The first phase of destruction: Killing the Southern Plains buffalo, 1790-1840

Great Plains Quarterly

Volumn 21, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 101-114

  Hämäläinen, Pekka ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

American bison; Bison hunting; Comanche; Environmental history; Native American history; Southern Plains

Indexed keywords

EID: 0038465508     PISSN: 02757664     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (105)

1. Dan Flores, "Bison Ecology and Bison Diplomacy: The Southern Plains from 1800 to 1850, "Journal of American History 78 (September 1991): 465-85; Elliott West, The Way to the West: Essays on the Central Plains (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), pp. 51-83.
2. Dan Flores, "Bison Ecology and Bison Diplomacy: The Southern Plains from 1800 to 1850," Journal of American History 78 (September 1991): 465-85; Elliott West, The Way to the West: Essays on the Central Plains (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), pp. 51-83.
3. See Flores, ibid., pp. 480-84; West, ibid., p. 82.
4. See Flores, ibid., pp. 480-84; West, ibid., p. 82.
5. See, for example, Andrew Isenberg, "Toward a Policy of Destruction: Buffaloes, Law, and the Market, 1803-83," Great Plains Quarterly 12 (fall 1992): 235; Paul H. Carlson, The Plains Indians (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998), pp. 18-19, 40. Richard White, by contrast, has been more reserved when referring to Flores's thesis. See Richard White, "Animals and Enterprise," in The Oxford History of the American West, ed. Clyde A. Milner II, Carol A. O'Connor, and Martha A. Sandweiss (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 249.
6. See, for example, Andrew Isenberg, "Toward a Policy of Destruction: Buffaloes, Law, and the Market, 1803-83," Great Plains Quarterly 12 (fall 1992): 235; Paul H. Carlson, The Plains Indians (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998), pp. 18-19, 40. Richard White, by contrast, has been more reserved when referring to Flores's thesis. See Richard White, "Animals and Enterprise," in The Oxford History of the American West, ed. Clyde A. Milner II, Carol A. O'Connor, and Martha A. Sandweiss (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 249.
7. See, for example, Andrew Isenberg, "Toward a Policy of Destruction: Buffaloes, Law, and the Market, 1803-83," Great Plains Quarterly 12 (fall 1992): 235; Paul H. Carlson, The Plains Indians (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998), pp. 18-19, 40. Richard White, by contrast, has been more reserved when referring to Flores's thesis. See Richard White, "Animals and Enterprise," in The Oxford History of the American West, ed. Clyde A. Milner II, Carol A. O'Connor, and Martha A. Sandweiss (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 249.
8. John W. Whitfield to C. E. Mix, 5 January 1856, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Upper Arkansas Agency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 878:102. Whitfield also provided a tribe-by-tribe breakdown of killing rates: Comanches Kiowas Apaches Cheyennes Arapahoes Population 3,200 2,400 320 3,150 2,400 Buffaloes 30,000 20,000 2,000 40,000 20,000 killed
9. Ernest Wallace, comp., "David G. Burnet's Letters Describing the Comanche Indians," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 30 (1954): 136; Morris W. Foster, Being Comanche: A Social History of an American Indian Community (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 44-45 ; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), pp. 199-203; Rupert Norval Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement: A Century and a Half of Savage Resistance to the Advancing White Frontier (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark, 1933), pp. 173-74, quote on p. 173. Gary Clay Anderson has recently argued that the southern Plains bison population may have dropped by as much as 50 percent between 1780 and 1820, but he offers no evidence for this claim. He tries to explain the dramatic (but unverified) decline by a prolonged dry spell in the early nineteenth century, but there is very little evidence of the effects of the drought on the bison herds. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580-1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 252.
10. Ernest Wallace, comp., "David G. Burnet's Letters Describing the Comanche Indians," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 30 (1954): 136; Morris W. Foster, Being Comanche: A Social History of an American Indian Community (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 44-45 ; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), pp. 199-203; Rupert Norval Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement: A Century and a Half of Savage Resistance to the Advancing White Frontier (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark, 1933), pp. 173-74, quote on p. 173. Gary Clay Anderson has recently argued that the southern Plains bison population may have dropped by as much as 50 percent between 1780 and 1820, but he offers no evidence for this claim. He tries to explain the dramatic (but unverified) decline by a prolonged dry spell in the early nineteenth century, but there is very little evidence of the effects of the drought on the bison herds. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580-1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 252.
