The legacy of human rights violations and the collective identity of redemocratized Uruguay

Human Rights Quarterly

Volumn 19, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 55-77

  Roniger, Luis ^a,b   Sznajder, Mario ^a,b  

^a HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM   (Israel)

^b Truman Res Inst the Adv of Peace   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATISATION; HUMAN RIGHTS; NATIONAL IDENTITY;

URUGUAY;

EID: 0038980346     PISSN: 02750392     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (101)

1. See BENEDICT ANDERSON, IMAGINED COMMUNITIES (1983). See also Ana María Alonso, The Politics of Space, Time and Substance: State Formation, Nationalism, and Ethnicity, 23 ANN. REV. ANTHRO. 379 (1994).
2. See BENEDICT ANDERSON, IMAGINED COMMUNITIES (1983). See also Ana María Alonso, The Politics of Space, Time and Substance: State Formation, Nationalism, and Ethnicity, 23 ANN. REV. ANTHRO. 379 (1994).
3. Anthony D. Smith, The Myth of the 'Modern Nation' and the Myths of Nations, 11 ETHNIC & RACIAL STUD. 1 (1988).
4. On the various criteria of construction of collective identities along these lines, see Samuel Noah Eisenstadt & Bernhard Geisen, The Construction of Collective Identity, 36 ARCHIVES EUROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE 72 (1995).
5. WILSON FERREIRA ALDUNATE, DISCURSOS, CONFERENCIAS Y ENTREVISTAS 89 (Juan R. Ferreira ed., 1984), quoted in Carlos Demasi, La dictadura militar: Un tema pendiente, in URUGUAY: CUENTAS PENDIENTES 29, 47-48 n.9 (Alvaro Rico ed., 1995).
6. WILSON FERREIRA ALDUNATE, DISCURSOS, CONFERENCIAS Y ENTREVISTAS 89 (Juan R. Ferreira ed., 1984), quoted in Carlos Demasi, La dictadura militar: Un tema pendiente, in URUGUAY: CUENTAS PENDIENTES 29, 47-48 n.9 (Alvaro Rico ed., 1995).
7. La Suiza de América y Sus Mitos, in HISTORIA DEL URUGUAY CONTEMPORÁNEO: MATERIALES PARA EL DEBATE 189 (Gerardo Caetano & Milita Alfaro eds., 1995).
8. On the Uruguayan model, see MILTON VANGER, THE MODEL COUNTRY: JOSÉ BATLLE Y ORDÓÑEZ OF URUGUAY 1907-1915 (1980); La Suiza de América y Sus Mitos, supra note 5 at 189; CARLOS REAL DE AZÚA, EL IMPULSO Y SU FRENO; TRES DÉCADAS DE BATLLISMO Y LAS RAÍCES DE LA CRISIS URUGUAYA (1964).
9. On the Uruguayan model, see MILTON VANGER, THE MODEL COUNTRY: JOSÉ BATLLE Y ORDÓÑEZ OF URUGUAY 1907-1915 (1980); La Suiza de América y Sus Mitos, supra note 5 at 189; CARLOS REAL DE AZÚA, EL IMPULSO Y SU FRENO; TRES DÉCADAS DE BATLLISMO Y LAS RAÍCES DE LA CRISIS URUGUAYA (1964).
10. On the Uruguayan model, see MILTON VANGER, THE MODEL COUNTRY: JOSÉ BATLLE Y ORDÓÑEZ OF URUGUAY 1907-1915 (1980); La Suiza de América y Sus Mitos, supra note 5 at 189; CARLOS REAL DE AZÚA, EL IMPULSO Y SU FRENO; TRES DÉCADAS DE BATLLISMO Y LAS RAÍCES DE LA CRISIS URUGUAYA (1964).
11. On the crisis of the Uruguayan model, see OSCAR H. BRUSCHERA, LAS DÉCADAS INFAMES: ANÁLISIS POLÍTICO 1967-1985 (1986); CARINA PERELLI & JUAN RIAL, DE MITOS Y MEMORIAS POLÍTICAS: LA REPRESIÓN, EL MIEDO, Y DESPUÉS . . . (1986); SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA, URUGUAY: NUNCA MÁS: INFORME SOBRE LA VIOLACIÓN A LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1972-1985), 35-107, 111-15 (3d ed. 1989) [hereinafter NUNCA MÁS]. For the period 1972-1985, Nunca Más reports the following. At least 157 Uruguayans "disappeared." NUNCA MÁS, supra, at 285, 425-30. Approximately ninety-five political prisoners were killed, died from illness or committed suicide in detention centers. Id. at 419-22. For every 10,000 Uruguayans, thirty-one were detained in Uruguay for political reasons. Id. at 117. Many were abducted in Argentina. Id. at 285, 330-41. Most detainees were subjected to torture. Id. at 143-44. Many consider that in this period Uruguay had the highest ratio of political prisoners per population in Latin America. Id. at 117. More than a dozen children were kidnapped with their parents by military personnel, and the destiny of many of them is still uncertain. Id. at 285, 294-95, 430. On the extent of the repression, see also Edy Kaufmann, Análisis de los patrones represivos en el Cono Sur: los regímenes militares argentinos (1976-1983), in EL LEGADO DEL AUTORITARISMO: DERECHOS HUMANOS Y ANTISEMITISMO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORANEA 55 (Leonardo Senkman & Mario Sznajder eds., 1995).
