A Europe of Regions: Reflections on the Historiography of Sub-National Places in Modern Times

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 1157-1182

  Applegate, Celia ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0038347033     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2649565     Document Type: Article

References (170)

1. John Sallnow and Sarah Arlett, "Regionalism in Europe," Geographical Magazine 61 (September 1989): 9.
2. Tom Nairn, "Does Tomorrow Belong to the Bullets or the Bouquets?" New Statesman (June 19, 1992), Supplement: 30.
3. Rolf Lindner, ed., Die Wiederkehr des Regionalen: Über neue Formen kultureller Identität (Frankfurt, 1994), 7.
4. John Newhouse, "Europe's Rising Regionalism," Foreign Affairs 76 (January-February 1997): 68.
5. Hans Mommsen, "Die Nation is tot: Es lebe die Region," Nation Deutschland? Guido Knopp, Siegfried Quandt, and Herbert Scheffler, eds. (Munich, 1984), 35;
6. Rainer S. Elkar, "Die Ausbreitung regionalistischer Bewegungen in Europa," Europas Unruhige Regionen, Elkar, ed. (Stuttgart, 1981), 10;
7. Jochen Blaschke, Handbuch der westeuropäische Regionalbewegungen (Frankfurt, 1980), 5-7.
8. See also Dirk Gerdes, ed., Aufstand der Provinz: Regionalismus in Westeuropa (Frankfurt, 1980), 25.
9. Mark Dubrulle, ed., Régionalisme, fédéralisme, écologisme: L'union de l'Europe sur de nouvelles bases économiques et culturelles; Un hommage àDenis de Rougemont (Brussels, 1997), 3. For a discussion of efforts to define what a region is and doubts about whether the question is ultimately a useful one to ask, see below.
10. New Statesman (June 19, 1992), Supplement: 17.
11. Christopher Harvie, The Rise of Regional Europe (New York, 1994), x.
12. Nairn, "Does Tomorrow," 30.
13. Harvie, Rise of Regional Europe, 4, xi.
14. The scope of the following discussion will be limited to the historiographies of Germany, France, and Great Britain, with only occasional attention to those of Spain, Italy, and Eastern Europe. The analytical and conceptual issues discussed below will, I hope, have relevance across Europe, but the spécifie experiences of regionality have varied enormously from place to place.
15. The nature of the connection between the upsurge in regional movements in the 1970s and the reordering of regional historiography remains unspecified, although a number of historians seem to assume some loose connection, a kind of Zeitgeist effect. See, for instance, Jürgen Reulecke, "Von der Land^geschichte zur Regionalgeschichte," 'Geschichte im Westen 6 (1991): 202.
16. Eugen Weber, My France: Politics, Culture, Myth (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 23.
17. J. W. Burrow, A Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past (New York, 1981), 3.
18. Stefan Berger, "Historians and Nation-Building in Germany after Reunification," Past and Present 148 (August 1995): 188.
19. Probably the earliest recognition of the crucial role that historians played in German nation-building was Lord Acton's "German Schools of History," English Historical Review 1 (1886): 7-42.
20. The classic account is Georg G. Iggers, The German Conception of History: Tlie National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present (Middletown, Conn., 1968).
21. Robert Gildea, The Past in French History (New Haven, Conn., 1994), 166-213.
22. On regionalism as a political and cultural movement in French history, see also Thiébaut Flory, Le mouvement regionalist français (Paris, 1966);
23. and Christian Gras and Georges Livet, Régions et régionalisme en France du XVIIIe siècle ànos jours (Paris, 1977).
24. For historical perspectives on Landesgeschichte, see Peter Steinbach, "Zur Diskussion über den Begriff der 'Region'-Eine Grundsatzfrage der modernen Landesgeschichte," Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 31 (1981): 185-210;
25. and Reulecke, "Von der Landesgeschichte zur Regionalgeschichte," 202-08.
26. See the careful consideration of Bloch's engagement with the field of geography in the early twentieth century in Susan W. Friedman, Marc Bloch, Sociology and Geography: Encountering Changing Disciplines (New York, 1996), 65-69, 76-79, 176-77.