11. Ernest Wallace, comp., "David G. Burnet's Letters Describing the Comanche Indians," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 30 (1954): 136; Morris W. Foster, Being Comanche: A Social History of an American Indian Community (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 44-45 ; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), pp. 199-203; Rupert Norval Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement: A Century and a Half of Savage Resistance to the Advancing White Frontier (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark, 1933), pp. 173-74, quote on p. 173. Gary Clay Anderson has recently argued that the southern Plains bison population may have dropped by as much as 50 percent between 1780 and 1820, but he offers no evidence for this claim. He tries to explain the dramatic (but unverified) decline by a prolonged dry spell in the early nineteenth century, but there is very little evidence of the effects of the drought on the bison herds. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580-1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 252.
12. Ernest Wallace, comp., "David G. Burnet's Letters Describing the Comanche Indians," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 30 (1954): 136; Morris W. Foster, Being Comanche: A Social History of an American Indian Community (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 44-45 ; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), pp. 199-203; Rupert Norval Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement: A Century and a Half of Savage Resistance to the Advancing White Frontier (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark, 1933), pp. 173-74, quote on p. 173. Gary Clay Anderson has recently argued that the southern Plains bison population may have dropped by as much as 50 percent between 1780 and 1820, but he offers no evidence for this claim. He tries to explain the dramatic (but unverified) decline by a prolonged dry spell in the early nineteenth century, but there is very little evidence of the effects of the drought on the bison herds. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580-1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 252.
13. Ernest Wallace, comp., "David G. Burnet's Letters Describing the Comanche Indians," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 30 (1954): 136; Morris W. Foster, Being Comanche: A Social History of an American Indian Community (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 44-45 ; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), pp. 199-203; Rupert Norval Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement: A Century and a Half of Savage Resistance to the Advancing White Frontier (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark, 1933), pp. 173-74, quote on p. 173. Gary Clay Anderson has recently argued that the southern Plains bison population may have dropped by as much as 50 percent between 1780 and 1820, but he offers no evidence for this claim. He tries to explain the dramatic (but unverified) decline by a prolonged dry spell in the early nineteenth century, but there is very little evidence of the effects of the drought on the bison herds. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580-1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), p. 252.
14. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
15. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
16. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
17. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
18. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
19. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
20. Perhaps the most authoritative proponent of the idea of the Plains as a hunter's paradise was Frank Gilbert Roe, the author of the classic The North American Buffalo: A Critical Study of the Species in Its Wild State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951). Flores, too, has endorsed the idea that overhunting was not an issue under normal weather conditions. Assuming that the Southern Plains bison produced more than 1 million calves a year, he argued that the region could support the subsistence needs of as many as 60,000 full-time hunters - about twice the number of Indians that actually lived in the region before Euro-American takeover. Flores, however, may have overestimated the bison's reproductive capacity. He asserts the bison's rate of increase at 18 percent of the total population, whereas Roe and William Brown argue that the reproduction rate was in fact 18 percent of the total female aggregate. See Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 480; Roe, ibid., p. 505; William R. Brown Jr., "Comancheria Demography, 1805-1803," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 10. For studies that discuss the environmental shifts that contributed to the diminution of the bison, see Douglas B. Bamforth, Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York: Plenum Press, 1988); John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Populations on the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40 (May 1995): 145-63; Richmond Clow, "Bison Ecology, Brulé and Yankton Winter Hunting, and the Starving Winter of 1832-33," Great Plains Quarterly 15 (fall 1995): 259-70.
21. Brown, ibid., pp. 9-12. By using somewhat different figures, Andrew Isenberg has recently come to a similar conclusion. In his view, the bison were vulnerable to depletion by overhunting, because the "combination of wolf predation, competition from other grazers, and accidents raised the natural mortality of the bison to the point that in some years it may have exceeded its natural increase." See Andrew C. Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 28. Brown's argument for lower bison numbers is backed by at least two other scholars. Tom McHugh has shown that sections of Yellowstone National Park can support twenty-six bison per square mile, which translates to 6.2 million in an area of Comanchería's size. Flores, using the 1910 Census for cattle, horses, and mules, has estimated that the pre-horse southern Plains might have supported just over 8 million bison. Because horses competed with the bison for forage and water, the horse-era figure would have been notably smaller. See Tom McHugh, The Time of the Buffalo (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), pp. 16-17; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 470-71.