12. On the crisis of the Uruguayan model, see OSCAR H. BRUSCHERA, LAS DÉCADAS INFAMES: ANÁLISIS POLÍTICO 1967-1985 (1986); CARINA PERELLI & JUAN RIAL, DE MITOS Y MEMORIAS POLÍTICAS: LA REPRESIÓN, EL MIEDO, Y DESPUÉS . . . (1986); SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA, URUGUAY: NUNCA MÁS: INFORME SOBRE LA VIOLACIÓN A LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1972-1985), 35-107, 111-15 (3d ed. 1989) [hereinafter NUNCA MÁS]. For the period 1972-1985, Nunca Más reports the following. At least 157 Uruguayans "disappeared." NUNCA MÁS, supra, at 285, 425-30. Approximately ninety-five political prisoners were killed, died from illness or committed suicide in detention centers. Id. at 419-22. For every 10,000 Uruguayans, thirty-one were detained in Uruguay for political reasons. Id. at 117. Many were abducted in Argentina. Id. at 285, 330-41. Most detainees were subjected to torture. Id. at 143-44. Many consider that in this period Uruguay had the highest ratio of political prisoners per population in Latin America. Id. at 117. More than a dozen children were kidnapped with their parents by military personnel, and the destiny of many of them is still uncertain. Id. at 285, 294-95, 430. On the extent of the repression, see also Edy Kaufmann, Análisis de los patrones represivos en el Cono Sur: los regímenes militares argentinos (1976-1983), in EL LEGADO DEL AUTORITARISMO: DERECHOS HUMANOS Y ANTISEMITISMO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORANEA 55 (Leonardo Senkman & Mario Sznajder eds., 1995).
13. On the crisis of the Uruguayan model, see OSCAR H. BRUSCHERA, LAS DÉCADAS INFAMES: ANÁLISIS POLÍTICO 1967-1985 (1986); CARINA PERELLI & JUAN RIAL, DE MITOS Y MEMORIAS POLÍTICAS: LA REPRESIÓN, EL MIEDO, Y DESPUÉS . . . (1986); SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA, URUGUAY: NUNCA MÁS: INFORME SOBRE LA VIOLACIÓN A LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1972-1985), 35-107, 111-15 (3d ed. 1989) [hereinafter NUNCA MÁS]. For the period 1972-1985, Nunca Más reports the following. At least 157 Uruguayans "disappeared." NUNCA MÁS, supra, at 285, 425-30. Approximately ninety-five political prisoners were killed, died from illness or committed suicide in detention centers. Id. at 419-22. For every 10,000 Uruguayans, thirty-one were detained in Uruguay for political reasons. Id. at 117. Many were abducted in Argentina. Id. at 285, 330-41. Most detainees were subjected to torture. Id. at 143-44. Many consider that in this period Uruguay had the highest ratio of political prisoners per population in Latin America. Id. at 117. More than a dozen children were kidnapped with their parents by military personnel, and the destiny of many of them is still uncertain. Id. at 285, 294-95, 430. On the extent of the repression, see also Edy Kaufmann, Análisis de los patrones represivos en el Cono Sur: los regímenes militares argentinos (1976-1983), in EL LEGADO DEL AUTORITARISMO: DERECHOS HUMANOS Y ANTISEMITISMO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORANEA 55 (Leonardo Senkman & Mario Sznajder eds., 1995).
