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Volumn 11, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 470-496

Gender in transition: Unemployment in Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia

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EID: 0038866252     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0888325497011003003     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (44)

References (73)
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    • I thank Gyuri Karády for his keen observation. His impression, it should be noted, is not without foundation. In Hungary, for example, already in 1980 almost 50 percent of financial executives and chief accountants were women (Statistics on Women, Budapest: KSH, 1982). At the same time, the proportion of women who held CEO positions was much lower at around 16 percent.
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    • See Alena Heitlinger, "The Impact of the Transition from Communism on the Status of Women in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller, ed., Gender Politics. See also, Ewa Hauser, Barbara Heyns, and Jane Mansbridge, "Feminism in the Interstices of Politics and Culture: Poland in Transition" (ibid.); or Sharon Wolchik, "Women and the Politics of Transition in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Marilyn Rueschemeyer, ed., Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Europe. (M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
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    • See Alena Heitlinger, "The Impact of the Transition from Communism on the Status of Women in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller, ed., Gender Politics. See also, Ewa Hauser, Barbara Heyns, and Jane Mansbridge, "Feminism in the Interstices of Politics and Culture: Poland in Transition" (ibid.); or Sharon Wolchik, "Women and the Politics of Transition in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Marilyn Rueschemeyer, ed., Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Europe. (M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
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    • See Alena Heitlinger, "The Impact of the Transition from Communism on the Status of Women in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller, ed., Gender Politics. See also, Ewa Hauser, Barbara Heyns, and Jane Mansbridge, "Feminism in the Interstices of Politics and Culture: Poland in Transition" (ibid.); or Sharon Wolchik, "Women and the Politics of Transition in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Marilyn Rueschemeyer, ed., Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Europe. (M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
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    • Sharon Wolchik, "Women and the Politics of Transition in the Czech and Slovak Republics," in Marilyn Rueschemeyer, ed., Women in the Politics.
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    • See Barbara F. Reskin and Patricia Roos, Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990) for a discussion of changes in occupational sex segregation in the U.S. - a process that could in many ways prove to be analogous to what is happening in East Central Europe.
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    • Reskin, B.F.1    Roos, P.2
  • 10
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    • See Victor Nee, "The Theory of Market Transition - From Redistribution to Markets in State Socialism," American Sociological Review (1989) 54: 663-81. See also József Böröcz and Akos Róna-Tas, "Small Leap Forward: The Emergence of Economic Elites," Theory and Society 24: 5 (October 1995).
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    • Small leap forward: The emergence of economic elites
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    • See Victor Nee, "The Theory of Market Transition - From Redistribution to Markets in State Socialism," American Sociological Review (1989) 54: 663-81. See also József Böröcz and Akos Róna-Tas, "Small Leap Forward: The Emergence of Economic Elites," Theory and Society 24: 5 (October 1995).
    • (1995) Theory and Society , vol.24 , Issue.5
    • Böröcz, J.1    Róna-Tas, A.2
  • 12
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    • note
    • The reader should keep in mind that the measurement of unemployment is unfortunately quite unreliable in East Central Europe. The aggregate statistics above, published by the International Labor Office, are based on data collected by employment offices. Since registering with these offices is the precondition for receiving unemployment benefits, at least in the first few years (before people reach the limit in receiving this financial aid), employment-office data probably overestimate unemployment rates. Ethnographic information suggests that a significant number of unemployed people do work in the "black or gray" market and earn substantial incomes.
  • 13
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    • note
    • Note that the population in Tables 2 and 4 are people of working age - i.e., women between 20 and 55 years old in Hungary and Slovakia, and between 20 and 60 in Poland; and men between 20 and 60 years old in Hungary and Slovakia, and between 20 and 65 in Poland. While 60-65 years of age was the retirement limit in Poland, voluntary retirement could be taken as early as 55-60. Tables 2 and 4 use data from the survey "Social Stratification in Eastern Europe After 1989" (Szelenyi and Treiman, Research Proposal, UCLA, 1990).
  • 14
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    • Contrary to popular belief, the proportion of homemakers in the population did not increase much in any of the three countries and no more than the proportion of those who took maternity leave, a few percentage points between 1988 and 1993
    • Contrary to popular belief, the proportion of homemakers in the population did not increase much in any of the three countries and no more than the proportion of those who took maternity leave, a few percentage points between 1988 and 1993.
  • 16
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    • note
    • The wide variation observed across countries is due to their somewhat differing policies regarding retirement. For example, in Poland, while the official retirement age was the highest of the three countries, voluntary retirement was allowed five years earlier. Hence the high proportion of early retirees there. This was not the case in Hungary and Slovakia. In these two countries, retirement before the centrally set age of 55 for women and 60 for men had serious financial consequences.