27. Carole Fink, Marc Bloch: A Life in History (New York, 1989), 124-25, 142.
28. One is reminded of Gibbon's description of Sébastien Le Nain de Tillemont as his "sure-footed mule." Marc Bloch, Les caractères originaux de l'histoire rurale française, 2 vols. (Paris, 1952, 1956), 2: xxxi.
29. See also Jochen Hoock, "Regionalgeschichte als Methode: Das französische Beispiel," Kultur und Staat in der Provinz: Perspektiven und Erträge der Regionalgeschichte, Stefan Brakensiek, Axel Flügel, Werner Freitag, and Robert von Friedeburg, eds. (Bielefeld, 1992), 29-40.
30. Jonathan Beecher makes a similar point in his review of Fernand Braudel, The Identity of France, in the Journal of Modern History 67 (June 1997): 426.
31. On the central figure in the "struggle over methodologies" or Methodenstreit, Karl Lamprecht, and his distinctive style of cultural history, see Roger Chickering, Karl Lainprccht: A German Academic Life (1856-1915) (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1993).
32. There has been a good deal of attention to Volksgeschichte in recent years, as a neglected origin of the social-scientific history writing of the postwar era. See especially James Van Horn Melton, "From Folk History to Structural History: Otto Brunner (1898-1982) and the Radical-Conservative Roots of German Social History," Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s, Hartmut Lehmann and Melton, eds. (New York, 1994), 263-92;
33. Willi Oberkrome, Volksgeschichte: Methodische Innovation und völkische Ideologisiening in der deutschen Geschichtswissenschaft, 1918-1945 (Göttingen, 1993);
34. Steinbach, "Zur Diskussion über den Begriff der 'Region'";
35. G. Oestreich, "Die Fachhistorie und die Anfänge der sozialgeschichtlichen Forschung in Deutschland," Strtiktiirprobleme der frühen Neuzeit, G. Oestreich, ed. (Berlin, 1980), 57-95;
36. and Axel Flügel, "Der Ort der Regionalgeschichte in der neuzeitlichen Geschichte," in Brakensiek, Kultur und Staat in der Provinz, 1-28.
37. Quoted in Friedman, Marc Bloch, Sociology and Geography, 79.
38. James Retallack, "Election Campaigns and Franchise Struggles in Regional Perspective: A Conference Report," German History 13 (1995): 76.
39. Gert Zang, Die wiauflialtsame Annäherung an das Einzelne: Reflexionen über den theoretischen und praktischen Nutzen der Regional- und Alltagsgeschichte (Konstanz, 1985), 20;
40. and Konrad Jarausch, "Normalisierung oder Re-Nationalisierung? Zur Umdeutung der deutschen Vergangenheit," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 21 (October-December 1995): 571.
41. In post-1945 Germany, not to write national history was to court the suspicion that one was avoiding writing national history, and, by inexorable moral extension, avoiding a necessary confrontation with the National Socialist past. The relentlessly national emphases of Sozialgeschichte, as it emerged in the 1960s among the non-Marxist Left (Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Jürgen Kocka, and others), reflected in part a reaction to what its practitioners considered to be the unacceptable politics of postwar regional history, with its often explicitly redemptive tone and its effort to find another past, one not sullied by the Nazis. See the important essay by Bernd Weisbrod, "Region und Zeitgeschichte: Das Beispiel Niedersachsen," Niedersächsiches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 68 (1996): 91-105;
42. and Celia Applegate, 4 Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley, Calif., 1990), 228-46.
43. This is a problematically vague term for a wide range of historically oriented social science that had its heyday in the 1950s and the 1960s in the Anglo-American academic world. Others, especially Hans-Ulrich Wehler, find the Anglo-American tradition simplistic and attribute the theory and methodology of the term to Max Weber. Wehler's multivolume Deutsche Gesellscliaftsgeschichte represents a thoroughgoing historical realization of Weber's ideas about the structuring of historical change (Deutsche Gesellscliaftsgeschichte, 3 vols. [Munich, 1987-96]). In any case, the present essay does not account for the origins and continuing influence of modernization theory in any of its guises, though such an essay would be useful. A good brief treatment is Geoff Eley, "German History and the Contradictions of Modernity: The Bourgeoisie, the State, and the Mastery of Reform," in Society, Culture and the State in Germany, 1870-1930, Eley, ed. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1996), 67-103.