14. On the crisis of the Uruguayan model, see OSCAR H. BRUSCHERA, LAS DÉCADAS INFAMES: ANÁLISIS POLÍTICO 1967-1985 (1986); CARINA PERELLI & JUAN RIAL, DE MITOS Y MEMORIAS POLÍTICAS: LA REPRESIÓN, EL MIEDO, Y DESPUÉS . . . (1986); SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA, URUGUAY: NUNCA MÁS: INFORME SOBRE LA VIOLACIÓN A LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1972-1985), 35-107, 111-15 (3d ed. 1989) [hereinafter NUNCA MÁS]. For the period 1972-1985, Nunca Más reports the following. At least 157 Uruguayans "disappeared." NUNCA MÁS, supra, at 285, 425-30. Approximately ninety-five political prisoners were killed, died from illness or committed suicide in detention centers. Id. at 419-22. For every 10,000 Uruguayans, thirty-one were detained in Uruguay for political reasons. Id. at 117. Many were abducted in Argentina. Id. at 285, 330-41. Most detainees were subjected to torture. Id. at 143-44. Many consider that in this period Uruguay had the highest ratio of political prisoners per population in Latin America. Id. at 117. More than a dozen children were kidnapped with their parents by military personnel, and the destiny of many of them is still uncertain. Id. at 285, 294-95, 430. On the extent of the repression, see also Edy Kaufmann, Análisis de los patrones represivos en el Cono Sur: los regímenes militares argentinos (1976-1983), in EL LEGADO DEL AUTORITARISMO: DERECHOS HUMANOS Y ANTISEMITISMO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORANEA 55 (Leonardo Senkman & Mario Sznajder eds., 1995).
15. On the crisis of the Uruguayan model, see OSCAR H. BRUSCHERA, LAS DÉCADAS INFAMES: ANÁLISIS POLÍTICO 1967-1985 (1986); CARINA PERELLI & JUAN RIAL, DE MITOS Y MEMORIAS POLÍTICAS: LA REPRESIÓN, EL MIEDO, Y DESPUÉS . . . (1986); SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA, URUGUAY: NUNCA MÁS: INFORME SOBRE LA VIOLACIÓN A LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1972-1985), 35-107, 111-15 (3d ed. 1989) [hereinafter NUNCA MÁS]. For the period 1972-1985, Nunca Más reports the following. At least 157 Uruguayans "disappeared." NUNCA MÁS, supra, at 285, 425-30. Approximately ninety-five political prisoners were killed, died from illness or committed suicide in detention centers. Id. at 419-22. For every 10,000 Uruguayans, thirty-one were detained in Uruguay for political reasons. Id. at 117. Many were abducted in Argentina. Id. at 285, 330-41. Most detainees were subjected to torture. Id. at 143-44. Many consider that in this period Uruguay had the highest ratio of political prisoners per population in Latin America. Id. at 117. More than a dozen children were kidnapped with their parents by military personnel, and the destiny of many of them is still uncertain. Id. at 285, 294-95, 430. On the extent of the repression, see also Edy Kaufmann, Análisis de los patrones represivos en el Cono Sur: los regímenes militares argentinos (1976-1983), in EL LEGADO DEL AUTORITARISMO: DERECHOS HUMANOS Y ANTISEMITISMO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORANEA 55 (Leonardo Senkman & Mario Sznajder eds., 1995).
16. Ley de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado (Law of Caducity of the Punitive Claim of the State), Law 15,848 (Uru.) [hereinafter Immunity Law], reprinted in CENTRO URUGUAY INDEPENDIENTE (CUI), REFERENDUM 42 (1987), translated in AMERICAS WATCH, CHALLENGING IMPUNITY: LEY DE CADUCIDAD AND THE REFERENDUM CAMPAIGN IN URUGUAY 15 (1989). See discussion infra Part V. In the literature, this law is also known as the Law of Expiry.
17. Ley de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado (Law of Caducity of the Punitive Claim of the State), Law 15,848 (Uru.) [hereinafter Immunity Law], reprinted in CENTRO URUGUAY INDEPENDIENTE (CUI), REFERENDUM 42 (1987), translated in AMERICAS WATCH, CHALLENGING IMPUNITY: LEY DE CADUCIDAD AND THE REFERENDUM CAMPAIGN IN URUGUAY 15 (1989). See discussion infra Part V. In the literature, this law is also known as the Law of Expiry.
18. URU. CONST, arts. 79, 305.
19. José Covas, Sanguinetti:"El País esta de cara a su futuro," EL PAÍS (Madrid), 19 Apr. 1989, at 6.
20. Ley de amnistía, Law 15,737 (Uru.), published in DIARIO OfiCIAL (Montevideo), 22 March 1985.
21. Id. art. 9.
22. Id. art. 5.
23. Id.
24. J. Barreiro, Derechos Humanos: crónica en tres actos, CUADERNOS DE MARCHA (Montevideo), Nov. 1986, at 16. See also Se acabó el tiempo de la capucha: Los partidos y los delitos de la humanidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 10 Oct. 1986, at 7.
25. J. Barreiro, Derechos Humanos: crónica en tres actos, CUADERNOS DE MARCHA (Montevideo), Nov. 1986, at 16. See also Se acabó el tiempo de la capucha: Los partidos y los delitos de la humanidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 10 Oct. 1986, at 7.
26. On the popular mobilization, see Para una crónica de las jornadas en que se perpetró la tristeza: El parlamento aceptó la impunidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 26 Dec. 1986, at 5.