22. Brown, ibid., pp. 9-12. By using somewhat different figures, Andrew Isenberg has recently come to a similar conclusion. In his view, the bison were vulnerable to depletion by overhunting, because the "combination of wolf predation, competition from other grazers, and accidents raised the natural mortality of the bison to the point that in some years it may have exceeded its natural increase." See Andrew C. Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 28. Brown's argument for lower bison numbers is backed by at least two other scholars. Tom McHugh has shown that sections of Yellowstone National Park can support twenty-six bison per square mile, which translates to 6.2 million in an area of Comanchería's size. Flores, using the 1910 Census for cattle, horses, and mules, has estimated that the pre-horse southern Plains might have supported just over 8 million bison. Because horses competed with the bison for forage and water, the horse-era figure would have been notably smaller. See Tom McHugh, The Time of the Buffalo (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), pp. 16-17; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 470-71.
23. Brown, ibid., pp. 9-12. By using somewhat different figures, Andrew Isenberg has recently come to a similar conclusion. In his view, the bison were vulnerable to depletion by overhunting, because the "combination of wolf predation, competition from other grazers, and accidents raised the natural mortality of the bison to the point that in some years it may have exceeded its natural increase." See Andrew C. Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 28. Brown's argument for lower bison numbers is backed by at least two other scholars. Tom McHugh has shown that sections of Yellowstone National Park can support twenty-six bison per square mile, which translates to 6.2 million in an area of Comanchería's size. Flores, using the 1910 Census for cattle, horses, and mules, has estimated that the pre-horse southern Plains might have supported just over 8 million bison. Because horses competed with the bison for forage and water, the horse-era figure would have been notably smaller. See Tom McHugh, The Time of the Buffalo (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), pp. 16-17; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 470-71.
24. Brown, ibid., pp. 9-12. By using somewhat different figures, Andrew Isenberg has recently come to a similar conclusion. In his view, the bison were vulnerable to depletion by overhunting, because the "combination of wolf predation, competition from other grazers, and accidents raised the natural mortality of the bison to the point that in some years it may have exceeded its natural increase." See Andrew C. Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 28. Brown's argument for lower bison numbers is backed by at least two other scholars. Tom McHugh has shown that sections of Yellowstone National Park can support twenty-six bison per square mile, which translates to 6.2 million in an area of Comanchería's size. Flores, using the 1910 Census for cattle, horses, and mules, has estimated that the pre-horse southern Plains might have supported just over 8 million bison. Because horses competed with the bison for forage and water, the horse-era figure would have been notably smaller. See Tom McHugh, The Time of the Buffalo (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), pp. 16-17; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 470-71.
25. It should be noted that the Southern Plains bison benefitted in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries from what has been called the Little Ice Age, a global cooling period that began in the fourteenth century and lasted until the middle of the nineteenth. However, frequent droughts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries - particularly in the 1780s and between 1806 and the early 1820s-nullified any positive effects that Little Ice Age may have had on the bison populations during the period discussed in this study. For droughts, see Anderson, Indian Southwest (note 5 above), pp. 185-86, 199-200, 252.
26. "List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786," in Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787, ed. and trans. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 325-27; Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier de Chavez, "Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat For Peace," 15 November 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, legajo 286, roll 10, available at Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. Most early-nineteenth-century estimates of Comanche population range between 7,000 and 12,000, suggesting a recurrent cycle between sharp population declines (probably triggered by epidemic diseases) and spurts of intense, compensatory growth. See Jean Louis Berlander, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Patricia Reading Leclercq (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), p. 121; Albert Pike to John Cass, 16 March 1833, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:166, Charles Bent to William Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 10 November 1846, in The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (Washington, D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 6-9; Pierce Butler to William Medill, 4 March 1846, Miscellaneous Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 444:44; Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), p. 8.
27. "List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786," in Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787, ed. and trans. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 325-27; Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier de Chavez, "Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat For Peace," 15 November 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, legajo 286, roll 10, available at Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. Most early-nineteenth-century estimates of Comanche population range between 7,000 and 12,000, suggesting a recurrent cycle between sharp population declines (probably triggered by epidemic diseases) and spurts of intense, compensatory growth. See Jean Louis Berlander, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Patricia Reading Leclercq (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), p. 121; Albert Pike to John Cass, 16 March 1833, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:166, Charles Bent to William Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 10 November 1846, in The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (Washington, D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 6-9; Pierce Butler to William Medill, 4 March 1846, Miscellaneous Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 444:44; Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), p. 8.
