Lineaments of the political geography of state formation in twentieth-century South Africa

Journal of Historical Sociology

Volumn 10, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 101-126

  Ashforth, Adam ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0038879070     PISSN: 09521909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-6443.00033     Document Type: Article

References (79)

1. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
2. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
3. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
4. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
5. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
6. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
7. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
8. In using the phrase 'the organisation of political subjection,' I draw from Philip Abrams, 'Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,' Journal of Historical Sociology, 1 (1988), pp.58-89. For a sampling of the immense literature relating to the sort of approach underpinning the arguments in this paper, see: Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986); Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process; Socio - Genetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (2 vols) (Trans., Edmund Jephcott) (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982) [1st, 1939]; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Trans., Alan Sheridan) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) [1st, 1975]; Karl Marx, Capital (vol. 1); Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (Trans., Patrick Cammiler) (London: New Left Books, 1978); Charles Tilly, Capital, Coercion, and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Max Weber, 'Politics as a Vocation', in From Max Weber; Essays in Sociology (Trans and Eds, H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948).
9. For an exemplary instance of the sort of analysis that derived from an exclusive focus on the national state domain, see Robert Price, The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
10. It is unlikely that much more than half of the African population was ever resident in those areas which were defined as 'Native Reserves,' later becoming 'Bantu Areas,' 'Homelands,' 'Black States,' and 'National States.' In 1905, the South African Native Affairs Commission estimated that half of the 'Native' population lived in the Reserves. [South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), Vol.1, Annexure 8.] In 1911, the Census estimated that 12.6% of the African population was resident in urban areas. Presumably the rest of the population lived in those rural areas which, after 1913, became known as 'White,' including white-owned farms, crown lands, missionstations, and African freehold properties. A large part of these people would have been living subject to political authorities deemed 'tribal,' although from the point of view of the state, they would have been considered 'squatters.' [For discussion of this category, see Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 50-51.] By 1951, 27.2% of the African population lived in the urban areas, with about 39% in the Reserves. [Union of South Africa, Union Statistics for Fifty Years, 1910-1960 p. A10.] The Tomlinson Commission, however, was at pains to point out that this was a 'de facto' number, failing to account for the 569,000 persons temporarily absent from the areas then being called 'Bantu Areas': 'It follows from this, that more than half the indigenous Bantu of the Union regard the Bantu Areas as their home.' [Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas in the Union of South Africa (U.G.61/1955) Ch.13; para.4.] In 1989, the Development Bank of South Africa estimated the total population of the Homelands ('Independent' and 'non-independent') at 15,936,549 of a total African population of 27,542,958, or about 58% of the African population. [Institute of Race Relations, Race Relations Survey 1989/90 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1990), p. 35.] By that time large urban dormitory settlements were incorporated in areas designated Homelands within commuting distance of the 'White' cities of Bloemfontein, Durban, East London, and Pretoria. Given that there were no accurate figures for informal settlements in urban areas, not to mention the disarray of Homeland census taking, these figures are unreliable and probably overestimate the rural component. The 1995 Green Paper on Population Policy puts the 'non-urban' part of the total population at 51.7% without specifying race or former homeland regions.
11. It is unlikely that much more than half of the African population was ever resident in those areas which were defined as 'Native Reserves,' later becoming 'Bantu Areas,' 'Homelands,' 'Black States,' and 'National States.' In 1905, the South African Native Affairs Commission estimated that half of the 'Native' population lived in the Reserves. [South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), Vol.1, Annexure 8.] In 1911, the Census estimated that 12.6% of the African population was resident in urban areas. Presumably the rest of the population lived in those rural areas which, after 1913, became known as 'White,' including white-owned farms, crown lands, missionstations, and African freehold properties. A large part of these people would have been living subject to political authorities deemed 'tribal,' although from the point of view of the state, they would have been considered 'squatters.' [For discussion of this category, see Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 50-51.] By 1951, 27.2% of the African population lived in the urban areas, with about 39% in the Reserves. [Union of South Africa, Union Statistics for Fifty Years, 1910-1960 p. A10.] The Tomlinson Commission, however, was at pains to point out that this was a 'de facto' number, failing to account for the 569,000 persons temporarily absent from the areas then being called 'Bantu Areas': 'It follows from this, that more than half the indigenous Bantu of the Union regard the Bantu Areas as their home.' [Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas in the Union of South Africa (U.G.61/1955) Ch.13; para.4.] In 1989, the Development Bank of South Africa estimated the total population of the Homelands ('Independent' and 'non-independent') at 15,936,549 of a total African population of 27,542,958, or about 58% of the African population. [Institute of Race Relations, Race Relations Survey 1989/90 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1990), p. 35.] By that time large urban dormitory settlements were incorporated in areas designated Homelands within commuting distance of the 'White' cities of Bloemfontein, Durban, East London, and Pretoria. Given that there were no accurate figures for informal settlements in urban areas, not to mention the disarray of Homeland census taking, these figures are unreliable and probably overestimate the rural component. The 1995 Green Paper on Population Policy puts the 'non-urban' part of the total population at 51.7% without specifying race or former homeland regions.