27. Ferreira Aldunate's declarations, made in Kiyú on January 10, 1987, were published in El engaño colorado, el sacrificio blanco, el enemigo de afuera y la coalición imposible: Discurso de Ferreira en Klyú, BRECHA (Uru.), 16 Jan. 1987, at 7.
28. Cronología de los hechosque condujeron a la aprobación de la Ley de Caducidad, BÚSQUEDA (Uru.), 9 Mar. 1989, at 29.
29. Immunity Law, reprinted in CENTRO URUGUAY INDEPENDIENTE, supra note 8, at 42, 42-48.
30. Id.
31. Id.
32. On the role of the political parties, see GERARDO CAETANO ET AL., DE LA TRADICIÓN A LA CRISIS: PASADO Y PRESENTE DE NUESTRO SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS (1985); Edy Kaufman, El roi de los partidos políticos en la redemocratización del Uruguay, in REPRESIÓN, EXILIO Y DEMOCRACIA: LA CULTURA URUGUAYA 25 (Saul Sosnowski ed., 1987) (the English version appeared in REPRESSION, EXILE AND DEMOCRACY: URUGUAYAN CULTURE 17 (Saul Sosnowski & Louis B. Popkin eds., 1992)); LUIS E. GONZÁLEZ, ESTRUCTURAS POLÍTICAS Y DEMOCRACIA EN URUGUAY (1993).
33. On the role of the political parties, see GERARDO CAETANO ET AL., DE LA TRADICIÓN A LA CRISIS: PASADO Y PRESENTE DE NUESTRO SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS (1985); Edy Kaufman, El roi de los partidos políticos en la redemocratización del Uruguay, in REPRESIÓN, EXILIO Y DEMOCRACIA: LA CULTURA URUGUAYA 25 (Saul Sosnowski ed., 1987) (the English version appeared in REPRESSION, EXILE AND DEMOCRACY: URUGUAYAN CULTURE 17 (Saul Sosnowski & Louis B. Popkin eds., 1992)); LUIS E. GONZÁLEZ, ESTRUCTURAS POLÍTICAS Y DEMOCRACIA EN URUGUAY (1993).
34. On the role of the political parties, see GERARDO CAETANO ET AL., DE LA TRADICIÓN A LA CRISIS: PASADO Y PRESENTE DE NUESTRO SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS (1985); Edy Kaufman, El roi de los partidos políticos en la redemocratización del Uruguay, in REPRESIÓN, EXILIO Y DEMOCRACIA: LA CULTURA URUGUAYA 25 (Saul Sosnowski ed., 1987) (the English version appeared in REPRESSION, EXILE AND DEMOCRACY: URUGUAYAN CULTURE 17 (Saul Sosnowski & Louis B. Popkin eds., 1992)); LUIS E. GONZÁLEZ, ESTRUCTURAS POLÍTICAS Y DEMOCRACIA EN URUGUAY (1993).
35. On the role of the political parties, see GERARDO CAETANO ET AL., DE LA TRADICIÓN A LA CRISIS: PASADO Y PRESENTE DE NUESTRO SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS (1985); Edy Kaufman, El roi de los partidos políticos en la redemocratización del Uruguay, in REPRESIÓN, EXILIO Y DEMOCRACIA: LA CULTURA URUGUAYA 25 (Saul Sosnowski ed., 1987) (the English version appeared in REPRESSION, EXILE AND DEMOCRACY: URUGUAYAN CULTURE 17 (Saul Sosnowski & Louis B. Popkin eds., 1992)); LUIS E. GONZÁLEZ, ESTRUCTURAS POLÍTICAS Y DEMOCRACIA EN URUGUAY (1993).
36. See supra note 9 and accompanying text.
37. The Servicio de Paz y Justicia (SERPAJ) is a transnational NGO network that aims to protect human rights and social rights. The Uruguayan branch of SERPAJ has been particularly active in ensuring the liberation of political prisoners and bringing to trial violators of human rights. SERPAJ has also promoted educational efforts in the realm of human rights and the improvement of living conditions in the penitentiary system.
38. For the text of the slogan of the CNP, see El Ilamamiento, BRECHA (Uru.), 30 Jan. 1987, at 2. For reports in English on the campaign, see JO-MARIE BURT, EL PUEBLO DECIDE: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE REFERENDUM AGAINST THE "IMPUNITY LAW" IN URUGUAY (1989); AMERICAS WATCH COMMITTEE, CHALLENGING IMPUNITY: THE LEY OF CADUCIDAD AND THE REFERENDUM CAMPAIGN IN URUGUAY (1989).