44. Sidney Pollard, Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization of Europe 1760-1970 (New York, 1981), vii. Pollard referred here in particular to the work of Alexander Gerschenkron, W. W. Rostow, and Simon Kuznets.
45. John Agnew and James Duncan, The Power of Place: Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Winchester, Mass., 1989), 1-3.
46. Justo G. Beramendi, Ramon Maiz, and Xosé M. Nunez, eds., "Introduction," Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, 2 vols. (Santiago de Compostela, 1994), 1: 1.
47. Hans-Jürgen Fühle, "Nation States, Nations, and Nationalism in Western and Southern Europe," in Beramendi, Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, 2: 28;
48. Berger, "Historians and Nation-Building in Germany," 219.
49. Wilhelm Ballon, preface to Regionalismus: Phänomen; Planungsmittel; Herausforderung für Europa-Eine Einführung, Fried Esterbauer, ed. (Munich, 1978), 5-6;
50. and Kurt Bartlewski, preface to Stadt und Region-Region und Stadt: Stadtgeschichte-Urbanisieritngsgescliichtc-Regionalgeschich te, Heinz-Jürgen Priamus and Ralf Himmelmann, eds. (Essen, 1993), 9.
51. James Kellas, "The Study of Nationalism in Europe: The State of the Art," in Beramendi, Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, 1: 55.
52. For a defense of Weberian, as compared to American, modernization research, see Hans-Ulrich Wehler, "Modernisierungstheorie und Geschichte," Gegenwart als Geschichte, rev. edn. (Göttingen, 1995)
53. -an updated version of his Modemisierungstheorie und Geschichte (Göttingen, 1975).
54. For a stimulating critique of "Ideological temporality," see William H. Sewell, Jr., "Three Temporalities: Toward an Eventful Sociology," The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences, Terrence J. McDonald, ed. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1996), 247-54.
55. Hans-Ulrich Wehler, "A Guide to Future Research on the Kaiserreich?" Central European History 29 (1996): 552.
56. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1966);
57. Perry Andcrson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1974);
58. William H. McNcill, The Shape of European History (New York, 1974);
59. and Immanucl Wallerstein, The Modern World-System (New York, 1974).
60. Sewcll, "Three Temporalities," 249-50.
61. Stein Rokkan and Derek W. Urwin, Economy, Territory, Identity: Politics of West European Peripheries (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1983), 19.
62. On Belgium, see André Frognier, Michel Quevit, and Marie Stenbock, "Regional Imbalances and Centre-Periphery Relationships in Belgium," in The Politics of Territorial Identity, Stein Rokkàn and Derek W. Urwin, eds. (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1982), 251-78;
63. on Norway, see Frank H. Aaerebrot, "Norway: Centre and Periphery in a Peripheral State," in Politics of Territorial Identity, 75-112.
64. For a more general appreciation of Stein Rokkan's work on centers and peripheries, see Per Torsvik, ed., Mobilization, Center-Periphery Structures and Nation-Building (Oslo, 1981).
65. For a theoretical exposition of the fully adumbrated model, see Rokkan and Urwin, Economy, Territory, Identity.
66. Besides Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality (New York, 1953),
67. see Karl Deutsch's less technical version in Nationalism and Its Alternatives (New York, 1969).
68. Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development (1975; New Brunswick, N.J., 1999);
69. and "The Persistence of Regionalism in the British Isles, 1885-1966," American Journal of Sociology 79 (September 1973): 319-42.