12. It is unlikely that much more than half of the African population was ever resident in those areas which were defined as 'Native Reserves,' later becoming 'Bantu Areas,' 'Homelands,' 'Black States,' and 'National States.' In 1905, the South African Native Affairs Commission estimated that half of the 'Native' population lived in the Reserves. [South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), Vol.1, Annexure 8.] In 1911, the Census estimated that 12.6% of the African population was resident in urban areas. Presumably the rest of the population lived in those rural areas which, after 1913, became known as 'White,' including white-owned farms, crown lands, missionstations, and African freehold properties. A large part of these people would have been living subject to political authorities deemed 'tribal,' although from the point of view of the state, they would have been considered 'squatters.' [For discussion of this category, see Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 50-51.] By 1951, 27.2% of the African population lived in the urban areas, with about 39% in the Reserves. [Union of South Africa, Union Statistics for Fifty Years, 1910-1960 p. A10.] The Tomlinson Commission, however, was at pains to point out that this was a 'de facto' number, failing to account for the 569,000 persons temporarily absent from the areas then being called 'Bantu Areas': 'It follows from this, that more than half the indigenous Bantu of the Union regard the Bantu Areas as their home.' [Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas in the Union of South Africa (U.G.61/1955) Ch.13; para.4.] In 1989, the Development Bank of South Africa estimated the total population of the Homelands ('Independent' and 'non-independent') at 15,936,549 of a total African population of 27,542,958, or about 58% of the African population. [Institute of Race Relations, Race Relations Survey 1989/90 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1990), p. 35.] By that time large urban dormitory settlements were incorporated in areas designated Homelands within commuting distance of the 'White' cities of Bloemfontein, Durban, East London, and Pretoria. Given that there were no accurate figures for informal settlements in urban areas, not to mention the disarray of Homeland census taking, these figures are unreliable and probably overestimate the rural component. The 1995 Green Paper on Population Policy puts the 'non-urban' part of the total population at 51.7% without specifying race or former homeland regions.
13. It is unlikely that much more than half of the African population was ever resident in those areas which were defined as 'Native Reserves,' later becoming 'Bantu Areas,' 'Homelands,' 'Black States,' and 'National States.' In 1905, the South African Native Affairs Commission estimated that half of the 'Native' population lived in the Reserves. [South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), Vol.1, Annexure 8.] In 1911, the Census estimated that 12.6% of the African population was resident in urban areas. Presumably the rest of the population lived in those rural areas which, after 1913, became known as 'White,' including white-owned farms, crown lands, missionstations, and African freehold properties. A large part of these people would have been living subject to political authorities deemed 'tribal,' although from the point of view of the state, they would have been considered 'squatters.' [For discussion of this category, see Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 50-51.] By 1951, 27.2% of the African population lived in the urban areas, with about 39% in the Reserves. [Union of South Africa, Union Statistics for Fifty Years, 1910-1960 p. A10.] The Tomlinson Commission, however, was at pains to point out that this was a 'de facto' number, failing to account for the 569,000 persons temporarily absent from the areas then being called 'Bantu Areas': 'It follows from this, that more than half the indigenous Bantu of the Union regard the Bantu Areas as their home.' [Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas in the Union of South Africa (U.G.61/1955) Ch.13; para.4.] In 1989, the Development Bank of South Africa estimated the total population of the Homelands ('Independent' and 'non-independent') at 15,936,549 of a total African population of 27,542,958, or about 58% of the African population. [Institute of Race Relations, Race Relations Survey 1989/90 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1990), p. 35.] By that time large urban dormitory settlements were incorporated in areas designated Homelands within commuting distance of the 'White' cities of Bloemfontein, Durban, East London, and Pretoria. Given that there were no accurate figures for informal settlements in urban areas, not to mention the disarray of Homeland census taking, these figures are unreliable and probably overestimate the rural component. The 1995 Green Paper on Population Policy puts the 'non-urban' part of the total population at 51.7% without specifying race or former homeland regions.