28. "List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786," in Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787, ed. and trans. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 325-27; Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier de Chavez, "Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat For Peace," 15 November 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, legajo 286, roll 10, available at Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. Most early-nineteenth-century estimates of Comanche population range between 7,000 and 12,000, suggesting a recurrent cycle between sharp population declines (probably triggered by epidemic diseases) and spurts of intense, compensatory growth. See Jean Louis Berlander, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Patricia Reading Leclercq (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), p. 121; Albert Pike to John Cass, 16 March 1833, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:166, Charles Bent to William Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 10 November 1846, in The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (Washington, D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 6-9; Pierce Butler to William Medill, 4 March 1846, Miscellaneous Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 444:44; Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), p. 8.
29. "List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786," in Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787, ed. and trans. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 325-27; Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier de Chavez, "Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat For Peace," 15 November 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, legajo 286, roll 10, available at Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. Most early-nineteenth-century estimates of Comanche population range between 7,000 and 12,000, suggesting a recurrent cycle between sharp population declines (probably triggered by epidemic diseases) and spurts of intense, compensatory growth. See Jean Louis Berlander, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Patricia Reading Leclercq (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), p. 121; Albert Pike to John Cass, 16 March 1833, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:166, Charles Bent to William Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 10 November 1846, in The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (Washington, D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 6-9; Pierce Butler to William Medill, 4 March 1846, Miscellaneous Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 444:44; Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), p. 8.
30. "List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786," in Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787, ed. and trans. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 325-27; Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier de Chavez, "Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat For Peace," 15 November 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, legajo 286, roll 10, available at Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. Most early-nineteenth-century estimates of Comanche population range between 7,000 and 12,000, suggesting a recurrent cycle between sharp population declines (probably triggered by epidemic diseases) and spurts of intense, compensatory growth. See Jean Louis Berlander, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Patricia Reading Leclercq (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), p. 121; Albert Pike to John Cass, 16 March 1833, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:166, Charles Bent to William Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 10 November 1846, in The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (Washington, D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 6-9; Pierce Butler to William Medill, 4 March 1846, Miscellaneous Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 444:44; Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), p. 8.
31. Michael G. Davis, Ecology, Sociopolitical Organization, and Cultural Change on the Southern Plains: A Critical Treatise in the Sociocultural Anthropology (Kirksville, Missouri: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1996), p. 134. n. 17; Kavanaugh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 147-48.
32. Michael G. Davis, Ecology, Sociopolitical Organization, and Cultural Change on the Southern Plains: A Critical Treatise in the Sociocultural Anthropology (Kirksville, Missouri: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1996), p. 134. n. 17; Kavanaugh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 147-48.
33. Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 88.
34. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 10-11; Shepard Krech III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 136. In reality, the Indians were probably killing even more than the minimum of six buffaloes per person, because all Plains nomads indulged in occasional wasteful acts during summer hunts, such as taking only the choicest parts of the fattest cows. See Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 85; Krech, ibid., pp. 142-43.
35. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 10-11; Shepard Krech III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 136. In reality, the Indians were probably killing even more than the minimum of six buffaloes per person, because all Plains nomads indulged in occasional wasteful acts during summer hunts, such as taking only the choicest parts of the fattest cows. See Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 85; Krech, ibid., pp. 142-43.
36. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 10-11; Shepard Krech III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 136. In reality, the Indians were probably killing even more than the minimum of six buffaloes per person, because all Plains nomads indulged in occasional wasteful acts during summer hunts, such as taking only the choicest parts of the fattest cows. See Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 85; Krech, ibid., pp. 142-43.
37. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 10-11; Shepard Krech III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 136. In reality, the Indians were probably killing even more than the minimum of six buffaloes per person, because all Plains nomads indulged in occasional wasteful acts during summer hunts, such as taking only the choicest parts of the fattest cows. See Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 85; Krech, ibid., pp. 142-43.
38. For a classic portrayal of the Upper Missouri trade center, see John C. Ewers, "The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri before Lewis and Clark," in Indian Life on the Upper Missouri, John C. Ewers (1954; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), pp. 14-33. For new interpretations of Comanche trade and economy, see Pekka Hämäla"inen, "The Western Comanche Trade Center: Rethinking the Plains Indian Trade System," Western Historical Quarterly 29 (winter 1998): 485-513; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 163-386; Martha McCullough, "Three Analytical Approaches to Comanche and Caddoan Histories During Spain's Colonial Occupation of the Southern Plains" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1996).