70. See, for example, Blaschke, Handbuch der westeuropäische Regionalbewegungen; Gcides,Aitfstand der Provinz; and Rainer S. Elkar, ed.,
71. Europas unruhige Regionen: Geschichtsbewutsein und europäischer Regionalismus (Stuttgart, 1981);
72. Dudley Seers and Kjell Ostrom, The Crises of the European Regions (New York, 1983);
73. Wilhelm Ribhegge, Europa-Nation-Region (Darmstadt, 1991);
74. and Günter Lottes, ed., Region, Nation, Europa (Heidelberg, 1992).
75. Allan Mitchell, "'A Real Foreign Country': Bavarian Particularism in Imperial Germany 1870-1918," Francia 7 (1979): 587.
76. Weisbrod, "Region und Zeitgeschichte," 90; Dieter Langewiesche, "Liberalismus und Region," Liberalismus und Region: Zur Geschichte des deutschen Liberalismus im 19. Jahrhundert, Lothar Gall and Langewiesche, eds. (Munich, 1995), 1;
77. Cris Shore and Annabel Black, "The European Communities and the Construction of Europe," Anthropology Today 8 (June 1992): 10.
78. For a slightly fuller explanation of the contemporary anthropological critique of center-periphery studies, see Robert Ulin, "The Current Tide in American Europeanist Anthropology: From Margins to Centre?" Anthropology Today 1 (December 1991);
79. and M. Kearney, "The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism," Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995): 547-65.
80. This view may be found most fully developed in Pollard, Peaceful Conquest; see also Sidney Pollard, ed., Region und Industrialisierung: Studien zur Rolle der Regionen in der Wirtschaftsgeschichte der letzten zwei Jahrhunderte (Göttingen, 1980);
81. Rainer Fremdling and Richard A. Tilly, eds., Industrialisierung und Raum: Studien zur regionalen Differenzierung in Deutschland des 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1979); and Hubert Kiesewetter, Industrialisierung und Landwirtschaft (Cologne, 1988).
82. A path-breaking but undervalued work in this context is Frank Tipton, Regional Variations in the Economic Development of Germany during the Nineteenth Century (Middletown, Conn., 1976).
83. Pollard, Peaceful Conquest, vi, 115.
84. For a recent work that views geographical areas in terms of their links not with a nation but with a larger-than-national region, see Louis Bergeron, éd., La croissance régionale dans l'Europe méditerranéenne ltf-2(f siècles (Paris, 1992).
85. Pat Hudson, ed., Regions and Industries: A Perspective on the Industrial Revolution in Britain (New York, 1989), 1.
86. A loosely similar use of the regional perspective to form alternative narratives of industrialization is Tessie P. Liu, The Weaver's Knot: The Contradictions of Class Struggle and Family Solidarity in Western France, 1750-1914 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994). Her emphasis is less, however, on the region as such than on ways of organizing production and responding to economic crisis that have been ignored in single-process narratives of industrialization.
87. J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Town Labourer 1760-1832: The New Civilisation (London, 1919);
88. J. H. Clapham,v4;i Economic History of Modem Britain, Vol. 1:
89. The Early Railway Age 1820-1850 (Cambridge, 1926).
90. J. L. Hammond, "Industrial Revolution and Discontent," English Historical Review 2 (1929-30): 215-28.
91. A full account of the Clapham-Hammond confrontation may he found in Stcwart A. Weaver, The Hanimoiuls: A Marriage in Histoiy (Stanford, Calif., 1997), 182-209.
92. David Cannadinc, "British History: Past, Present-and Future?" Past and Present 116 (1987): 183;
93. cited in Hudson, Regions anil Industrie.1;, 1.
94. A variation on the deceptive nature of national aggregates comes in Douglas Forsythe's review (Journal of Modern Histoiy 68 [June 1996]: 491)
95. of Vera Zamagni, Economic Histoiy of Italy, 1860-1990 (Oxford, 1993). He urges an even more "systematic discussion of regional variations in economic development" as a way to reveal that "Italy's place on the periphery of the economically developed world early in the century" was an "artifact of national aggregates." He also urges more attention to "light industry," an issue with regional implications as well.
96. Gar>' Herrige!, Industrial Constructions: The Sources of German Industrial Power (New York, 1996).
97. Herrigcl refers especially to Gcrschenkron's discussion of Germany in Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, Mass., 1962),
98. and Continuity in History and Other Essays (Cambridge, Mass., 1968);
99. see Herrigcl, Industrial Constructions, 3-14.