14. It is unlikely that much more than half of the African population was ever resident in those areas which were defined as 'Native Reserves,' later becoming 'Bantu Areas,' 'Homelands,' 'Black States,' and 'National States.' In 1905, the South African Native Affairs Commission estimated that half of the 'Native' population lived in the Reserves. [South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), Vol.1, Annexure 8.] In 1911, the Census estimated that 12.6% of the African population was resident in urban areas. Presumably the rest of the population lived in those rural areas which, after 1913, became known as 'White,' including white-owned farms, crown lands, missionstations, and African freehold properties. A large part of these people would have been living subject to political authorities deemed 'tribal,' although from the point of view of the state, they would have been considered 'squatters.' [For discussion of this category, see Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 50-51.] By 1951, 27.2% of the African population lived in the urban areas, with about 39% in the Reserves. [Union of South Africa, Union Statistics for Fifty Years, 1910-1960 p. A10.] The Tomlinson Commission, however, was at pains to point out that this was a 'de facto' number, failing to account for the 569,000 persons temporarily absent from the areas then being called 'Bantu Areas': 'It follows from this, that more than half the indigenous Bantu of the Union regard the Bantu Areas as their home.' [Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas in the Union of South Africa (U.G.61/1955) Ch.13; para.4.] In 1989, the Development Bank of South Africa estimated the total population of the Homelands ('Independent' and 'non-independent') at 15,936,549 of a total African population of 27,542,958, or about 58% of the African population. [Institute of Race Relations, Race Relations Survey 1989/90 (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1990), p. 35.] By that time large urban dormitory settlements were incorporated in areas designated Homelands within commuting distance of the 'White' cities of Bloemfontein, Durban, East London, and Pretoria. Given that there were no accurate figures for informal settlements in urban areas, not to mention the disarray of Homeland census taking, these figures are unreliable and probably overestimate the rural component. The 1995 Green Paper on Population Policy puts the 'non-urban' part of the total population at 51.7% without specifying race or former homeland regions.
15. The argument on imperial rule presented here differs from the 'Colonialism of a Special Type' thesis elaborated by the South African Communist Party in 1962. [See, The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South African Communist Party adopted at the fifth national conference, reprinted in South African Communists Speak: Documents from the History of the South African Communist Party, 1915-1980 (London: Inkululeko Publications, 1981); Francis Meli, 'South Africa's Colonialism of a Special Type,' in Lothar Rathman et al (eds.), Colonialism, Neocolonialism, and Africa's Path to a Peaceful Future [special issue of asien, afrika, lateinamerika journal) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), and Joe Slovo, 'South Africa: No Middle Road,' in B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).] The colonialism of a special type thesis was taken up by the African National Congress at Morogoro in 1969, dominated strategic thinking within the movement to the end, remaining central to ANC accounts of its struggle. [For examples, see, Maria van Diepen (ed.). The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988) and the ANC Submission to the Truth And Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.] In contrast to the CSTs emphasis on the colonial subjection of a single African nation, my argument emphasizes imperial rule as a political relation over a plurality of African polities, rather than seeing colonialism as primarily a matter of economic exploitation of black by white. By emphasizing the structure of political rule, this approach also differs from the internal colonialism thesis as applied to South Africa which emphasizes the articulation of modes of production, capitalist and pre-capitalist. [See, Harold Wolpe, 'The Theory of Internal Colonialism: The South African Case,' in, Ivar Oxaal et al (eds), Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and Society in Latin America and Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).]
16. The argument on imperial rule presented here differs from the 'Colonialism of a Special Type' thesis elaborated by the South African Communist Party in 1962. [See, The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South African Communist Party adopted at the fifth national conference, reprinted in South African Communists Speak: Documents from the History of the South African Communist Party, 1915-1980 (London: Inkululeko Publications, 1981); Francis Meli, 'South Africa's Colonialism of a Special Type,' in Lothar Rathman et al (eds.), Colonialism, Neocolonialism, and Africa's Path to a Peaceful Future [special issue of asien, afrika, lateinamerika journal) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), and Joe Slovo, 'South Africa: No Middle Road,' in B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).] The colonialism of a special type thesis was taken up by the African National Congress at Morogoro in 1969, dominated strategic thinking within the movement to the end, remaining central to ANC accounts of its struggle. [For examples, see, Maria van Diepen (ed.). The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988) and the ANC Submission to the Truth And Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.] In contrast to the CSTs emphasis on the colonial subjection of a single African nation, my argument emphasizes imperial rule as a political relation over a plurality of African polities, rather than seeing colonialism as primarily a matter of economic exploitation of black by white. By emphasizing the structure of political rule, this approach also differs from the internal colonialism thesis as applied to South Africa which emphasizes the articulation of modes of production, capitalist and pre-capitalist. [See, Harold Wolpe, 'The Theory of Internal Colonialism: The South African Case,' in, Ivar Oxaal et al (eds), Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and Society in Latin America and Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).]