  • 18
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    • note
    • This paper is by necessity quite limited in scope and does not discuss a number of very important, and no doubt gendered, aspects of the phenomenon of unemployment in the region. For example, studies show that in most of these countries there are more women than men among those who have been out of work for a year or longer. (See Employment Observatory, 3. EC Publication, 1993.) Several authots have pointed out the sexist nature of job advertisements and job requirements, as well as the gender differences in the amount welfare recipients collect. Such discussions, regrettably, will have to be left for future scholarly attempts when cross-nationally comparative, longitudinal, better-quality data are available.
  • 19
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    • Westview Press
    • The economic restructuring of the 1980s in Central and South America may be on a scale that is similar to the current transformations in East Central Europe. There is a sizable literature on the effect of these changes on the position of women. See, for example, Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman, Unequal Burden: Economic Crises, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work (Westview Press, 1992).
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    • Beneria, L.1    Feldman, S.2
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    • note
    • I use the term "conservative/traditional gender ideologies" to describe trends of thought that emphasize the view that a woman's "natural" place is in the home and that her primary role and function in life is motherhood. This idea propagates the family wage, the abolition of abortion, and public child care in order to encourage women to have more babies and stay at home to look after them.
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    • There were restrictions and renegotiation in the other two countries (and in the Czech republic) as well, but access to abortion did not change in essence
    • There were restrictions and renegotiation in the other two countries (and in the Czech republic) as well, but access to abortion did not change in essence.
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    • In Poland by 1992, the number of children attending nursery school/kindergarten was reduced to 56 percent of those who attended in 1990. The comparable percentage is only 82 percent in Czechoslovakia and Hungary. (See Statistical Yearbooks of Poland 1992, the Czech and Slovak Republics 1993, and Hungary 1993)
    • In Poland by 1992, the number of children attending nursery school/kindergarten was reduced to 56 percent of those who attended in 1990. The comparable percentage is only 82 percent in Czechoslovakia and Hungary. (See Statistical Yearbooks of Poland 1992, the Czech and Slovak Republics 1993, and Hungary 1993).
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    • See, for example, Marilyn Rueschemeyer and Szonja Szelényi, "Socialise Transformation and Gender Inequality: Women in the GDR and in Hungary," 81-109 , in David Childs, Thomas A. Baylis, and Marilyn Rueschemeyer, eds., East Germany in a Comparative Perspective (London: Routledge, 1989). See also Sharon L. Wolchik, "The Status of Women in a Socialist Order: Czechoslovakia, 1948-78," Slavic Review (1979), 583-602; or Einhorn, Cinderella.
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  • 65
    • 0004039982 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Similar tendencies have been noted in various European countries as well - e.g., France, Britain, or Italy (see Rubery, Women and Recessions).
    • Women and Recessions
    • Rubery1
  • 66
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    • As in Table 2, the data for each time period refer to the working age and actively working population in each country. Because they describe slightly different segments of the population, these figures differ somewhat from the ones presented in published aggregate statistics (see, for example, Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1993), and my tables at the end of this chapter (where I used pairwise deletion of missing data to correspond to the population in the models). The variation, however, is small, and the general trend is the same across all sets of data.
    • (1993) Yearbook of Labor Statistics
  • 69
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    • The survey was conducted among those between 20 and 69 years of age. This is unfortunate, since it means that we lose the youngest cohort, which, according to aggregate statistics, has been rather hard hit by unemployment
    • The survey was conducted among those between 20 and 69 years of age. This is unfortunate, since it means that we lose the youngest cohort, which, according to aggregate statistics, has been rather hard hit by unemployment.
  • 70
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    • As noted earlier, retirement age was 55 years for women and 60 for men in Hungary and Slovakia, and 60 years for women and 65 for men in Poland
    • As noted earlier, retirement age was 55 years for women and 60 for men in Hungary and Slovakia, and 60 years for women and 65 for men in Poland.
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    • note
    • In 1993, each of the three countries had regulations that guaranteed the jobs of those returning from maternity leave for varying amounts of time. In addition, in labor-force statistics, women on maternity leave are usually counted among the active population. If maternity leave affects women's chances of becoming unemployed, it will be uncovered in the analysis. This would be impossible to examine without counting them as actives.
  • 72
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    • The proportion of part-time workers has not grown significantly in the past years in any of these countries; practically everyone in the labor force still works full-time
    • The proportion of part-time workers has not grown significantly in the past years in any of these countries; practically everyone in the labor force still works full-time.
  • 73
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    • If we exclude tertiary educated people, academic high-school degrees still have a negative, though smaller, effect on unemployment in Slovakia
    • If we exclude tertiary educated people, academic high-school degrees still have a negative, though smaller, effect on unemployment in Slovakia.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.