100. 7 Herrigel, Industrial Constructions, 1.
101. Herrigel, Industrial Constructions, 1-3. It is also worth noting that he understands regions in a loose and functional sense, not as received political territo'ries but as smaller-than-national arenas of economic activity and governance. This understanding allows him to avoid any reification of the "regional economy," which might prove just as stultifying as notions of the national economy. It also has a great deal in common with the fluid definitions of region now developing in historical geography, which I discuss below.
102. Herrigel's work has, of course, crucially important things to say about political history as well, and represents as much of a provocation to reconsideration there as in economic history-indeed, his subject, political economy, explicitly rejects even the (my) convenient pretense of an analytically sustainable separation between politics and economics.
103. Peter Steinbach, "Einleitung," in Modernisierung und Region im wilhelminischen Deutschland, Simone Lässig, Karl Heinrich Pohl, and James Retallack, eds. (Bielefeld, 1995), 12. Steinbach provides a fuller account of his understanding of regional political history as a "corrective," not an end in itself,
104. in "Zur Diskussion über den Begriff 'Region,'" 194-208. His pursuit of this "corrective" has nevertheless in practice begun to constitute an end in itself, that is to say, a distinctively different approach to the political culture of modern Germany.
105. Weisbrod, "Region und Zeitgeschichte," 99-100.
106. This outstanding article, notable both for its provocative analyses and its remarkable succinctness, is unfortunately buried in a regional history journal, the Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte, that all but the largest research libraries in the United States would consider far too obscure to consider purchasing-just one more symptom of the overall problem. There are important ways that historians of a new regional history could learn from the more established methodologies and frameworks of urban history. Such historians as Jürgen Reulecke are outstanding practitioners of both, and the Stadt und Bürgertum project directed by Lothar Gall has liberated the actual urban histories of the nineteenth century from the preconceptions of modernization frameworks.
107. An outstanding American example of such an approach is Jennifer Jenkins, "Provincial Modernity: Culture, Politics and Local Identity in Hamburg, 1885-1914" (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 1997). But the modernization paradigm still has a strong hold on urban history.
108. For instance, a recent article by Dieter K. Buse, "Urban and National Identity: Bremen, 1860-1920," Journal of Social History (Spring 1993): 521-38, charts the decline and disappearance of local distinctiveness-political and cultural-within a framework that confirms modernization assumptions, ironically in order to refute the notion of a special German path.
109. The sole appearance to date of focused attention to regionalism in the prestigious journal Geschichte und Gesellschaft was an issue in 1994, devoted to "Nationalismen und Regionalismen in Westeuropa," in which the regions covered were the usual suspects-Catalonia, Northern Ireland, the Basque lands, and various peripheral regions in France.
110. On Saxony, see Simone Lässig and Karl Heinricli Pohl, eds., Sachsen im Kaiserreich: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Umbruch (Dresden, 1997);
111. and James Retallack, "Society and Politics in Saxony in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Reflections on Recent Research," Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 38 (1998): 396-457.
112. A recent sampling of this literature, to which American scholars have long made important contributions, is Horst Müller, Andreas Wirsching, and Walter Ziegler, eds., Nationalsozialismus in der Region: Beiträge zur regionalen und lokalen Forschung und zum internationalen Vergleich (Munich, 1996).
113. Peter Steinbach, "Einleitung," in Lässig, Modernisierung und Region im wilhelminischen Deutschland, 11.
114. This excellent volume of essays contains a vast set of references to this body of scholarship. For an English-language offering, see Dirk Berg-Schlosser and Ralf Rytlewski, eds., Political Culture in Germany (New York, 1993),
115. especially the article by Hans-Georg Wehling, "The Significance of Regional Variations: The Case of Baden-Württemberg," 91-100.
116. See especially James Retallack, "Politische Kultur, Wahlkultur, Regionalgeschichte," in Lässig, Modernisierung und Region, 32, 17.