39. For a classic portrayal of the Upper Missouri trade center, see John C. Ewers, "The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri before Lewis and Clark," in Indian Life on the Upper Missouri, John C. Ewers (1954; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), pp. 14-33. For new interpretations of Comanche trade and economy, see Pekka Hämäla"inen, "The Western Comanche Trade Center: Rethinking the Plains Indian Trade System," Western Historical Quarterly 29 (winter 1998): 485-513; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 163-386; Martha McCullough, "Three Analytical Approaches to Comanche and Caddoan Histories During Spain's Colonial Occupation of the Southern Plains" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1996).
40. For a classic portrayal of the Upper Missouri trade center, see John C. Ewers, "The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri before Lewis and Clark," in Indian Life on the Upper Missouri, John C. Ewers (1954; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), pp. 14-33. For new interpretations of Comanche trade and economy, see Pekka Hämäla"inen, "The Western Comanche Trade Center: Rethinking the Plains Indian Trade System," Western Historical Quarterly 29 (winter 1998): 485-513; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 163-386; Martha McCullough, "Three Analytical Approaches to Comanche and Caddoan Histories During Spain's Colonial Occupation of the Southern Plains" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1996).
41. For a classic portrayal of the Upper Missouri trade center, see John C. Ewers, "The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri before Lewis and Clark," in Indian Life on the Upper Missouri, John C. Ewers (1954; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), pp. 14-33. For new interpretations of Comanche trade and economy, see Pekka Hämäla"inen, "The Western Comanche Trade Center: Rethinking the Plains Indian Trade System," Western Historical Quarterly 29 (winter 1998): 485-513; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 163-386; Martha McCullough, "Three Analytical Approaches to Comanche and Caddoan Histories During Spain's Colonial Occupation of the Southern Plains" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1996).
42. Data on Comanche and Kiowa hide trade is extremely scarce. According to Flores, the Southern Plains Indians produced between 6,000 and 10,000 bison for New Mexican and comanchero markets, but it is impossible to verify his estimate. The volume of the Comanches' and Kiowas' trade with their other allies, most of which were active hunters, was probably only a fraction of the volume of the New Mexican trade. See Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), n. 75.
43. William A. Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo: 1821-1881," Western Historical Quarterly 27 (spring 1996): 46; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 479-80; Bamforth, Ecology (note 6 above), p. 81.
44. William A. Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo: 1821-1881," Western Historical Quarterly 27 (spring 1996): 46; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 479-80; Bamforth, Ecology (note 6 above), p. 81.
45. William A. Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo: 1821-1881," Western Historical Quarterly 27 (spring 1996): 46; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 479-80; Bamforth, Ecology (note 6 above), p. 81.
46. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
47. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
48. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
49. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
50. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
51. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans. and ed., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), pp. 101-2; Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), pp. 100-107; Elizabeth Ann Harper, "The Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (October 1953): 198-99; Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540-1795 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 459; Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), p. 287; Dan L. Flores, ed., Journal of an Indian Trader: Anthony Glass and the Texas Trading Frontier, 1790-1810 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), pp. 70-79.
52. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
53. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
54. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
55. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
56. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
57. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
58. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 507; Elizabeth A. H. John, "An Earlier Chapter of Kiowa History," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (1985): 393-94; Joseph Jablow, "The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840," in Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, no. 19 (New York: J. J. Augustin, 1951), pp. 63-72; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, ibid., p. 291; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), p. 235. For instructive analyses of buffer zones, see West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 61-62; Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 67.
59. Willard H. Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), pp. 20-21, 257-85; David LaVere, Contrary Neighbors: Southern Plains and Removed Indians in Indian Territory (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), pp. 62-116; Dianna Everett, The Texas Cherokees: A People Between Two Fires, 1819-1840 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 114; Stan Hoig, Tribal Wars of the Southern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), pp. 118-35.
60. Willard H. Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), pp. 20-21, 257-85; David LaVere, Contrary Neighbors: Southern Plains and Removed Indians in Indian Territory (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), pp. 62-116; Dianna Everett, The Texas Cherokees: A People Between Two Fires, 1819-1840 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 114; Stan Hoig, Tribal Wars of the Southern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), pp. 118-35.