17. The argument on imperial rule presented here differs from the 'Colonialism of a Special Type' thesis elaborated by the South African Communist Party in 1962. [See, The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South African Communist Party adopted at the fifth national conference, reprinted in South African Communists Speak: Documents from the History of the South African Communist Party, 1915-1980 (London: Inkululeko Publications, 1981); Francis Meli, 'South Africa's Colonialism of a Special Type,' in Lothar Rathman et al (eds.), Colonialism, Neocolonialism, and Africa's Path to a Peaceful Future [special issue of asien, afrika, lateinamerika journal) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), and Joe Slovo, 'South Africa: No Middle Road,' in B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).] The colonialism of a special type thesis was taken up by the African National Congress at Morogoro in 1969, dominated strategic thinking within the movement to the end, remaining central to ANC accounts of its struggle. [For examples, see, Maria van Diepen (ed.). The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988) and the ANC Submission to the Truth And Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.] In contrast to the CSTs emphasis on the colonial subjection of a single African nation, my argument emphasizes imperial rule as a political relation over a plurality of African polities, rather than seeing colonialism as primarily a matter of economic exploitation of black by white. By emphasizing the structure of political rule, this approach also differs from the internal colonialism thesis as applied to South Africa which emphasizes the articulation of modes of production, capitalist and pre-capitalist. [See, Harold Wolpe, 'The Theory of Internal Colonialism: The South African Case,' in, Ivar Oxaal et al (eds), Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and Society in Latin America and Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).]
18. The argument on imperial rule presented here differs from the 'Colonialism of a Special Type' thesis elaborated by the South African Communist Party in 1962. [See, The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South African Communist Party adopted at the fifth national conference, reprinted in South African Communists Speak: Documents from the History of the South African Communist Party, 1915-1980 (London: Inkululeko Publications, 1981); Francis Meli, 'South Africa's Colonialism of a Special Type,' in Lothar Rathman et al (eds.), Colonialism, Neocolonialism, and Africa's Path to a Peaceful Future [special issue of asien, afrika, lateinamerika journal) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), and Joe Slovo, 'South Africa: No Middle Road,' in B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).] The colonialism of a special type thesis was taken up by the African National Congress at Morogoro in 1969, dominated strategic thinking within the movement to the end, remaining central to ANC accounts of its struggle. [For examples, see, Maria van Diepen (ed.). The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988) and the ANC Submission to the Truth And Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.] In contrast to the CSTs emphasis on the colonial subjection of a single African nation, my argument emphasizes imperial rule as a political relation over a plurality of African polities, rather than seeing colonialism as primarily a matter of economic exploitation of black by white. By emphasizing the structure of political rule, this approach also differs from the internal colonialism thesis as applied to South Africa which emphasizes the articulation of modes of production, capitalist and pre-capitalist. [See, Harold Wolpe, 'The Theory of Internal Colonialism: The South African Case,' in, Ivar Oxaal et al (eds), Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and Society in Latin America and Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).]
19. The argument on imperial rule presented here differs from the 'Colonialism of a Special Type' thesis elaborated by the South African Communist Party in 1962. [See, The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South African Communist Party adopted at the fifth national conference, reprinted in South African Communists Speak: Documents from the History of the South African Communist Party, 1915-1980 (London: Inkululeko Publications, 1981); Francis Meli, 'South Africa's Colonialism of a Special Type,' in Lothar Rathman et al (eds.), Colonialism, Neocolonialism, and Africa's Path to a Peaceful Future [special issue of asien, afrika, lateinamerika journal) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1985), and Joe Slovo, 'South Africa: No Middle Road,' in B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).] The colonialism of a special type thesis was taken up by the African National Congress at Morogoro in 1969, dominated strategic thinking within the movement to the end, remaining central to ANC accounts of its struggle. [For examples, see, Maria van Diepen (ed.). The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988) and the ANC Submission to the Truth And Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.] In contrast to the CSTs emphasis on the colonial subjection of a single African nation, my argument emphasizes imperial rule as a political relation over a plurality of African polities, rather than seeing colonialism as primarily a matter of economic exploitation of black by white. By emphasizing the structure of political rule, this approach also differs from the internal colonialism thesis as applied to South Africa which emphasizes the articulation of modes of production, capitalist and pre-capitalist. [See, Harold Wolpe, 'The Theory of Internal Colonialism: The South African Case,' in, Ivar Oxaal et al (eds), Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and Society in Latin America and Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).]
20. See Adam Ashforth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) and Saul Dubow, Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), Ch.7.
21. See Adam Ashforth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) and Saul Dubow, Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), Ch.7.
22. Buthelezi's warriors in the 1990s, echoing Trotsky's comment at Brest-Litovsk that 'every state is founded upon force,' remind us of the state-like nature of the descendants of pre-colonial indigenous polities, even after more than a century of subordination to the power of an imperial center.
23. For an official version of the ANC's theory of history, see the ANC submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.
24. For an account of the complex relations of power and production on South African farms see, Charles van Onselen, The Seed is Mine: The Life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper, 1895-1985 (New York: Hill and Wang: 1996).
25. For an insight into the working of the migrant labor system on the mines, see, T. Dunbar Moodie, Going for Gold: Men, Mines and Migration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
26. Transvaal Labour Commission, Report of the Transvaal Labour Commission (British Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1896; 1904), para.70. For an account of the relation of British Imperial power and the gold mining interests to the annexation of the Boer republics and the formation of the South African state, see, Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, 'Lord Milner and the South African State,' History Workshop Journal, 8 (1979), pp.50-80.