39. For the text of the slogan of the CNP, see El Ilamamiento, BRECHA (Uru.), 30 Jan. 1987, at 2. For reports in English on the campaign, see JO-MARIE BURT, EL PUEBLO DECIDE: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE REFERENDUM AGAINST THE "IMPUNITY LAW" IN URUGUAY (1989); AMERICAS WATCH COMMITTEE, CHALLENGING IMPUNITY: THE LEY OF CADUCIDAD AND THE REFERENDUM CAMPAIGN IN URUGUAY (1989).
40. For the text of the slogan of the CNP, see El Ilamamiento, BRECHA (Uru.), 30 Jan. 1987, at 2. For reports in English on the campaign, see JO-MARIE BURT, EL PUEBLO DECIDE: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE REFERENDUM AGAINST THE "IMPUNITY LAW" IN URUGUAY (1989); AMERICAS WATCH COMMITTEE, CHALLENGING IMPUNITY: THE LEY OF CADUCIDAD AND THE REFERENDUM CAMPAIGN IN URUGUAY (1989).
41. The results of the referendum and its statistical analysis appeared in BÚSQUEDA (Uru.) 20 Apr. 1989, at 4, 4-5. On the results of the Montevideo area, see ALVARO PORTILLO & ENRIQUE GALLICCHIO, MONTEVIDEO: GEOGRAFÍA ELECTORAL 2 (1989).
42. The results of the referendum and its statistical analysis appeared in BÚSQUEDA (Uru.) 20 Apr. 1989, at 4, 4-5. On the results of the Montevideo area, see ALVARO PORTILLO & ENRIQUE GALLICCHIO, MONTEVIDEO: GEOGRAFÍA ELECTORAL 2 (1989).
43. Héctor Rodríguez, Las firmas están, BRECHA (Uru.), 16 Dec. 1988, at 4.
44. This figure represents 25 percent of the registered voters in 1989, as required by the Uruguayan Constitution. See URU. CONST, arts. 79, 305.
45. This data was provided by the CNP and published in La hazaña en cifras, BRECHA (Uru.), 23 Dec. 1988, at 6.
46. Id.
47. María Urruzola, Hasta el final la voluntad, BRECHA (Uru.), 23 Dec. 1989, at 4.
48. BÚSQUEDA (Uru.), supra note 26, at 4-5.
49. Id.
50. PORTILLO & GALLICCHIO, supra note 26, at 21-22.
51. Covas, supra note 10, at 6. The reporter asked President Sanguinetti what he meant when he "declared that with the referendum, the transition in Uruguay has reached an end." President Sanguinetti responded that "[i]t means that Uruguay has resolved all the problems of the past. The debate about the dictatorship period is over. The country is facing its future." Id.
52. Interview by Daniel Schwartz with Amalia Pereira, Hortensia Gonzales, Marta Pereira, and Julia Vallejo of Madres y Familiares de Detenidos y Desaparecidos (Association of Mothers and Relatives of Disappeared Detainees of Uruguay, known by Spanish acronym MFDDU), Montevideo, Uruguay (August 28, 1995); Vuelven a preguntar: confiesen donde están, LA REPÜBLICA (Uru.), 7 May 1995.
53. Interview by Daniel Schwartz with Amalia Pereira, Hortensia Gonzales, Marta Pereira, and Julia Vallejo of Madres y Familiares de Detenidos y Desaparecidos (Association of Mothers and Relatives of Disappeared Detainees of Uruguay, known by Spanish acronym MFDDU), Montevideo, Uruguay (August 28, 1995); Vuelven a preguntar: confiesen donde están, LA REPÜBLICA (Uru.), 7 May 1995.
54. NUNCA MÁS, supra note 7, at 430. The kidnapped child is the son of "disappeared" Yolanda Casco and Julio Cesar D'Elía, who was the nephew of José D'Elia. Id. Recently the child was found in Argentina, illegally adopted by the family of a military doctor. José D'Elia heads the Plenario Inter-sindical de Trabajadores (All-Union Workers Association) and Central Nacional de Trabajadores (National Coordinating Center for Workers), combined as the leading trade union organization.
55. MP Rafael Michelini, the son of slain Colorado senator and former presidential candidate Zelmar Michelini, who was assassinated by an Uruguayan military task force in Buenos Aires in 1976, demanded that the chief commander of the armed forces, General Curutchet, follow the example of his Argentine counterpart, General Balza, and recognize the role of the armed forces in the repression and violation of human rights. Curutchet rejected the suggestion, on the basis that this would create false expectations and only reopen the wounds of the past. The armed forces have continued to commemorate the Day of the Fallen in Defense of the Institutions, earlier known as the Day of Commemoration of those Fallen in the Fight against Subversion. A massive march in homage to the disappeared civilians - known as the March for Truth, Memory and Never Again - was organized on 20 May 1996, the twentieth anniversary of the killing of Michelini and Gutiérrez Ruiz. Rafael Michelini initiated the march, which was supported by many politicians, syndicalists, religious and social organizations, human rights groups, families of the disappeared, and the victims of military repression, and was planned without speeches. The March was accompanied in the Uruguayan parliament by an act honoring the memory of Michelini and Gutiérrez Ruiz, made possible by a compromise between the major political forces not to mention the involvement of the armed forces in their assassination. The commemorations were thus characterized by the silence that surrounded both the March and the parliamentary act. This silence reflects the full weight of the tacit agreement of the hegemonic political forces and the military not to reopen the debate closed at the 1989 referendum. However, the issue continues to permeate the Uruguayan public sphere.