61. Willard H. Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), pp. 20-21, 257-85; David LaVere, Contrary Neighbors: Southern Plains and Removed Indians in Indian Territory (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), pp. 62-116; Dianna Everett, The Texas Cherokees: A People Between Two Fires, 1819-1840 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 114; Stan Hoig, Tribal Wars of the Southern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), pp. 118-35.
62. Willard H. Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), pp. 20-21, 257-85; David LaVere, Contrary Neighbors: Southern Plains and Removed Indians in Indian Territory (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), pp. 62-116; Dianna Everett, The Texas Cherokees: A People Between Two Fires, 1819-1840 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 114; Stan Hoig, Tribal Wars of the Southern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), pp. 118-35.
63. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 9-10; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 485; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), p. 216.
64. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 9-10; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 485; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), p. 216.
65. Brown, "Comancheria Demography" (note 6 above), pp. 9-10; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 485; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), p. 216.
66. Generally known as Liebig's law of the minimum, this principle has enjoyed wide popularity among the scholars of the American West and Plains Indians. See, for example, Alan J. Osborn, "Ecological Aspects of Equestrian Adaptations in Aboriginal North America," American Anthropologist 85 (September 1983): 563-91; West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 49-50, 78-79.
67. Generally known as Liebig's law of the minimum, this principle has enjoyed wide popularity among the scholars of the American West and Plains Indians. See, for example, Alan J. Osborn, "Ecological Aspects of Equestrian Adaptations in Aboriginal North America," American Anthropologist 85 (September 1983): 563-91; West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 49-50, 78-79.
68. Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches (note 16 above), p. 14; West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 19-26.
69. Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches (note 16 above), p. 14; West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 19-26.
70. West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 31-32, 77-79; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 481; Richardson, Comanche Barrier (note 5 above), p. 174.
71. West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 31-32, 77-79; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 481; Richardson, Comanche Barrier (note 5 above), p. 174.
72. West, Way to the West (note 1 above), pp. 31-32, 77-79; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), p. 481; Richardson, Comanche Barrier (note 5 above), p. 174.
73. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. and trans., Charmion Clair Shelby, trans., Pichardo's Treatise on the Limits of Texas and Lousiana, 4 vols. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1931-46), 3:348; Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta to Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursùa, 20 October 1774, in The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778: A Collection of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Eastern Frontier of New Mexico, ed. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 175; Juan Bautista de Anza, "Diary" and Francisco Xavier Ortiz to Anza, 20 May 1786, in Forgotten Frontiers (note 9 above), pp. 139, 323; Jürgen Döring, Kulturwandel bei den nordamerikanischen Plains-indianern: Zur Rolle des Pferdes bei den Comanchen und den Cheyenne (Berlin: Dietrick Reimer, 1984), pp. 236-37.
74. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. and trans., Charmion Clair Shelby, trans., Pichardo's Treatise on the Limits of Texas and Lousiana, 4 vols. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1931-46), 3:348; Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta to Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursùa, 20 October 1774, in The Plains
75. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. and trans., Charmion Clair Shelby, trans., Pichardo's Treatise on the Limits of Texas and Lousiana, 4 vols. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1931-46), 3:348; Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta to Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursùa, 20 October 1774, in The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778: A Collection of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Eastern Frontier of New Mexico, ed. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 175; Juan Bautista de Anza, "Diary" and Francisco Xavier Ortiz to Anza, 20 May 1786, in Forgotten Frontiers (note 9 above), pp. 139, 323; Jürgen Döring, Kulturwandel bei den nordamerikanischen Plains-indianern: Zur Rolle des Pferdes bei den Comanchen und den Cheyenne (Berlin: Dietrick Reimer, 1984), pp. 236-37.
76. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. and trans., Charmion Clair Shelby, trans., Pichardo's Treatise on the Limits of Texas and Lousiana, 4 vols. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1931-46), 3:348; Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta to Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursùa, 20 October 1774, in The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778: A Collection of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Eastern Frontier of New Mexico, ed. Alfred Barnaby Thomas (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 175; Juan Bautista de Anza, "Diary" and Francisco Xavier Ortiz to Anza, 20 May 1786, in Forgotten Frontiers (note 9 above), pp. 139, 323; Jürgen Döring, Kulturwandel bei den nordamerikanischen Plains-indianern: Zur Rolle des Pferdes bei den Comanchen und den Cheyenne (Berlin: Dietrick Reimer, 1984), pp. 236-37.