27. Transvaal Labour Commission, Report of the Transvaal Labour Commission (British Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1896; 1904), para.70. For an account of the relation of British Imperial power and the gold mining interests to the annexation of the Boer republics and the formation of the South African state, see, Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, 'Lord Milner and the South African State,' History Workshop Journal, 8 (1979), pp.50-80.
28. For an outline of the logic of this relationship between labor and legitimacy, see Adam Ashforth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), Ch.2. For a general statement of principles on 'The Government of Native Races' in the British Empire, see, A. Berriedale Keith, The Constitution, Administration, and Laws of the Empire (London: Collins, 1924). For the significance of the 'marriage of gold and maize,' South Africa's answer to the marriage of iron and rye, see, Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies, 7 (1971), pp.309-320.
29. For an outline of the logic of this relationship between labor and legitimacy, see Adam Ashforth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), Ch.2. For a general statement of principles on 'The Government of Native Races' in the British Empire, see, A. Berriedale Keith, The Constitution, Administration, and Laws of the Empire (London: Collins, 1924). For the significance of the 'marriage of gold and maize,' South Africa's answer to the marriage of iron and rye, see, Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies, 7 (1971), pp.309-320.
30. For an outline of the logic of this relationship between labor and legitimacy, see Adam Ashforth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), Ch.2. For a general statement of principles on 'The Government of Native Races' in the British Empire, see, A. Berriedale Keith, The Constitution, Administration, and Laws of the Empire (London: Collins, 1924). For the significance of the 'marriage of gold and maize,' South Africa's answer to the marriage of iron and rye, see, Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies, 7 (1971), pp.309-320.
31. See, Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, 'Lord Milner and the South African State,' History Workshop Journal 8 (1979), pp.50-80. Marks and Trapido quote as an epigraph to their classic essay a fawning letter from J.P. Fitzpatrick to Lord Milner, of 22 February, 1905: 'I think some future Mark Twain will fossick about among the foundations of the great future South Africa and write an adaptation of the lines on Italy and Michelangelo: "It seems to me that the Almighty fashioned South Africa upon plans supplied by Lord Milner!"' He wasn't far wrong.
32. South African Inter-Colonial Customs Conference (Bloemfontein, March 1903), Minutes, 'Native Question,' para.1 [Parliamentary Paper, C. 1640].
33. I know of no better discussion of the political significance of 'communal tenure' than that of A. Berriedale Keith who argued, taking a lead from Maitland against the popular wisdom derived from Maine's view of land tenure in England, that the idea of communal tenure was a nonsense derived from a confusion of political sovereignty with land ownership. See, A. Berriedale Keith, 'Land Tenure in South Africa,' Letter to the Editor, Journal of the African Society Vol. 6 (1906), p.205-206.
34. Cecil Rhodes, 'Second Reading Speech on the Glen Grey Bill,' 30 July, 1894, in A.P.Newton (Ed.) Select Documents Relating to the Unification of South Africa (London: Cass, 1968), p. 125.
35. There were, of course, significant disagreements amongst the ruling orders on the exact form of these arguments, particularly between representatives of the 'Liberal' Cape and the 'exclusivist' north. The Cape 'Native Franchise,' entrenched in the Act of Union (1910), proved an obstacle to the establishment of a uniform system of 'Native' governance precisely because it enshrined the nineteenth-century liberal notions of citizen as property owner. The Land Act was declared ultra vires in the Cape because its restrictions on property ownership impinged upon the right of property owning 'Natives' to vote. The Cape franchise was finally removed with the 1936 Representation of Natives Act. See Marian Lacey, Working for Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981) pp.52 ff.
36. For discussion of this Act and the strategies it invoked, see, Saul Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36 (London: Macmillan, 1989), p.87ff, and Marian Lacey, Working for Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981), p.84ff.
37. For discussion of this Act and the strategies it invoked, see, Saul Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36 (London: Macmillan, 1989), p.87ff, and Marian Lacey, Working for Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981), p.84ff.
38. See U.N. General Assembly resolution A/RES/31/6 A, 26 October 1976: 'Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - The so-called "independent" Transkei and other Bantustans.' reprinted in United Nations, Dept of Public Information, The United Nations and Apartheid, 1948-1994 (New York: U.N. 1994) doc. 84.
39. See, D. Geldenhuys, South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities, and Future Development (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1981).
40. See, for example, the National Party's submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, August, 1996.
41. There is very little literature that gives a sense of the experience of apartheid's intermediaries in this system of rule apart from the more prominent Homeland Chief Ministers such as Buthelezi and Mangope, which tend to be either apologetic or accusatory. Most of what is available is decidedly unsympathetic to the plight of the 'traditional leaders.' See, for example, the standard ANC line developed in Mzala, Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda (London: Zed, 1988). Anthropological studies of the institution of the chieftainship died out in the 1960s. See, for example, David Hammond-Tooke, 'Chieftainship inTranskeian Political Development,' Journal of Modern African Studies, 2 (1964), pp.301-320. The most detailed recent study in Edwin Ritchken's University of the Witwatersrand (Political Science) 1994 PhD thesis.