56. "Yo firmo (Yo firmo con alegría) para que el pueblo decida."
57. Mothers and Relatives of Disappeared Detainees in Uruguay (MFDDU), Llamamiento, EL REFERENDUM DESDE FAMILIARES 31 (1990).
58. Id. at 37.
59. Id.
60. Id. at 38.
61. Most of the written propaganda included statements and portraits of national leaders, e.g. Artigas, Batlle Ordóñez and Aparicio Saravia, whom Uruguayans consider the founding fathers of modern Uruguay. References to the images of the illustrious past and to the witnessing role of history were abundant in the brochures of the Comisión Nacional ProReferendum (National Referendum Commission, or CNP). See, e.g., COMISIÓN NACIONAL PRO-REFERENDUM, LA HISTORIA CONFIRMA QUE LA JUSTICIA ES PATRIMONIO IRRENUNCIABLE DE TODOS LOS URUGUAYOS. In its campaign, the CNP reaffirmed its commitment to the strengthening of Uruguayan democratic institutions. One flyer stated that "[b]y signing the people strengthen the institutions and the democracy," and continued: Who promotes the Referendum? A Commission integrated beyond all types of party interests. What is the goal of the Referendum? To enable the people to decide if they want this Immunity Law. What is achieved with the signature? To make possible the popular pronouncement. If the people reject the Law then would an institutional crisis take place? No: the expression of our will does not endanger the institutions but, on the contrary, defends and consolidates them. COMISIÓN PRO-REFERENDUM OF MALVÍN, SR. VECINO, SABE QUE ES EL REFERENDUM?
62. Most of the written propaganda included statements and portraits of national leaders, e.g. Artigas, Batlle Ordóñez and Aparicio Saravia, whom Uruguayans consider the founding fathers of modern Uruguay. References to the images of the illustrious past and to the witnessing role of history were abundant in the brochures of the Comisión Nacional ProReferendum (National Referendum Commission, or CNP). See, e.g., COMISIÓN NACIONAL PRO-REFERENDUM, LA HISTORIA CONFIRMA QUE LA JUSTICIA ES PATRIMONIO IRRENUNCIABLE DE TODOS LOS URUGUAYOS. In its campaign, the CNP reaffirmed its commitment to the strengthening of Uruguayan democratic institutions. One flyer stated that "[b]y signing the people strengthen the institutions and the democracy," and continued: Who promotes the Referendum? A Commission integrated beyond all types of party interests. What is the goal of the Referendum? To enable the people to decide if they want this Immunity Law. What is achieved with the signature? To make possible the popular pronouncement. If the people reject the Law then would an institutional crisis take place? No: the expression of our will does not endanger the institutions but, on the contrary, defends and consolidates them. COMISIÓN PRO-REFERENDUM OF MALVÍN, SR. VECINO, SABE QUE ES EL REFERENDUM?
63. Roger Rodríguez, El referendum llama dos veces: Las "brigadas verdes," puerta a puerta, BRECHA (Uru.), 24 Feb. 1989, at 5. The following is typical of the tenor of the campaign: Dear Neighbor: We invite you to share the afternoon of the 4th of April with: Puppets; Anitmurga BCG, the First Actor Alberto Candeau, the actress Jebele Sand, Los del Verbal and more . . . ; I sign with happiness for the people to decide. From: Pro-Referendum Neighbors' Commission, corner of Millan Street and Raffo Street. Free Entrance. Untitled campaign flyer (1987), archived by SERPAJ, Montevideo, cat. no. E05/59/ 002.111/1987.04.04.
64. For example, one flyer read: Change now!! for the victory of the Referendum; We believe that it is time to change the orientation of the campaign in 180 degrees in order to assure success to the Referendum campaign, a success that the Workers' and Popular Movement needs very much . . . . We have to stress the importance of keeping the autonomy of the Neighbor's Commissions in order to provide the Campaign with a combative orientation. This is the only guarantee to achieve our goal: TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT FOR THE GUILTY. Coordinadora de Comisiones Barriales, campaign flyer titled Change now!! for the victory of the Referendum (1987), archived by SERPAJ, Montevideo, cat. no. 35/009.111/ 1987.04400. The slogan "trial and punishment for the guilty," which is reminiscent of the Argentine experience, was adopted by the local commissions but was not endorsed by the national CNP.