117. An excellent, brief analysis of the "conceptually underdeveloped" field of French provincial history may be found in W. D. Edmonds, " 'Qu'est-ce que la Province?' Some Books in English on Provincial France during the Revolution," European History Quarterly 25 (1995): 117-27.
118. Ted W. Margadant, Urban Rivalries in the French Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1992).
119. Caroline Ford, Creating the Nation in Provincial France: Religion and Political Identity in Brittany (Princeton, N.J., 1993), 4-9.
120. Ford, Creating the Nation, 9.
121. Before concluding this section devoted to the revision of modernization theory, I should also mention William Brustein, The Social Origins of Political Regionalism: France, 1849-1981 (Berkeley, Calif., 1988), which seeks to discard normative models of social change and construct instead a picture of society fully differentiated by contrasting regional modes of production. Brustein's work bears some similarities to Herrigcl, in its emphasis on the essential regionality of social change.
122. Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Refrained: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York, 1996), 13.
123. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. edn. (London, 1991).
124. Brubaker, Nationalism Refrained, 15.
125. See especially Pierre Bourdieu, "Identity and Representation: Critical Reflections on the Idea of Region," Language and Symbolic Power, John B. Thompson, ed., Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, trans. (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 220-28;
126. and Rogers Brubaker, "Rethinking Classical Theory: The Sociological Vision of Pierre Bourdieu," Theory and Society 14 (1985): 745-75.
127. Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis, 1996), 178-79.
128. Khachig Tölölyan, "The Nation-State and Its Others: In Lieu of a Preface," Becoming National: A Reader, Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, eds. (New York, 1996), 427.
129. Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, 2 vols., 5th rev. edn. (Tübingen, 1976), 1: 237.
130. The translation in the standard English edition somewhat obscures the issue-see Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology', 2 vols. (Berkeley, Calif., 1978), 1: 388.
131. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 6.
132. As I note below, the most murderous of regionalist movements, like the Basque one, claim to be nationalist movements, and thus fall into the twilight zone in which regions and nations blend indistinguishably into each other.
133. Sharon Macdonald, "Identity Complexes in Western Europe: Social Anthropological Perspectives," in Macdonald, ed., Inside European Identities: Ethnography in Western Europe (Providence, R.I., '1993), 2.
134. A neatly constructed demonstration of this dual role can be found in John R. Eidson, "German Local History as Metaphor and Sanction," Anthropological Quarterly 66 (July 1993): 134-48.
135. See the summarizing remarks by Stuart Woolf, in Beramendi, Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, 2: 616, 618, 620.
136. 8J Applegate, Nation of Provincials.
137. Katharine D. Kennedy, "Regionalism and Nationalism in South German History Lessons, 1871-1914," German Studies Review 12 (1989): 11-33.
138. The literature on monuments, national and otherwise, has also been a context in which such a perspective is developed. See especially Reinhard Alings, Monument und Nation: Das Bild vom Nationalstaat im Medium Denkmal-Zum Verhältnis von Nation und Staat im deutschen Kaiserreich 1871-1918 (Berlin, 1996).
139. Arno Mohr's study of the "function of regional history" in postwar German Länder argues that a highly constructed regional historical consciousness for these new political entities served as a kind of prerequisite for renewed political participation in the Federal Republic of Germany: "The growing sense of the territory's historicity became a measure of the maturing of political identity." See Mohr, "Politische Identität um jeden Preis? Zur Funktion der Landesgeschichtsschreibung in den Bundesländern," Neue Politische Literatur 35 (1990): 265.
140. Charlotte Tacke, "The Nation in the Region: National Movements in Germany and France in the 19th Century," in Beramendi, Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, 2: 691-92, 694;
141. see also Tacke, Denkmal im sozialen Raum: Nationale Symbole in Deutschland und Frankreich im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1995).
142. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt and Charlotte Tacke, "Die Kultur des Nationalen: Sozial- und kulturgeschichtliche Ansätze bei der Erforschung des europäischen Nationalismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert," Kulturgeschichte Heute, Wolfgang Hardtwig and Hans-Ulrich Wehler, eds. (Göttingen, 1996), 255-83
143. ; Tacke, "Nation in the Region," 694.
