoid as a matter of principle any endorsement or subsidization of full-time nonparental care for infants and toddlers."
81. Hearing: Federal Role in Child Care, 152.
82. For a useful discussion of this earlier round of debate over welfare policy, see Sarvasy.
83. For a critique of the "women have to work" justification for government support for child care services, see Susan Prentice, "The 'Mainstreaming' of Daycare," Resources for Feminist Research 17 (September 1988): 59-63.
84. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 15 Sept. 1988, 19297.
85. U.S. Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources, Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs, and Alcoholism, Hearing: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1989, 101st Cong., 1st sess., 24 Jan. 1989, 159.
86. See Alfonso Gagliano (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 23 Aug. 1988, 18715 and Aideen Nicholson (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 21 Sept. 1988, 19487.
87. See Alfonso Gagliano (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 23 Aug. 1988, 18715 and Aideen Nicholson (Liberal), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 21 Sept. 1988, 19487.
88. Hearings: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1987, 213.
89. See Rector's comments, ibid., 338-39. This argument was much less apparent in the Canadian debates.
90. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 23 Aug. 1988, 18713.
91. Hearings: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1987, 224.
92. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 23 Aug. 1988, 18766-67.
93. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 9 Mar. 1988, 13568; Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 May 1988, 15491.
94. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 9 Mar. 1988, 13568; Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 May 1988, 15491.
95. Jake Epp (Conservative), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 3 Dec. 1987, 11463.
96. The Conservatives pursued parental leave legislation in 1990, which expanded the then-existing provisions for maternity leave in a number of ways. For a summary and critique of the policies adopted, see Patricia Evans and Norene Pupo, "Parental Leave: Assessing Women's Interests," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 6, no. 2 (1993): 402-18. Note that, although welfare benefits might allow some women to care for their children full time, recipients of social assistance are still stigmatized, and parents in many low-income families are not eligible for these benefits.
97. See, for example, the comments by Audrey McLaughlin (NDP), Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 16 Sept. 1988, 19341, although McLaughlin here refers to "aboriginal people," rather than mothers specifically.
98. Testimony presented by representatives of the Assembly of First Nations and Pauktuutit-Inuit Women's Association, Canada, House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Legislative Committee on Bill C-144, Issue No. 3 (6 Sept. 1988), 3:20-32; and Issue No. 4 (7 Sept. 1988), 4:96-104. As was the case with virtually all the witnesses appearing before this legislative committee, their testimony was critical of many aspects of Bill C-144.
99. Testimony presented by representatives of the Assembly of First Nations and Pauktuutit-Inuit Women's Association, Canada, House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Legislative Committee on Bill C-144, Issue No. 3 (6 Sept. 1988), 3:20-32; and Issue No. 4 (7 Sept. 1988), 4:96-104. As was the case with virtually all the witnesses appearing before this legislative committee, their testimony was critical of many aspects of Bill C-144.
100. The framing of these proposed policies as providing "choices" regarding child rearing is ironic in light of the direct challenge to First Nations women's mothering which was institutionalized in Canada through the residential school system and the frequent removal of First Nations children from their homes by the child welfare system. Judicial interpretations of the child's "best interests" have also reflected a devaluation of the parenting/mothering skills of First Nations women. This has also been the case for lesbian mothers. See Marlee Kline, "Child Welfare Law, 'Best Interests of the Child' Ideology, and First Nations," Osgoode Hall Law Journal 30 (1992): 375-425; and Katherine Arnup, "'Mothers Just Like Others': Lesbians, Divorce, and Child Custody in Canada," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law, 3, no. 1 (1989): 18-32.
101. The framing of these proposed policies as providing "choices" regarding child rearing is ironic in light of the direct challenge to First Nations women's mothering which was institutionalized in Canada through the residential school system and the frequent removal of First Nations children from their homes by the child welfare system. Judicial interpretations of the child's "best interests" have also reflected a devaluation of the parenting/mothering skills of First Nations women. This has also been the case for lesbian mothers. See Marlee Kline, "Child Welfare Law, 'Best Interests of the Child' Ideology, and First Nations," Osgoode Hall Law Journal 30 (1992): 375-425; and Katherine Arnup, "'Mothers Just Like Others': Lesbians, Divorce, and Child Custody in Canada," Canadian Journal of Women and the Law, 3, no. 1 (1989): 18-32.
102. In addition to the sources cited in notes 8 and 9, see Thomas Byrne Edsall with Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: W.W. Norton, 1991).
103. Hearings: Child Care Welfare Programs, 71-72.
104. Hearing: Federal Role in Child Care, 79.
105. Hearings: Act for Better Child Care Services of 1987, 379.
106. For an exception see Karl Zinsmeister, Hearing: Child Care, 245-46. See also Mary Tuominen, "Gender, Class, and Motherhood: The Legacy of Federal Child Care Policy," Affilia 7 (winter 1992): 8-25.
107. For an exception see Karl Zinsmeister, Hearing: Child Care, 245-46. See also Mary Tuominen, "Gender, Class, and Motherhood: The Legacy of Federal Child Care Policy," Affilia 7 (winter 1992): 8-25.