65. Ley de amnistía, Law 15,737 (Uru.), published in DIARIO OfICIAL (Montevideo), 22 March 1985.
66. See, e.g., EL DÍA, 23 Dec. 1988, at 8, 8-9 (quoting President Sanguinetti saying that annulling the Immunity Law would "carr[y] out a climate of confrontation, a climate of strife and drama . . . . The issue at stake is whether we leave this theme in the past or [whether] we enter a long, risky, shaky, dramatic period."). See also La calle: Voto Amarillo clausura el pasado y abre las puertas al porvenir, EL PAÍS (Montevideo), 13 Apr. 1989.
67. See, e.g., EL DÍA, 23 Dec. 1988, at 8, 8-9 (quoting President Sanguinetti saying that annulling the Immunity Law would "carr[y] out a climate of confrontation, a climate of strife and drama . . . . The issue at stake is whether we leave this theme in the past or [whether] we enter a long, risky, shaky, dramatic period."). See also La calle: Voto Amarillo clausura el pasado y abre las puertas al porvenir, EL PAÍS (Montevideo), 13 Apr. 1989.
68. Jorge Gamarra, El voto verde y claro del 16: Las oscurìdades del Presidente, BRECHA (Uru.), 24 Feb. 1989, at 2, 2-4.
69. Luego del 16 de abril, EL SOLDADO (Uru.), No. 122, May-June 1989, at 6; Discurso del comandante en jefe del Ejército Carlos L. Berois, id. at 35.
70. Luego del 16 de abril, EL SOLDADO (Uru.), No. 122, May-June 1989, at 6; Discurso del comandante en jefe del Ejército Carlos L. Berois, id. at 35.
71. Todbs iguales ante la ley? ESO sí que es cuento, EL SOLDADO (Uru.), No. 121, Jan.-Apr. 1989, at 2.
72. Id.
73. The text printed on the green ballot read as follows: "I vote to leave without effect articles 1 through 4 of the Law 15,848." CENTRO URUGUAY INDEPENDIENTE, supra note 8, at 27.
74. For the juridical debate over the legal effect of the ballot language, see INSTITUTO INTERAMERICANO DE DERECHOS HUMANOS (IIDH-CAPEL), EL REFERENDUM URUGAUYO DEL 16 DE ABRIL DE 1989, 103-217 (1989).
75. Politicians with a juridical background also participated in the debate. For the positions of Drs. Martín Sturla, Gros Espiell, Juan R. Ramírez, Gonzalo Aguirre, Julio César Espinola, Miguel Semino, Horacio Casinelli Muñoz, and José Korseniak, see EL REFERENDUM URUGAUYO DEL 16 DE ABRIL DE 1989. Id.
76. Tango no aceptária el desafío de Matilde: "Sólo con presidenciables," LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 3 Apr. 1989, at 3; MAX WEBER, POLITIK ALS BERUF (1968).
77. Tango no aceptária el desafío de Matilde: "Sólo con presidenciables," LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 3 Apr. 1989, at 3; MAX WEBER, POLITIK ALS BERUF (1968).
78. See Juan Rial, El Referendum del 16 de Afaril de 1989 en Uruguay, in EL REFERENDUM URUGAUYO DEL 16 DE ABRIL DE 1989, supra note 52, at 15, 19-24.
79. Tango no aceptaría el desafío de Matilde: "Sólo con presidenciables," supra note 56; Cuatro presidenciables rehusaron polemizar con Matilde, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 5 Apr. 1989, at 3.
80. Tango no aceptaría el desafío de Matilde: "Sólo con presidenciables," supra note 56; Cuatro presidenciables rehusaron polemizar con Matilde, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 5 Apr. 1989, at 3.
81. See For la Patria no pedirá a sus simpatizantes votar amarillo, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 9 Apr. 1989, at 1; García Costa, La Ley de Caducidad coopera a mantener paz y democracia, EL PAÍS (Montevideo), 24 Dec. 1988, at 2; Héctor Rodríguez, El largo silencio de Zumarán y Lacalle: Caducidad=Impunidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 7 Apr. 1989, at 6.
82. See For la Patria no pedirá a sus simpatizantes votar amarillo, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 9 Apr. 1989, at 1; García Costa, La Ley de Caducidad coopera a mantener paz y democracia, EL PAÍS (Montevideo), 24 Dec. 1988, at 2; Héctor Rodríguez, El largo silencio de Zumarán y Lacalle: Caducidad=Impunidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 7 Apr. 1989, at 6.
83. See For la Patria no pedirá a sus simpatizantes votar amarillo, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 9 Apr. 1989, at 1; García Costa, La Ley de Caducidad coopera a mantener paz y democracia, EL PAÍS (Montevideo), 24 Dec. 1988, at 2; Héctor Rodríguez, El largo silencio de Zumarán y Lacalle: Caducidad=Impunidad, BRECHA (Uru.), 7 Apr. 1989, at 6.