42. There is very little literature that gives a sense of the experience of apartheid's intermediaries in this system of rule apart from the more prominent Homeland Chief Ministers such as Buthelezi and Mangope, which tend to be either apologetic or accusatory. Most of what is available is decidedly unsympathetic to the plight of the 'traditional leaders.' See, for example, the standard ANC line developed in Mzala, Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda (London: Zed, 1988). Anthropological studies of the institution of the chieftainship died out in the 1960s. See, for example, David Hammond-Tooke, 'Chieftainship inTranskeian Political Development,' Journal of Modern African Studies, 2 (1964), pp.301-320. The most detailed recent study in Edwin Ritchken's University of the Witwatersrand (Political Science) 1994 PhD thesis.
43. Between 1971 and 1976, for example, the number of officers employed by the Department of Plural Relations and Development (the old Native Affairs Department) in the Homelands increased more than threefold, from 21,771 to 69,217. During the same period the expenditures of that Department rose from 6.3% of the total government budget to 8.1%. [Source: Republic of South Africa, Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Legislation Affecting the Utilisation of Manpower (Excluding the Legislation Administered by the Departments of Labour and Mines (1978)(Riekert Report) p. 77.] Stanley Greenberg cites figures suggesting that 'in its heyday, the framework of labor control, encompassing the department, but also commuter subsides, resettlement costs, decentralization, and assistance to the Bantustans, consumed 3.5 billion Rands, or 14 percent of the entire state budget.' Legitimating the Illegitimate: State, Markets, and Resistance in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p.88.
44. Between 1971 and 1976, for example, the number of officers employed by the Department of Plural Relations and Development (the old Native Affairs Department) in the Homelands increased more than threefold, from 21,771 to 69,217. During the same period the expenditures of that Department rose from 6.3% of the total government budget to 8.1%. [Source: Republic of South Africa, Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Legislation Affecting the Utilisation of Manpower (Excluding the Legislation Administered by the Departments of Labour and Mines (1978)(Riekert Report) p. 77.] Stanley Greenberg cites figures suggesting that 'in its heyday, the framework of labor control, encompassing the department, but also commuter subsides, resettlement costs, decentralization, and assistance to the Bantustans, consumed 3.5 billion Rands, or 14 percent of the entire state budget.' Legitimating the Illegitimate: State, Markets, and Resistance in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p.88.
45. As a leader of the 'new' National Party in post-apartheid South Africa, F.W. De Klerk points to these efforts at state-building in the Homelands with some pride: Although we were primarily concerned with maintaining our own right to self-determination, it would be a mistake to think that there was not a strong element of idealism in this vision. A number of new cities were built in the states that had been had identified. Ten Legislative Assemblies came into being, each with its own government buildings and bureaucracy. In some instances the infrastructure was quite impressive. Several modern universities were founded - which were formerly dismissed as 'tribal colleges' - but which are now accepted as fully fledged universities. By 1975 some 77 new towns had been established and 130 204 new houses had been built. Between 1952 and 1972 the number of hospital beds in the homelands increased from some 5,000 to 34,689. Decentralised industries were developed and hundreds of millions of rands were pumped into the traditional areas in an attempt to stem the flood of people to the supposedly 'white' cities. It was thought that in this manner it would be possible to accommodate the political and constitutional aspirations of Black South Africans. [National Party submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, August 1994.]
46. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
47. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
48. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
49. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
50. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
51. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in
52. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
53. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
54. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
55. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
56. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
57. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
58. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
59. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
60. For all the defects subsequently exposed, it remains the collective achievement of the neo-Marxist revision of South African historiography in the 1970s and 1980s to reveal the lineaments of labor control and racial policies most clearly. See: Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London: Heineman, 1979); Robert Davies, Capital, State and White Labour in south Africa 1900-1960: An Historical Materialist Analysis of Class Formation and Class Relations (Brighton: Harvester, 1979); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Captialist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980) and Legitimating the Illegitimate: State Markets and Resistance in SouthAfrica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Doug Hindson, Pass Controls and the Urban African Proletariat in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); F. A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Marian Lacey, Working For Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); Martin Legassick, 'Legislation, Ideology, and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa,' Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1974) pp.5-35, 'South Africa: Capital Accumulation and Violence,' Economy and Society, 3 (1974), pp.253-291, and 'South Africa: Forced Labour, Industrialisation and Racial Differentiation,' in R. Harris (Ed.), The Political Economy of Africa (Cambridge [Mass.]: Schenkman, 1975); Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (Eds), The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Stanley Trapido, 'South Africa in a Comparative Study of Industrialisation,' Journal of Development Studies 7 (1971), pp.309-320; E. Webster, Studies in South African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1978); Harold Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid,' Economy and Society, 1 (1972), pp.425-456; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labor on the South African Goldfields, 1902-1939 (Westport: Greenwood, 1983).