77. George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent Written from His Letters, ed. Savoie E. Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), p. 37; Jacob Fowler, The Journal of Jacob Fowler, ed. Elliott Coues (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1965), pp. 51-59; John Sibley to the Secretary of War, 5 April 1805, Letters Received by the Secretary of War Related to Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M271, 1:302; John Sibley, A Report from Natchitoches in 1807, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1922), pp. 40-41; Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: Citadel Press, 1966), pp. 226-43; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 133-39.
78. George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent Written from His Letters, ed. Savoie E. Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), p. 37; Jacob Fowler, The Journal of Jacob Fowler, ed. Elliott Coues (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1965), pp. 51-59; John Sibley to the Secretary of War, 5 April 1805, Letters Received by the Secretary of War Related to Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M271, 1:302; John Sibley, A Report from Natchitoches in 1807, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1922), pp. 40-41; Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: Citadel Press, 1966), pp. 226-43; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 133-39.
79. George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent Written from His Letters, ed. Savoie E. Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), p. 37; Jacob Fowler, The Journal of Jacob Fowler, ed. Elliott Coues (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1965), pp. 51-59; John Sibley to the Secretary of War, 5 April 1805, Letters Received by the Secretary of War Related to Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M271, 1:302; John Sibley, A Report from Natchitoches in 1807, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1922), pp. 40-41; Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: Citadel Press, 1966), pp. 226-43; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 133-39.
80. George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent Written from His Letters, ed. Savoie E. Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), p. 37; Jacob Fowler, The Journal of Jacob Fowler, ed. Elliott Coues (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1965), pp. 51-59; John Sibley to the Secretary of War, 5 April 1805, Letters Received by the Secretary of War Related to Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M271, 1:302; John Sibley, A Report from Natchitoches in 1807, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1922), pp. 40-41; Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: Citadel Press, 1966), pp. 226-43; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 133-39.
81. George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent Written from His Letters, ed. Savoie E. Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), p. 37; Jacob Fowler, The Journal of Jacob Fowler, ed. Elliott Coues (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1965), pp. 51-59; John Sibley to the Secretary of War, 5 April 1805, Letters Received by the Secretary of War Related to Indian Affairs, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M271, 1:302; John Sibley, A Report from Natchitoches in 1807, ed. Annie Heloise Abel (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1922), pp. 40-41; Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: Citadel Press, 1966), pp. 226-43; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 133-39.
82. Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), pp. 193-98. Isenberg's is a wide-ranging and broadly conceived study. His main objective is to place the destruction of the bison within the context of two meta-narratives of eighteenth-and nineteenth-century history - European imperial expansion, which introduced new economic systems and animals to the Great Plains, and the concomitant European biological invasion, which led to a global decline in ecological diversity. Isenberg is not particularly concerned with the spatial and temporal specifics of the bison's decline, and he does not discuss the possibility of the early decline of the bison.
83. Isenberg, Destruction of the Bison (note 7 above), p. 84; Montford Stokes and F. W. Armstrong to Lewis Cass, 29 December 1835, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the Western Superintendency, National Archives Microfilm Publication, M234, 921:1069.
84. For the increasing external pressure around Comanchería, see T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), pp. 305-33; Rollings, Osage (note 18 above), pp. 147-48; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 210-21; Hoig, Tribal Wars (note 18 above), pp. 108-35.
85. For the increasing external pressure around Comanchería, see T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), pp. 305-33; Rollings, Osage (note 18 above), pp. 147-48; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 210-21; Hoig, Tribal Wars (note 18 above), pp. 108-35.
86. For the increasing external pressure around Comanchería, see T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), pp. 305-33; Rollings, Osage (note 18 above), pp. 147-48; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 210-21; Hoig, Tribal Wars (note 18 above), pp. 108-35.
87. For the increasing external pressure around Comanchería, see T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), pp. 305-33; Rollings, Osage (note 18 above), pp. 147-48; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 210-21; Hoig, Tribal Wars (note 18 above), pp. 108-35.
88. Richard I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians: Thirty-three Years' Personal Experience among the Red Men of the Great West (1883; reprint, New York: Archer House, 1959), p. 286; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 484-85; Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo" (note 15 above), pp. 49-50.