84. Los montevideanos y el Referendum: la irreductibilidad de las posiciones, BÚSQUEDA (Uru.), 6 Apr. 1989, at 7 (results of poll conducted by Equipos Consultores).
85. LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 17 Apr. 1989, at 5.
86. Id.
87. Id.
88. The expression "neither vanquished nor victors" (ni vencidos ni vencedores) is an allusion to the pact signed by the Blanco and the Colorado caudillos on 8 October 1850, to put an end to the decades-long civil war, known as the Guerra Grande.
89. BÚSQUEDA (Uru.), supra note 26, at 8.
90. Id.
91. Id.
92. Interview with Matilde Rodríguez de Gutiérrez Ruiz, LA RÁZON (Uru.), 21 Apr. 1989.
93. Que tristeza . . . Vencieron, pero no convencieron, LA HORA (Montevideo), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Los militares no irán ante el juez: el juicio lo hará la historia, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Que la lucha continúe, MATE AMARGO (Montevideo), 20 Apr. 1989, at 3.
94. Que tristeza . . . Vencieron, pero no convencieron, LA HORA (Montevideo), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Los militares no irán ante el juez: el juicio lo hará la historia, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Que la lucha continúe, MATE AMARGO (Montevideo), 20 Apr. 1989, at 3.
95. Que tristeza . . . Vencieron, pero no convencieron, LA HORA (Montevideo), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Los militares no irán ante el juez: el juicio lo hará la historia, LA REPÚBLICA (Uru.), 17 Apr. 1989, at 1; Que la lucha continúe, MATE AMARGO (Montevideo), 20 Apr. 1989, at 3.
96. Interview with Gerardo Caetano, Professor of Political Science, Universidad de la República, and Researcher, Instituto de Estudios Políticos, Montevideo, Uruguay (12 July 1995); Interview with Ricardo Changala, lawyer, human rights activist, and Co-Director, SERPAJ, Montevideo, Uruguay (12 July 1995). The negotiations at the Club Naval and the agreements reached were secret. See generally El pacto político del '84, BÚSQUEDA (Uru.), 23 Feb. 1989, at 3.
97. NUNCA MÁS, supra note 7.
98. SERPAJ continues to be one of the most active NGOs working for the enhancement of human rights. The organization has implemented education programs, conducts workshops on different issues (women rights, social rights, children rights), and provides personal counseling as well as legal representation of persons who allegedly were subject to abuse by the security forces. It publishes a yearly report on human rights violations and on advances in the law and effective protection of human rights. The study of human rights has been incorporated as part of the educational syllabus of secondary and tertiary education, even though it is theoretical and lacks any historical referents. See, e.g., SERVICIO PAZ Y JUSTICIA - URUGUAY, VALE LA PENA: 10 AÑOS POR LA PAZ Y LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (1991). On the reformulation of the agenda on human rights in this period, see Antonio Serrentino Sabella & Pablo Mieres, Reconversión de la causa de los derechos humanos en contexto de democratización - el caso Uruguay, in 1 DEBATES 7 (1992).
99. On the subsequent crisis of identity, see HUGO ACHUGAR, LA BALSA DE LA MEDUSA, 44-51 (1992); MAREN & MARCELO VIÑAR, FRACTURAS DE MEMORIA (1993); TERESA PORZECANSKI, Uruguay a fines de siglo XX: mitologías de ausencia y de presencia, in IDENTITAD URUGUAY: ¿MITO, CRISIS O AFIRMACION? 49-63 (HUGO ACHUGAR & GERARDO CAETANO eds., 1992).
100. On the subsequent crisis of identity, see HUGO ACHUGAR, LA BALSA DE LA MEDUSA, 44-51 (1992); MAREN & MARCELO VIÑAR, FRACTURAS DE MEMORIA (1993); TERESA PORZECANSKI, Uruguay a fines de siglo XX: mitologías de ausencia y de presencia, in IDENTITAD URUGUAY: ¿MITO, CRISIS O AFIRMACION? 49-63 (HUGO ACHUGAR & GERARDO CAETANO eds., 1992).
101. On the subsequent crisis of identity, see HUGO ACHUGAR, LA BALSA DE LA MEDUSA, 44-51 (1992); MAREN & MARCELO VIÑAR, FRACTURAS DE MEMORIA (1993); TERESA PORZECANSKI, Uruguay a fines de siglo XX: mitologías de ausencia y de presencia, in IDENTITAD URUGUAY: ¿MITO, CRISIS O AFIRMACION? 49-63 (HUGO ACHUGAR & GERARDO CAETANO eds., 1992).