61. L. J. Loots, A Profile of Black Unemployment (Southern African Labour and Development Research Unit, University of Cape Town, 1978), cited in Greenberg, Legitimating the Illegitimate p. 52. See also, Francis Wilson and Mamphela Ramphele, Uprooting Poverty: The SouthAfrican Challenge (Report for the Second Carnegie Inquiry into Poverty and Development in Southern Africa) (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), Ch.4.
62. L. J. Loots, A Profile of Black Unemployment (Southern African Labour and Development Research Unit, University of Cape Town, 1978), cited in Greenberg, Legitimating the Illegitimate p. 52. See also, Francis Wilson and Mamphela Ramphele, Uprooting Poverty: The SouthAfrican Challenge (Report for the Second Carnegie Inquiry into Poverty and Development in Southern Africa) (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), Ch.4.
63. L. J. Loots, A Profile of Black Unemployment (Southern African Labour and Development Research Unit, University of Cape Town, 1978), cited in Greenberg, Legitimating the Illegitimate p. 52. See also, Francis Wilson and Mamphela Ramphele, Uprooting Poverty: The SouthAfrican Challenge (Report for the Second Carnegie Inquiry into Poverty and Development in Southern Africa) (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), Ch.4.
64. As Greenberg has argued: 'the operation of the labor framework...proved internally contradictory; that is, its successes - the constraints on labor mobility, the bottling up of rural black populations, and the stratification of the African working class -...only strengthened the forces threatening to undo the system of control...[S]tate efforts to control the labor market... [were] constantly challenged by black workers, requiring yet more developed forms of state control - only to set in motion yet more determined efforts by workers to circumvent the system.' [Greenberg, Legitimating the Illegitimate p.31.]
65. By the 1950s this was a common description for the structure of 'Native administration.' See, for example, Union of South Africa, Summary of the Report of the Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas Within the Union of South Africa [UG 61/1955], para. 67;25.
66. Source: The Rural Development Strategy of the Government of National Unity, Ministry in the Office of the President, A discussion document, Pretoria, 12 October 1995.
67. See, W. Cobbett et al, 'South Africa's Regional Political Economy: A Critical Analysis of Reform Strategy in the 1980s,' South African Review, 3 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Yvonne Muthien and Meshack M. Khosa, 'The Kingdom, the Volkstaat and the New South Africa: Drawing South Africa's New Regional Boundaries,' Journal of Southern African Studies 21;2 (1995), pp.303-322; Helen Zille, 'Restructuring the Industrial Decentralisation Strategy,' South African Review 1 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1984).
68. See, W. Cobbett et al, 'South Africa's Regional Political Economy: A Critical Analysis of Reform Strategy in the 1980s,' South African Review, 3 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Yvonne Muthien and Meshack M. Khosa, 'The Kingdom, the Volkstaat and the New South Africa: Drawing South Africa's New Regional Boundaries,' Journal of Southern African Studies 21;2 (1995), pp.303-322; Helen Zille, 'Restructuring the Industrial Decentralisation Strategy,' South African Review 1 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1984).
69. See, W. Cobbett et al, 'South Africa's Regional Political Economy: A Critical Analysis of Reform Strategy in the 1980s,' South African Review, 3 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986); Yvonne Muthien and Meshack M. Khosa, 'The Kingdom, the Volkstaat and the New South Africa: Drawing South Africa's New Regional Boundaries,' Journal of Southern African Studies 21;2 (1995), pp.303-322; Helen Zille, 'Restructuring the Industrial Decentralisation Strategy,' South African Review 1 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1984).
70. Regard the Stallard formula: If the native is to be regarded as a permanent element in municipal areas, and if he is to have an equal opportunity of establishing himself there permanently, there can be no justification for basing his exclusion from the franchise on the simple ground of colour. Some coloured persons and natives are possessed of property and of brains, and have educational qualifications not inferior to some enfranchised Europeans; many carry on trades and are their own employers, and it cannot be denied that they have special and peculiar needs not presently being met... If, as we consider, it is to the public advantage that all sections of the permanent community should be represented in government, on what ground is the franchise withheld from the natives? We consider that the history of the races, especially having regard to South African history, shows that the commingling of black and white is undesirable. The native should only be allowed to enter urban areas, which are essentially the white man's creation, when he is willing to enter and to minister to the needs of the white man, and should depart therefrom when he ceases so to minister. [Province of Transvaal, Report of the Transvaal Local Government Commission 1921 (Stallard Report), para.42.]
71. I borrow this description from E.A.E. Havemann, Manager of Non-European Affairs of the Durban City Council, who wrote in 1951 that the 'underlying concept' of urban Native policy was that each town is, in so far as Natives are concerned, something of a city state, isolated from the rest of the country and vested with powers and responsibilities that are State functions in so far as non-Natives are concerned. [E.A.E. Havemann, 'The Principles Underlying Urban Native Administration in the Union,' Race Relations Journal, 18; 1 (1951), p.8.]