144. Eley and Suny, Becoming National, 323.
145. Bourdieu, "Identity and Representation," 223.
146. Marianne Heiberg, The Making of the Basque Nation (New York, 1989);
147. for a briefer exposition of her argument, see "Basques, Anti-Basques, and the Moral Community," in Eley and Suny, Becoming National, 325-36.
148. Maryon McDonald, "\VeAre Not French!": Language, Culture, and Identity in Brittany (New York, 1989).
149. Winnie Lem, "Identity and History: Class and Regional Consciousness in Rural Languedoc," Journal of Historical Sociology 8 (June 1995): 198-220.
150. Heidi Kelley, "The Myth of Matriarchy: Symbols of Womanhood in Galician Regional Identity," Anthropological Quarterly 67 (April 1994): 71-80. The gendering of regionalist discourse is a theme that has not, to my knowledge, been much developed independent of the national framework in the historical literature on Europe.
151. Rüdiger Gans and Detlef Briescn explicitly make this argument in "Das Siegerland zwischen ländlicher Beschränkung und nationaler Entgrenzung: Enge und Weite als Elemente regionaler Identität," in Lindner, Die Wiederkehr des Regionalen, 66-70.
152. Appadurai, Modernity at Large, 178.
153. See especially Tackc and Haupt, "Die Kultur des Nationalen."
154. McDonald, "We Are Not French, " 22.
155. Interestingly, Ellen Badone, another anthropologist working on Brittany, has argued that people's perceptions of cultural identity in Brittany make much finer and more fixed distinctions among localities within the region of Brittany than many anthropologists have allowed. See Badone, "Ethnicity, Folklore, and Local Identity in Rural Brittany," Journal of American Folklore 100 (April-June 1987): 161-90.
156. Agnew and Duncan, Power of Place, 1.
157. Keith Stringer, "Social and Political Communities in European History: Some Reflections on Recent Studies," Nations, Nationalism and Patriotism in the European Past, Claus Björn, Alexander Grant, and Keith J. Stringer, eds. (Copenhagen, 1994), 9.
158. Brubaker, Nationalism Refrained, 15.
159. Of the many discussions of postmodernity and place, see especially David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford, 1989), 201-307.
160. For useful summaries of the debate, see Mary Beth Pudup, "Arguments within Regional Geography," Progress in Human Geography 12 (1988): 369-90;
161. Anne Gilbert, "The New Regional Geography in English and French-Speaking Countries," Progress in Human Geography 12 (1988): 208-28;
162. and R. J. Johnston, A Question of Place: Exploring the Practice of Human Geography (Oxford, 1991), 38-68.
163. For a somewhat recent and comprehensive account of the intersections of history and geography, see William Norton, Historical Analysis in Geography (New York, 1984).
164. Alexander Murphy, "Regions as Social Constructs: The Gap between Theory and Practice," Progress in Human Geography 15 (1991): 23. He is referring not to the work of historians but to that of conventional regional geographers, but the charge has surprising force in a historiographical context as well.
165. A. Warde, "Recipes for a Pudding: A Comment on Locality," Antipode 21 (1989): 279-80;
166. Johnston, Question of Place, 68;
167. Nigel Thrift, "For a New Regional Geography, 2," Progress in Human Geography 15 (1991): 456-65.
168. Beatrice Ploch and Heinz Schilling, "Region als Handlungslandschaft: Überlokale Orientierung als Dispositiv und kulturelle Praxis-Hessen als Beispiel," in Lindner, Die Wiederkehr des Regionalen, 122-57.
169. Wolfgang Lipp, ed., Industriegesellschaft und Regionalkitltiir (Cologne, 1984), ix;
170. Karl Rohe, "Regionalkultur, regionale Identität und Regionalismus im Ruhrgebiet: Empirische Sachverhalte und theoretische Überlegungen," in Lipp, Indiistriegesellschaft und Regionalkultur, 123. Celia Applcgate is an associate professor of history at the University of Rochester.