89. Richard I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians: Thirty-three Years' Personal Experience among the Red Men of the Great West (1883; reprint, New York: Archer House, 1959), p. 286; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 484-85; Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo" (note 15 above), pp. 49-50.
90. Richard I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians: Thirty-three Years' Personal Experience among the Red Men of the Great West (1883; reprint, New York: Archer House, 1959), p. 286; Flores, "Bison Ecology" (note 1 above), pp. 484-85; Dobak, "Killing the Canadian Buffalo" (note 15 above), pp. 49-50.
91. Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches (note 16 above), pp. 199-200.
92. Shepard Krech III has pointed out that this kind of argument entails construing conservation and waste in other than utilitarian, or western, terms. To the Plains Indians, he argues, conservation meant maintaining a total relationship with the bison through ceremonies and rituals, not being concerned with the actual numbers or densities of the species. See Krech, Ecological Indian (note 12 above), p. 149.
93. Douglas Bamforth has shown that human predation could have had profound effects on bison's migration and settlement patterns. When under pressure, the herds could migrate more erratically, aggregate into larger and more mobile herds, and even shift their core home range. See Douglas B. Bamforth, "Historical Documents and Bison Ecology on the Great Plains," Plains Anthropologist 32 (February 1987): 1-16.
94. For Comanche pastoralism, see Gerard Betty, "Comanche Warfare, Pastoralism, and Enforced Cooperation," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 88 (1995): 1-12; Gerard Betty, '"Skillful in the Management of the Horse': The Comanches as Southern Plains Pastoralists," Heritage of the Great Plains 30 (spring/summer 1997): 5-13; Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 498. For a general analysis of Plains Indian pastoralism, see Clyde H. Wilson, "An Inquiry into the Nature of Plains Indian Cultural Development," American Anthropologist (April 1963): 355-69.
95. For Comanche pastoralism, see Gerard Betty, "Comanche Warfare, Pastoralism, and Enforced Cooperation," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 88 (1995): 1-12; Gerard Betty, '"Skillful in the Management of the Horse': The Comanches as Southern Plains Pastoralists," Heritage of the Great Plains 30 (spring/summer 1997): 5-13; Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 498. For a general analysis of Plains Indian pastoralism, see Clyde H. Wilson, "An Inquiry into the Nature of Plains Indian Cultural Development," American Anthropologist (April 1963): 355-69.
96. For Comanche pastoralism, see Gerard Betty, "Comanche Warfare, Pastoralism, and Enforced Cooperation," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 88 (1995): 1-12; Gerard Betty, '"Skillful in the Management of the Horse': The Comanches as Southern Plains Pastoralists," Heritage of the Great Plains 30 (spring/summer 1997): 5-13; Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 498. For a general analysis of Plains Indian pastoralism, see Clyde H. Wilson, "An Inquiry into the Nature of Plains Indian Cultural Development," American Anthropologist (April 1963): 355-69.
97. For Comanche pastoralism, see Gerard Betty, "Comanche Warfare, Pastoralism, and Enforced Cooperation," Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 88 (1995): 1-12; Gerard Betty, '"Skillful in the Management of the Horse': The Comanches as Southern Plains Pastoralists," Heritage of the Great Plains 30 (spring/summer 1997): 5-13; Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above), p. 498. For a general analysis of Plains Indian pastoralism, see Clyde H. Wilson, "An Inquiry into the Nature of Plains Indian Cultural Development," American Anthropologist (April 1963): 355-69.
98. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
99. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
100. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
101. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
102. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
103. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
104. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.
105. Hämäläinen, "Western Comanche Trade Center" (note 13 above); Kavanagh, Comanche Political History (note 5 above), pp. 199-203; Foster, Being Comanche (note 5 above), pp. 47-48; Frances Levine, "Economic Perspectives on the Comanchero Trade," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine Spielmann (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991), pp. 158-62. For evidence that Comanches ate horses already in the 1820s and 1830s, see Juan Antonio Padilla, "Texas in 1820: Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 23 (1919): 54; José Francisco Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes of Texas in 1828, ed. John C. Ewers, trans. Georgette Dorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 8; George Catlin, North American Indians, ed. Peter Matthiessen (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), p. 323; Victor Tixier, Tixier's Travels on the Osage Prairies, ed. John Francis McDermott, trans. Albert J. Salvan (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1940), p. 266.