72. For the classic survey of urban areas legislation through the 1950s, see Ellen Hellmann, 'The Application of the Concept of Separate Development to the Urban Areas in the Union of South Africa,' in K. Kirkwood (Ed.) St Antony's Papers Vol. 10, African Affairs No.1 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961); also, Rodney Davenport, 'African Townsmen? South African Natives (Urban Areas) Legislation Through the Years,' African Affairs vol.68, no. 271 (April 1967), pp.95-109. For a comprehensive survey of legislation and policy through to the 1990s, see Paul Maylam, 'The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid,' African Affairs vol. 89, (January 1990), pp. 57-84. Perhaps the most vivid exposition of the absurdity of the temporary sojourner notion, and the ridiculous lengths that those responsible for 'urban Non-European Affairs Administration' had to go in order to justify themselves, is to be found in an unpublished paper from 1958 by the Director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Natal, J.F. Holleman entitled: The Tightrope Dancers: Report on the 7th Annual Conference of the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs - Muizenberg, 30th September-3rd October, 1958.'
73. For the classic survey of urban areas legislation through the 1950s, see Ellen Hellmann, 'The Application of the Concept of Separate Development to the Urban Areas in the Union of South Africa,' in K. Kirkwood (Ed.) St Antony's Papers Vol. 10, African Affairs No.1 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961); also, Rodney Davenport, 'African Townsmen? South African Natives (Urban Areas) Legislation Through the Years,' African Affairs vol.68, no. 271 (April 1967), pp.95-109. For a comprehensive survey of legislation and policy through to the 1990s, see Paul Maylam, 'The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid,' African Affairs vol. 89, (January 1990), pp. 57-84. Perhaps the most vivid exposition of the absurdity of the temporary sojourner notion, and the ridiculous lengths that those responsible for 'urban Non-European Affairs Administration' had to go in order to justify themselves, is to be found in an unpublished paper from 1958 by the Director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Natal, J.F. Holleman entitled: The Tightrope Dancers: Report on the 7th Annual Conference of the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs - Muizenberg, 30th September-3rd October, 1958.'
74. For the classic survey of urban areas legislation through the 1950s, see Ellen Hellmann, 'The Application of the Concept of Separate Development to the Urban Areas in the Union of South Africa,' in K. Kirkwood (Ed.) St Antony's Papers Vol. 10, African Affairs No.1 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961); also, Rodney Davenport, 'African Townsmen? South African Natives (Urban Areas) Legislation Through the Years,' African Affairs vol.68, no. 271 (April 1967), pp.95-109. For a comprehensive survey of legislation and policy through to the 1990s, see Paul Maylam, 'The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid,' African Affairs vol. 89, (January 1990), pp. 57-84. Perhaps the most vivid exposition of the absurdity of the temporary sojourner notion, and the ridiculous lengths that those responsible for 'urban Non-European Affairs Administration' had to go in order to justify themselves, is to be found in an unpublished paper from 1958 by the Director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Natal, J.F. Holleman entitled: The Tightrope Dancers: Report on the 7th Annual Conference of the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs - Muizenberg, 30th September-3rd October, 1958.'
75. For the classic survey of urban areas legislation through the 1950s, see Ellen Hellmann, 'The Application of the Concept of Separate Development to the Urban Areas in the Union of South Africa,' in K. Kirkwood (Ed.) St Antony's Papers Vol. 10, African Affairs No.1 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961); also, Rodney Davenport, 'African Townsmen? South African Natives (Urban Areas) Legislation Through the Years,' African Affairs vol.68, no. 271 (April 1967), pp.95-109. For a comprehensive survey of legislation and policy through to the 1990s, see Paul Maylam, 'The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid,' African Affairs vol. 89, (January 1990), pp. 57-84. Perhaps the most vivid exposition of the absurdity of the temporary sojourner notion, and the ridiculous lengths that those responsible for 'urban Non-European Affairs Administration' had to go in order to justify themselves, is to be found in an unpublished paper from 1958 by the Director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Natal, J.F. Holleman entitled: The Tightrope Dancers: Report on the 7th Annual Conference of the Institute of Administrators of Non-European Affairs - Muizenberg, 30th September-3rd October, 1958.'
76. For a periodization of urban government, see Paul Maylam, 'Rise and Decline,' p.58.
77. For a preliminary discussion of these developments, see my State Power, Violence, Everyday Life: Soweto, (Center for Studies of Social Change, Working Paper No. 210, March, 1995).
78. Linzi Manicom, 'Ruling Relations: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History,' Journal of African History, 33 (1992), p. 461.
79. See, T.W. Bennett, A Source Book of African Customary Law for Southern Africa (Cape Town: Juta, 1991).